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SUUMALAISEN TIEDEARATEMIAN 
TIOIMITUKSIA 


ANNALES 
AGADEMIA SCIENTIARUM FENNICA 


ro. XIII 


HELSINKI 1914 
SUOMALAISEN TIEDEAKATEMIAN KUSTANTAMA 


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HELSINKI 1914 
SUOMALAISEN KIRJALLISUUDEN SEURAN KIRJATAINON OSAKEYHTIO 


Sisällys. — Index. 


N:o 1. RUDOLF HOLSTI. The relation of war to the oriein of the state 

N:0 2. HARRY HOLMA. Die assyrisch-babylonischen Personennamen der 
Form qgultulu mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Wörter für 

Körperfehler. 

N:0 3. EINAR HEIKEL. Die „Marinorgruppe aus Sparta“ und ihre Erklärung. 

N:o 4. WALTER O. STRENG. Himmel und Wetter im Volkswlauben und 
Sprache in Frankreich 1. 


Digitized by Google 


THE RELATION OF WAR 


ORIGIN OF THE STATE 


RUDOLF HOLSTI 


HELSINKI 1913 


CHAPTER I 


MODERN THEORIES Ol: THE STATE 


. 
. u 


The greatest obstacle to an investigation into the relation 
hetween the State and war arises from the confusion uf opinions 
and theories with regard to the character of the State and there- 
fore also of its origin, while, broadly speaking, only the process- 
of destruction in war has undergone changes during the devel- 
opment of civilization but not the essence of war itself. ' 

Of the various theories of the State, the philosophical, poli- 
tical, juristice and sociological, the two last-mentioned seem 
lately to have attained predominance. The philosophical theo- 
ries appear nowadays to hold a secondary vosition only, i. e. as 
Jellinek observes, instead of giving ideas to the political scienc- 
es they obtain views from them. ? As regards the political 


1 Leiourneau, La guerre, pref. 

2 Jellinek, Allgemeine Staatslehre, p. 65. — Cf. Paulsen, System der 
Ethik, vol. Il, p. 544 n. 

See, however, also Bosanquet, The Philosophical Theory of the State, 
chap. I; — Steinmetz, Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 190 sqq. and passim. 

As for juristic theories moulded by earlier philosophical doctrines see 
e. g. on the influence of Hegel on modern German Jurisprudence, Duxuit, 
L’Etat, p. 106; and on the hold of German thinking over »la jeune Ecole fran- 
saise, Drguit, Op. cit. p. 20. See also Heimweh, Droit de conqutte, p. 38. — 
Regarding the cunnection between Hobbes and Austin, see e. g. Spencer, 
Man versus the State, p. 372; on the relation of English Jurisprudence to 
Hegel Wilson, The Province of the State, p. 211 sqq 


2 B. XII ı 


doctrines, it is by no means an easy task clearly to distinguish 
them on the one hand from the juristic " and on the other hand 
from the sociological theories. Thus, many political treatises 
based on an inquiry into the gradual development of political 
organization may be, and indeed are, classified as sociological in- 
vestigations as well.” It is thus above all to modern juristie 
and sociological theories of the State that we have to pay atten- 
tion. 


Of the juristic theories it is admitted, even among modern 
Jurists themselves, that the great number of different views, 
which are often in radical opposition to each other, in regard to 
the character of the State, causes much harm not merely to 
political philosophy (Staatslehre) itself, but at the same time 
to all the other branches of political science ? (Staatswissen- 


I E. g. Schmidt, Allgemeine Staatslehre, vol. I, p. 26 sq. See also 
-p. 98 on the relation of Treitschke’s theory to Jurisprudence; — Rehm, 
Politik als Wissenschaft; in Handbuch der Politik, vol. I, p. 8 sqq. 

?2 Gumplowicz, Rechtstaat und Socialismus; — /dem, Rassenkampf; — 
Ratzenhofer, Politik; — Jühns, Krieg, Frieden und Kultur. 

3 Seidler freelv declares: — »Der unbefriedigende Zustand der Lehre 
vom juristischen Kriterium des Staates wird allerseits schwer empfunden. 
Die grosse Menge einander widerstreitender Ansichten, die offenbar nur 
dadurch möglich geworden ist, dass keine sich als die richtige durchzusetzen 
vermochte, wirkt bei der zentralen (italics by Seidler) Stellung der Lehre 
im System des Staatsrechts wie niederdrückender Ballast auf jeden weitern, 
wissenschaftlichen Fortschritt... Die Ursachen des geschilderten Zustan- 
des sind nicht auf Rechnung unzureichender Beherrschung der juristischen 
Methode zu setzen, .. sondern auf Rechnung unzureichender Ausbildung 
einer Naturlehre des Staates welche uns über das reale Wesen desselben 
Aufschluss zu geben hätte». — Op. cit. pp. V.,2—15, 56 n, 60, 90n, and 95.— 

CI. Duguit, L’Etat, pp. 2, 241 sq. and passim; — Jellinek, Allgemeine 
Staatslehre, p. 24 sq.; — Idem, System der subjektiven öffentlichen 
Rechte, p. 12; — v. Frisch, Die Aufgaben des Staates; in Handbuch der 
Politik, vol. I, pp. 47, 62. 

Ratzel observes: — »In der Naturgeschichte hat man die bezeichnenden 
Namen Museumszoologie und Herbariumsbotanik; das ist in der Lehre vom 
Staat die Methode, vom Horror vitae diktiert den Staat erst von seiner 


B. Xillı 3 


schaft). This confusion in regard to the nature of the State is 
to a considerable extent at any rate due to the view that it would 
devolve primarily upon Jurisprudence to throw light upon the 
character of the State. ! It is against these tendencies that Du- 
guit justly observes: — »L’Etat est ce qu/il est et tout ce qu’il 
est; et il ne peut pas etre pour le juriste different de ce qu’il 
est dans la realite, pour I’homme politique, le sociologue ou 
l’historien. En verite, elle est etrange, cette pretention des 
juristes de se ereer un Etat a eux». * The juristic doctrines 
must as a rule be restrieted merely to a consideration of consti- 
tutional structure ? and cannot deal with the entire question 
of the origin and gradual development of that form ofthe gener- 
al social life of man which is called political. On the other 
hand, if it is true that sociologv must try to provide the special 


nn nn m m m nn — —- - - — 0 


Grundlage zu lösen und ihn zu studieren, nachdem man ihm so das Leben 
ausgetrieben hat». — Der Staat, p. 6. — Cf. also Dock, Der Souveräni- 
tätsbegriff, p. 67. 

I E. g. Loening, Staat; in Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 
vol. VII, p. 694. 

»Das An-sich des Staates zu bestimmen, die jene praktische Welt 
transcendirende Realität desselben zu erfassen, ist nicht Aufgabe der 
Jurisprudenz sondern einer die natürlichen und ethischen Grundlagen des 
menschlichen Gemeinlebens erforschenden Staatslehrev. — Jellinek, 
System der subjectiven öffentlichen Rechte, p. 20. 

2 Dugnit, L’Etat, p. 242. See — also Mayer, in Festschrift für Laband, 
vol. I, p. 46 sqq.; quoted by ‚Wenzel, Begriff und \WVesen des Staates; in 
Handbuch der Politik, vol. I., p. 41. 

3 »Die juristische Theorie des Staates sucht sein Wesen in der Weise 
zu erfassen, dass er als Rechtsbegriff erscheint». — Menzel, Op. cit. p. 40. 

»Man kann die Betrachtung der geltenden oder in Geltung gewesenen 
Staatsverfassungen de lege lata als juristische, die Beurteilung derselben 
auf ihre wünschenswerten Veränderungen de lege ferenda als politische 
Betrachtungsweise bezeichnen». — Schmidt, Allgemeine Staatslehre, vol. 
Il, p. 27. Cf. p. 6 sa. Ä 

»Die Verfassung (ist) nichts anderes, als ihr Name besagt: die Struktur 
des Staates in juristischer Prägung». — Seidler, Op. cit. p. 70. — See also 
Brie, Entstehung und Untergang des Staates; in Handbuch der Politik. 
vol. I, p. 67. 


4 B. Xl1l ı 


social sciences with those leading principles which all of them 
require both as a basis for their own development and for their 
practical application, '! it follows that it is the duty primarily 
of sociology to find answers to the two questions, What is the 
State’, and What is its origin? »Sociology>, says Spencer, 
»has.. to describe and explain the rise and development of that 
political organization which in several ways regulates affairs». ? 

Though, perhaps, most of the juristic writers ? following the 
view of Jellinek admit * that along with the more limited 
juristic view of the State, there must be a »social theory» as 
well, whose scope is larger, nevertheless juristic writers refuse 
to accept sociology as the science on which it devolves to bring 
forward these »social theorie». ° This opposition seems, 
however, mainly to be due to a wrong idea of the sociological 
theories of the State. Comparatively little attention is paid 
to the theories of Spencer, and Westermarck, Giddings, and 
others are passed over in entire silence, while the criticism 
advanced against the sociological treatment of the subject is 
directed chiefly against the sociological school of Gumplowicz 
and his followers, above all, Ratzenhofer and Oppenheimer. ® 


1 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, chap. XX VII; — Westermarck, 
History of Human Marriage, Introduction; — Giddings, Principles of Socio- 
logy, p. 33; — Ratzenhofer, Politik, vol. III, p. 444; — Idem, Soziologie, p. 
183 sqq.; — Duguit, L’Etat, p. 259. 

* Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, p. 427; — Giddings, Prin- 
ciples of Sociology, p. 36. 

3 Menzel, Op. cit. p. 40. 

4 Jellinek, Allgemeine Staatslehre, p. 61. 

5 Op. cit. p. 65; see also pp. 67, 167 sqq.; — Schmidt, Allgemeine 
Staatslehre, vol. I, pp. 6 sqq, 25 sqq, 92,107 sq.; — sSeidler, Op. cit. p. 17 
sqa. 

Against this view see e. g. Gumplowicz, Die Geschichte der Staats- 
theorien, pp. 523, 571 sqq., passim; — /dem, Die sociologische Staatsidee, 
p. 26 sqq. 

6 E. e. Berolzheimer, Methodik und Abgrenzung der Politik; in Hand- 
buch der Politik, vol. I, p. 16; — Menzel, Op. cit. p. 37 sq. — See also Seid- 
ler, Op. cit. p. 20 n. 


B. XIllı 5 


As however these Sociologists by no means represent the socio- 
logical view, the opposition of juristic writers towards a socio- 
logical exposition of the subject is hardly to the point. 


Jurists ! and Sociologists ? are, generally speaking, unani- 
mous, in ascribing to the State these two chief characteristics: 
The group of men which constitutes a State, must be orga- 
nized under the rule of a government which is independent 
of other governments and it must also occupy a territory of 
its own. 

It is obvious that the first of these features is of the greater 
importance. Men form groups and establish within them some 
form of government and these political bodies occupy and main- 
tain certain territories. Thus the starting point in the investiga- 
tion into the origin of the State is political organization and 
not territorial occupation. 

We must consequently analyse more closely the origin of 
such a form of social organization as may on good grounds be 
considered to constitute the very origin of the State. On this 
point the views of Sociologists seem at first sight widely diver- 
gent. Brinton sees in the social life of bees, ants, and beavers 
such characteristics as lead him to speak of»little states». ? Simi- 
larly Letourneau begins his record of political evolution from 


I Jellinek, Allgemeine Staatslehre, p. 173; — Loening, Staat; in Hand- 
wörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, vol. VII, p. 708; — Seidler, Das 
juristische Kriterium des Staates, pp. 37, 71, 74; — Duguit, L’Etat, p. 9. 
— Wilson, The Province of the State, chap. 1.; cf. p. 219 sqq.; — Nys, Le 
Droit international, vol. I, p. 336; — Oppenheim, International Law, vol. 
I, pp. 100, 264. 

® Spencer, Principles of Ethics, vol. II, chap. XX IV: — Giddings, Prin- 
ciples of Sociology, pp. 37, 174; — Novicow, Les luttes entre societes humai- 
nes et leurs phases successives, p. 238 sq; — Gumplowicz, Die sociologische 
Staatsidee, p. 99 sqq.; — Ratzenhofer, Politik, vol. I, pp. 130, 195; vol. II, p. 
20 sq.; — see, however, vol. I., p. 159; — /dem, Soziologie, p. 139 sq. — 
See also Ratzel, Der Staat, pp. 6, 18, 25, 62 sq, passim. 

8 Brinton, The Basis of Social Relations, p. 7. 


6 B. XIllı 


ants and bees. ' Kropotkin ? justiy points out that many higher 
animals also acknowledge a certain leadership, and Vaccaro,? 
before proceeding to deal with the origin of political authority 
within human societies, refers to the same facts. So, too, Hux- 
ley * observes that the social life of man is merely a part of 
social life in general. ® 

In early Greek thought no clearly marked difference was 
made between the notion of a town and a State. ® According 
to Plato,’ their origin is the same, and the most primitive State 
can consist of four or five men only.® 

Many later authors? derive the origin of the State ultima- 
tely from the same sources as social integration in general 
i. e. from the primitive family or clan and according to this 


I Letourneau, Evolution politique, chap. I. 

2 Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, chap. I and II, passim. 

3 Vaccaro, Les bases sociologiques du Droit et de l’Etat, p. 222 sq. 

4 Huxley, Essays, Ethical and Political, p. 30. 

5 Speaking of the dogs in Constantinople Meyer remarks: — »Sie haben 
sich in scharf gegen einander abgegrenzten Quartieren organisiert, in die 
sie keinen fremden Hund hineinlassen und jeden Abend halten sämtliche 


Hunde eines jeden Quartiers auf einem öden Platz eine ... Versamlung 
ab... Hier kann man also geradezu von räumlich umgrenzten Hunde- 
staaten reden». — Geschichte des Altertums, vol. I, p. 7. 


6 See e. g. Hegel, Die Philosophie der Geschichte, p. 264. 

? Plato, Opera, vol. II, p. 30. 

8 See also Aristotle, Politics, I, 2, 3.; — Seidler, Das juristische Kriterium 
des Staates, p. 19 sqq.; — Gumplowicz, Geschichte der Staatstheorien, p. 42 
s1qg. 
9 Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, passım, especially 
chapters Ill, VI, XX, XX11; — /dem, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, pp. 213 sq., 
222 sq.; — Giddings, Principles of Sociology, pp. 17%, 264, — Höffding, 
Etik, pp. 511, 537. 

Duguit remarks with respect to the early Aryan and Semitie family 
that the father »est le gouvernement de ce petit Etat». — L’Etat, p. 248. 

Hearn points out the clan as the origin of Aryan States. — Aryan 
Household, pp. 321, 335. — See also Hegel, Die Philosophie der Geschichte, 
p. 119; — Seidler, Das juristische Kriteriuın des Staates, p- 19 ad: 3 — Mar- 
tensen, Den Kristliga Etiken, vol. Il, p. 83. 


B. XIIlı 7 


view the paternal authority may be said to constitute the 
earliest form of governmental authority. 

It is therefore that so many travellers, when speaking of 
the political life of rude savage units, ascribe to them the 
rank of a State. Thus Professor Lenz ! calls certain Negro 
societies in West Africa — which have their own language 
and customs — States, although their population does not ex- 
ceed two hundred individuals. Dr. Steinmetz ? and Messrs. 
Hanoteau and Letourneux ? likewise speak of small sovereign 
groups. »Each village is a separate State», says Mr. Shakespear,* 
of the Kuki communities. According to Dr. Broda,? all small 
communistic units are per se States. In a certain sense, Pro- 
fessor Bosanquet observes, it would be true to say that »wher- 
ever men have lived there has always been a ’State’. That is to 
say, there has been some association or corporation, larger than 
the family, and acknowledging no power superior to itself».® 

All these various views agree as least so far that the origin 
of the State is traced back to very primitive forms of social 
integration and that the leading part in this process, as well as 
in the origin of political authority, is not necessarily ascribed 
to war. 


A distinctlv opposite view is held by authors to whom the 
origin of the State seems to be in closest relationship to war. 
Among these theories we have to distinguish, broadly speaking, 
two different views. Firstly, certain Sociologists agree with the 
writers above-mentioned in so far that they, too, trace the origin 


I Lenz, Skizzen aus Westafrika p. 273. 

2 Steinmetz, Studien zur ersten Entwicklung der Strafe, vol. I, p. 
365; cf. p. 382. 

3 Hanoteau and Letourneux, La Kabvylie, vol. Il, p. 8. 

4 Shakespear, Lushei Kuki Clans, p. 43. 

5 Broda, Primitive Communism; in The International, vol. IV, 1909, 
p. 147. — See also Rochas, La Nouvelle Caledonie, p. 241; — Krieger, Neu 
Guinea, p. 192. | 

‚6 Bosanquet. The Philosophical Theory of the State, p. 3. 


8 B. Xlllı 


of the State to the rudimentary forms of early integration in 
general, though on the other hand they argue, that the coher- 
ence of the different groups was caused primarily through 
warlike co-operation and that consequentiy the most primitive 
forms of leadership and government were warlike. Foremost 
among these is Herbert Spencer. Although he does not clearly 
distinguish between the origin and early development of social 
integration and the origin and growth of an essentially political 
organization ! he at the same time, in accordance with his mili- 
tant conception of primitive ages, concludes that primitive socie- 
ties are formed through wars. * »Headship of the society», he 
goes on, »commonly beginning with the influence gained bv the 
warriors of greatest power, boldness and capacity, becomes 
established where activity in war gives opportunity for his 
superiority to show itself and to generate subordination». ? 
Similarly Bagehot maintains that man in early times was 
extremely warlike. Consequently he remarks that »despotism 
grows in the first societies, just as democracy in modern socie- 
ties; it is the government answering the primary need and conge- 
nial to the whole spirit of the time. * According to Jähns the 
most primitive social unit was a society of warriors, and the 
State originated in the election of the most successful warrior 
to its chief.? »A l’origine de l’humanite, alors que les guerres 
sont continuelles», says Vaccaro, »c’est la classe militaire qui 
commande et elle n’admet pas que d’autres classes participent 
au gouvernment». ® — »L’autorit& des chefs cesse ordinaire- 
ment en meme temps que la guerre; cependant, ils conservent 
toujours quelque ascendant sur les membres de la tribu, et ces 


I Gumplowiez, Geschichte der Staatstheorien, pp. 399, 402. 

2 Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 278. 

3 Op. cit. p. vol. II, p. 338. — Cf. vol. I, pp. 12, 545 sqq, 508, 583; 
vol. II, p. 266; — /dem, Principles of Ethics, vol. II, p. 202 sqq. 

* Physics and Politics, p. 65; cf. pp. 25, 77, 81, passim. 

5 Jähns, Krieg, Frieden und Kultur, pp. 65, 97 sq. 

6 Yaccaro, Les bases sociologiques du Droit et de l’Etat, p. 468. 


B. XIII ı A 9 


derniers reconnaissant en eux la force, le courage et la prudence, 
&coutent avec deference leurs conseils». ' Ä 

Dr. Mc Dougall,? Topinard,? and a great number of other 
authors,* who deal with the social life of primitive man, put 
forward theories more or less fully in conformity with those 
just quoted, while Dr. Steinmetz, in spite of his view in a pre- 
vious work ® concerning the origin of the State, emphatically 
stresses in »Die Philosophie des Krieges» that there is no State 
without war. 6 


On the other hand Gumplowicz and his school maintain that 
the State by no means originates in so simple a way as through 
the natural growth of a primitive community in internal organi- 
zation and submission to a government more or less voluntarily 
established. According to the views of Gumplowicz, ’ Ratzen- 
hofer,® Lester Ward,? Oppenheimer '° and others !! the origin 


I Op. cit. p. 224. 

2 Social Psychology, p. 287. 

3 L’Anthropologie et science sociale, p. 166. 

4 E.g. Maine, Village Communities, p. 145; — Green, English People, 
vol. I, p. 14; cf. p. 17; — Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, 165 sq.; — 
Dahn, e. g. Die Germanen, p. 11 sqyq.; — Guyot, La democratie individua- 
liste, p. 6 sq.; — AÄrauss, Krieg und Kultur, p. 1. 

5 See supra, and infra p. 279. 

6 Die Philosophie des Krieges, pp. 34, 190 sqq., passim. 

” »In der sociologischen Staatsidee», says Gumplowicz, »erscheint die 
Entstehung des Staates als ein durch die Uebermacht einer kriegerisch 
organisirten, gegenüber einer unkriegerischen Menschengruppe herbeige- 
führtes historisches Ereignis». — Gumplowiez, Die sociologische Staatsidee, 
p. 55; cf. also pp. 65—71 Gumplowicz’ eulogy of Macchiavelliand Ferguson, 
who held, broadly speaking, similar views as Gumplowicz himself; — I/dem, 
Der Rassenkampf, pp. 181, 205 sqgq. 

8 „Die Unterwerfung bereits sesshafter Stämme durch wandernde, 
womit sich diese den Grundbesitz und zugleich Arbeiter eroberten, schuf 
die complicirte Gesellschaft und den Staat». — Politik, vol. I, p. 130; cf. 
p. 13. 

»Staat und Gewalt sind ursprünglich aus der absoluten Feindseligkeit 
eines Volkstammes gegen einen andern hervorgegangen. Der siegreiche 


10 B. XIllı 


of a State does not take place until one community asa 
rule a peaceful one — has been subjugated by a warlike group. 
Similarly, Treitschke, although he partly admits that the be- 
ginning of the State can also be traced back to the most simple 
social origins, ' none the less lays special stress upon war and 
conquest. The State, he concludes, in conformity with the 
theory of Gumplowicz, is in most cases the political power of 
the stronger tribes over the weaker ones. ? 


We have thus, generally speaking, three different theories 
of the origin of the State. On the one hand, many authors derive 
it from the same rudimentary sources as social integration 
in general, thereby not necessarily attributing to war any pri- 
mary part. On the other hand, a certain school of modern So- 
ciologists argue that the State does not originate until wars have 
called forth permanent subjugations of peaceful units under 
conquering races. And between these two opposite theories is 
the view, that the State originates indeed simultaneously with 
early social integration, but that this is called forth through 
co-operation in wars, so that primitive government also consists 
mainly in the leadership of the ablest warriors. _ 

Which of these theories regarding the origin of the State 
from the particular point of view of the origin of political autho- 
rity, is best in agreement with ethnographical facts? Is war the 
normal condition of a savage society? And are the origin and 
development of primitive integration and submission to chiel- 
tainship to be ascribed mainly to the influence of savage warfare? 


Stamm schuf die Gewalt und übte die Regierung aus». — Op. cit. vol. ], 
p. 193; — I/dem, Soziologie, pp. 14, 147. 

9 Pure Sociology, p. 205 sqq.; cf. p. 203 sq. 

10 Der Staat, p. 40, passim. 

il E. g. Lilienfeld, Zur Vertheidigung der organischen Methode in der 
Sociologie, p. 50 sq. ; 

I Politik, vol. I, pp. 13 sq., 113 sq. 

2 Op. eit. vol. I, p. 113 sqq.. er 


B. Xlllı 1 


In the following chapters we shall try to answer these questi- 
ons. When it has been done, an answer can subsequently be 
sought for the question of the relation of war to the origin of 
the State. 


CHAPTER IH 


THE CHARACTER OF PRIMITIVE WARFARE 


Before proceeding to investigate if war is the normal con- 
dition of savage society, we must define what is meant by war. 
One of the best known military authors during the last century, 
General Clausewitz ! gives the following definition: — »War is 
not merely a political act, but a real political instrument, a 
continuation of political commerce, a carrying out of the same 
by other means.» General von der Goltz * writes: — »War is 
the continuation of policy with weapons in hand». ? According 
to General Sir Ian Hamilton ®, »War is the pursuit of State policy 
over the boundary of law and logie into the domain of force.» 
From the point of view of International Law, Professor Oppen- 
heim ® describes war as »the contention between two or more 
States through their armed forces for the purpose of overpow- 
ering each other and imposing such conditions of peace as the 
vietor pleases.» According to Professor Dahn, ® war is armed 


I Clausewitz, On War, vol. I, p. 23. 

2 Von der Goltz, The Nation in Arms, p. 137. 

3 Colonel Max Hübner repeats that war is »das letzte Mittel der Poli- 
tik». — Militärpolitik, p. 1. 

4 Hamilton, Compulsory Service, p. 46. 

° Oppenheim, International Law, vol. II., p. 56; cf. p. 73. 

6 Dahn, Das Kriegsrecht, p. 1. 


B. Xlllı 13 


self-help of one State against another State. Bara! says: — 
»La guerre est une maniere de vider les differents survenus entre 
deux ou plusieurs Etats.» 

None of these definitions, however, can be regarded as satis- 
factory. For they postulate, whether directiy or indirectly, 
the existence of the State before that of war, and war is only 
made out to be one of the characteristic functions of the State. 
This is not admissible from the sociological point of view, since, 
as we have already noticed, many Sociologists argue that, on 
the contrary, war is the main source from which the State 
has sprung. A sociological definition must therefore take a 
broader view. 

According to Spencer,? war is »a state in which life is occu- 
pied in conflict with other beings, brute or human — energies 
spent in destruction instead of energies spent in production.» 
Letourneau ? describes war as »la lutte sauvage pour la vie ou 
pour la mort, entre des groupes d’individus, animaux ou hommes, 
appartenant ä une m&me espece.» Ratzenhofer * sees in war 
merely an application of force on a great scale. Lagorgette, 
who has collected more than 150 definitions of war, only agrees 
with those which see in war »l’etat de luttes violentes issu, 
entre deux ou plusieurs groupements d’etres appartenant & la 
möme espece, du conflit de leurs desirs ou de leurs volontes.» ® 

From the sociological point of view these latter definitions 
are essentially correct. Yet to preclude any possibilitv of mis- 
apprehension, some further attention must be paid to such 


1 Bara, La science de la paix, p. 5. 

2 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, p. 675. 

3 Letourneau, La guerre, p. 528. — See Lagorgette, Le röle de la guerre, 
p. 9. 
4 Ratzenhofer, Soziologie, pp. 107, 138 sq. 
5 Lagorgette, Op. cit. p. 10. 
6 In substantial agreement with these definitions, though having 
reference only to human beings, General Foch savs of war that it has been 
vle moyen violent que les peuples emploient pour se faire une place dans 
le monde en tant que nations». — Des principes de la guerre, p. 33. 


414 B. XIIl.ı 


phrases as »energies spent in destruction» and »pour la vie et 
pour la mort» and »pour se faire une place dans le monde.» For 
these words imply, more or less, the idea of loss of life, and this 
is hardly an indispensable characteristic of all kinds of warfare. 
As we shall soon find, there are among savages combats in which 
killing is not directly aimed at. Similarly we shall see that 
savages do not carry on war simply by means of physical force; 
they avail themselves comparatively often of superstitious 
means, too. Moreover, since this study has reference merely 
to the relation of war to the origin of the human State, it seems 
proper to limit the definition correspondingly. War may there- 
fore fittingly be defined as a state of hostility between human 
groups in which use is made of physical force, and not infre- 
quently of superstitious means as well, with or without killing, 
capture, plunder, or conquest. 

If war is defined in this way, how far can primitive con- 
ditions be regarded as warlike? The theory according to which 
the State owes its origin to war presupposes that war is preval- 
ent in a high degree at early stages of civilization. Characteris- 
tie of Spencer ' is his conception of the militancy of savage 
societies, which survives even among peoples of modern culture. 
According to Bagehot ?, the*early age of man was the true fight- 
ing age, when »all nations were destructible, and the further we 
go back the more incessant was the work of destruction. Hux- 
ley ? maintains that in primitive times »life was a continual free 
fieht, and beyond the limited and temporary relations of the 
family, the Hobbesian war of each against all was the normal 
state of existenee. Although Vaccaro admits that »aux pre- 
miers äges de !’humanite, lorsque les hommes, encore sans armes, 
avaient a lutter contre une foule d’obstacles naturels et d’esp&@ces 
ennemies, il est probable qu’ils vivaient, jusqu’A un certain 


1 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. II, pp. 341 sq., 351 sq., 367, 
387 sq. 2 
2 Bagehot, Physics and Politics, p. 77; cf. p. 81. 
3 Huxley, Essays Ethical and Political, p. 8. 


B. XIILı 15° 


point. en paix», ' yet he concludes that »la guerre... est l’etat 
naturel et ordinaire des premiers groupes humaines; ” and in 
another place: — »A l’origine de humanite ... les guerres sont 
continuelles». ® Jähns * is of the same opinion, and so is appar- 
entlv Dr. MceDougall.® According to Dr. Steinmetz, ® man in 
the most remote ages was aggressive and blood-thirsty, since 
otherwise he would for ever have remained a mere brute. The 
best point of support for this hypothesis Steinmetz finds in the 
assumption that man has always been omnivorous. ‘ Basing 
himself on the statements of various authors M. Lagorgette ° 
expresses a similar opinion as regards the warlike character of 
primitive times. - 

More cautious are Lester Ward and Ratzenhofer. The former 
believes that during the most remote times a general differen- 
tiation had taken place, implying the possibilitv of struggles 
on a relatively small scale between the different social units. 
So also Ratzenhofer argues, that the existence and the in- 
crease of mankind involved in the beginning no collisions 
worth speaking of between hordes and tribes, owing to there 
being unoccupied tracts for settlement. The struggle for life 
was carried on only with the climate and wild beasts. '° In 


u m m mm nn 


1) 


I Yaccaro, Les hases sociologiques du Droit et de !’Etat, p. 81. 

2 Op. eit. p. 222. 

3 Op. eit. p. 468. 

1 Jähns, Krieg, Frieden und Kultur p. 92 sggq. 

5 McDougall, Social Psychology, chap. XI. 

6 Steinmetz, Die Philosophie des Krieges, chap. II. He remarks that 
a little more »consciousness of kind» would have resulted in the dısappear- 
ing of ferocity and consequently held back the intellectual development 
of man. — Philosophie desKrieges, p. 21. — Cf. Giddings, Principles of Socio- 
logy, p. 117 sq.; cf. also pp. 71, 225. 

° Op. ecit. p. 19.— See Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 195. 

8 Lagorgette, Le rüle de la guerre, p. 35 sq. 

9 Ward, Pure Sociology, p. 200 sq. 

i0 »Die Ernährung und Vermehrung der Menschen vollzog sich anfangs. 
infolge der vorhandenen unbesetzten Wohnräume ohne wesentliche Kolli- 
sionen der Horden und Stämme. Das Daseinkampf wurde nur mit dem 
Klima und wilden Tieren geführt». — Ratzenhofer, Soziologie, p. 13. 


16 B. Xlilı 


another place he writes that our sociological knowledge shows 
that at the beginning foreign racial elements shun one another; 
it is civilization that teaches men to seek to come into 
touch with one another; ' man like the beast is as shy of 
fighting as he is of working. * Later on, however, the pug- 
naciousness of man greatly increased until finally, as Ratzen- 
hofer puts it, a state of »absolute hostility» was reached. ° 

All these views, however, are more or less opposed to what 
we know of still existing savages. Firstly. it seems doubt- 
ful whether writers dealing with savage warfare have al- 
ways fully realized its true character. Above all, from 
our point of view, primitive men are indiscriminately spoken 
of as savages, but it is not true that all of them are on the same 
level and that their modes of warfare are everywhere alike. On 
the contrary, the causes for which savages carry on war change, 
at least to a certain extent, pari passu, with their general social 
development, and its methods vary likewise. Letourneau ? 
considers wars among the Australian aborigines generally to 
have a juridical character. In his description of their war- 
fare, Wheeler,? following Letourneau, points out that they carry 
on warfare proper mainly for reasons of revenge, while plun- 
der and conquest are not directly aimed at. Among the Waga- 


— — m m nn De ln a mn nn m m 


1 »Die soziologische Erkenntnis zeigt dass sich fremde Rassenelemente 
bei der Begegnung ursprünglich fliehen; erst die Kultur lehrt die Menschen 
sich gegenseitig aufzusuchen». — ZRatzenhofer, Op. cit. p. 74. — Stein- 
metz strongly opposes such a view: the differentiation is on the contrary 
caused by wars. — Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 36. 

2 »Der Mensch ist wie das Tier an und für sich ebenso kampfscheu, 
wie er arbeitscheu istv. — Ratzenhofer, Op. cit. p. 105. 

3 Ratzenhofer, Politik, vol. I,p. 60; — /dem, Soziologie, p. 12. 

4 Letourneau, La guerre, p. 32. — Cf. also Spencer and Gülen, The 
Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 245 sqq.; — /idem, The Northern 
Tribes of Central Australia, p. 139 sq., passim. — J/idem, Across Australia, 
vol. II, pp. 292 sqq., 299, passim. — Reports of the Cambridge Expedition 
to Torres Straits, vol. V, p. 298. 

> Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 148 sq. 


B. Xlllı 17 


waga and Tubetube in New Guinea wars arise above all for 
revenge; »in nine cases out of ten this was the cause of war in 
the south-eastern district», says Dr. Seligmann, ! and this seems 
to be the case, at least to a certain extent, in other parts of the 
island also. ? Speaking of the wars among the Maori, Polack 
remarks that their causes »are too frivolous to name, as a pig 
passing over a cemetery is as legitimate a cause for hostilities 
as the death and eventual mastication of a chief. ”? On the 
whole, however, the earlier causes, before the wars of conquest 
and mutual destruction, were mainly of a revengeful character. * 
The only-form of combat that occurs among the very primitive 
Toala in Celebes is the driving away of thieves. ? Among the 
Nootka wars of retaliation were the most common ones. A 
serious offence against an individual, says Bancroft, although 
nominally pardoned in view of presents, can never »really be 
atoned, hence private, family, and tribal feuds continue from 
generation to generation» ® Wars for revenge are similarly 
the most common among many other primitive peoples. ? 

A special form of wars carried on by savages for the sake 
of revenge are those caused by disputes arising from the relatioh 


SALE —. 


1 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 453. 

3 Krieger, Neu Guinea, pp. 199, 318, 406, 414, 416. 

3 Polack, Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders, vol. II, p. 17 

4 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc., vol. XIII, p. 
4: cf. pp. 76, 80; and vol. XI, p. 28. As for the Moriori, their chief 
causes of quarrel were »curses and insulting and derisıve songs at one 
anothers women.» — Shand, Early History of Morioris; in Trans. New 
Zealand Institute, vol. XXXVII, p. 151. 

5 Sarasin, Celebes, vol. II, p. 277. 

6 Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 207. 

? Nelson, Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 328; — Coxe, Account of the Russian Discoveries, p. 198; cf. p. 
216; — Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 723; 
— Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America p. 298; — 
Rochefort, Iles Antilles, p. 411; — Thomson, The Fijians, p. 88; — Polack. 
Op. cit. vol. I, p. 230 sqq.;, — Williamson, The Mafulu, p. 180; cf. p. 183; 
— Kolff, Voyages of »Dourga», p. 253; — Stewart, Notes on the Northern 
CGachar; in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1855, vol. XXIV, p. 610. 


2 


18 B. XIllı 


between the sexes. Thus, »intrigue with the wives of men of 
other tribes is one of the commonest causes of quarrel among 
the Indians» says Mayne. ! So the faithlessness of husbands 
could also call forth acts of revenge. ? Indeed, a host of causes 
connected with the rights of marriage have been casus belli among 
the Indians of North America 3 as well as among other primitive 
peoples. * So also, considering the great importance of the food 
question to savages, it is bound to cause a good deal of trouble 
between neighbouring communities if there is any trespassing 
on the hunting grounds, fishing places, and so forth, which some 
of them may look upon as belonging to themselves alone. In- 
deed, according to Spencer ° and many other authors, 6 wars 
about food have undoubtedly been the earliest waged between 


1 Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouver Island, 
p. 276. 

®2 Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River, vol. II, p. 149 sqgq. 

3 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 235, 343, 380; — Franchire, Voyage 
through the North-West Coast of America, p. 251; — Cox, Op. eit. vol. 1. 
p- 322; — Ross, Fur Hunters, vol. II, p. 169; — Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; 
in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 312. 

4 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XI, p. 13; 
— SS. Percy Smith, Wars of the Northern against the Southern Tribes; in 
Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, pp., 148, 201 sq., 213 sq.; vol. IX, p. 164; — 
Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 556 sq.; — 
Krieger, Neu Guinea, pp. 199, 320 sq., 406, 416; — Codrington, The Melane- 
sians, p. 245, passim; — Thomson, The Fijians, p. 88; — Sarasin, Celebes, 
vol. I, p. 267; — Poutrin, Notes Ethnographiques sur les... M’Baka; in 
L’Anthropologie, 1910, p. 461; — Torday and Joyce, Ethnography of the 
Ba-Yaka; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1906, p. 49; — d’Orbigny, D’ Homme 
Americain, vol. I, p. 229. 

5 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. Il, p. 267. 

6 Darwin The Descent of Man, vol. I,p. 134; — Ratzenhojfer, Die socio- 
logısche Erkenntniss, p. 245; — Lagorgette, Le röle de la guerre, p. 114 
sqq.; — Novicow maintains in »Les luttes entre societes humaines et 
leurs phases successives», p. 64 sqq. that the food wars have been the 
very earliest, while in his last study, »La critique du darwinisme social» 
he seems to oppose this view. — Op. cit. pp. 162, 208 sqq., 259, 264, 
passim. 


B. Xl1lı 19 


human groups. On the other hand, however, as far as the con- 
ditions of savages fully known to us throw light upon the ques- 
tion, we seem fairly justified in inferring that we have mainly 
to look upon these wars as a special form of wars of retaliation. 
Among the natives of Cape York hostilities arise between the 
various groups as Soon as »incursions are made into each others’ 
territorie». ' It is for similar reasons that wars are waged 
among the Veddas, * the Fuegians, ? the Chicuitos and Arau- 
canians, * as well as among the Indians of North America. The 
Ojibway,® Sioux, Kickapoo, Kansas, Osage, and Omaha ® make 
war upon each other for the »infringing of the hunting grounds 
of one another», and this holds good of many other primitive 
peoples also. ? Of the Punans Mr. Furness observes that they 
have »no enemies, for they desire nothing that other peoples 
have». 8 

The common feature in these instances has been that wars 
have been carried on for revenge, as acts of retaliation for in- 
justice suffered, whether real or imagined. -Thus, as it was 
observed of the Australian aborigines, in the same way races 
as low as the Veddas, the Fuegians, the Eskimo, etc., are not 


1 Meceillivray, Voyage of »Rattlesnak®, vol. II, p. 4 sq. 

2 Sarasın, Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher Forschungen auf Cey- 
lon, vol. III., pp. 480 sq., 488. 

® King and Fitzroy, Voyages of the »Adventure» and »Beagle, vol. II, 
p. 131. 

4 d’Orbigny, L’Homme Americain, vol. I., p. 229. 

5 Jones, The Ojebway Indians, pp. 129, 185, 187. 

6 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Ethnol. p. 312. 

° Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee; in 19:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 14; — Cozxe, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 143; — Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 344, 
362, 579, 628, passim; — Cox, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 237; — Fremont and Emory, 
Notes of Travel in California, p. 34 sq.; — Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, 
p. 230; — Nordenskjöld, Indianlif, p. 119; — Turner, Nineteen Years in 
Polynesia, p. 298; cf. p. 304 sq.; — Thomson, The Fijians, p. 88; — Ratzel, 
Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 161 sq.; vol. II, p. 390. — See also Kalevala, 
runo XXX]; — Wallın, Kuv. Suomen Kansan Esihistoriasta, p. 169 sq. 

B Furness, Home-Life of Borneo Head-Hunters, p. 184. 


20 B. XlIlı 


said to aim at plunder or conquest in their wars. Likewise we 
found of the North American Indians that their wars were called 
forth above all through revenge; »their accumulations were not 
so great as to be tempting», says Powell; »accordingly battle 
for plunder, tribute, and conquest was almost unknown». ' 

From these features it is to be inferred that in earlier 
ages, and in still more primitive conditions, when man had even 
less accumulated property, revenge must in still higher de- 
gree have been the chief cause of war. On the other hand, when 
we come to savages who have reached a higher level of settled 
life and who have already begun to accumulate valuable pro- 
perty, we find that wars tend to a considerable extent to arise 
from new reasons. Among the Papuans of New Guinea a thirst 
. for booty is to be observed, * and this holds good of the Mela- 
nesians, t0o0.?” We read of the Fijian that »he likes to take 
another’s property without asking for it, and hence goes to 
war». * War expeditions aiming at plunder and conquest were 
frequent in New Caledonia, ®° Tonga, ® and New Zeeland, ' 
as well as among the ancient natives of Central America. ® As 
for the Indians of North America, there are abundant statements 
to the effect that as soon as these peoples came into contact 
with the Whites, obtained horses, weapons, and other imple- 
ments, and learned the value of furs and other trade goods, 
thefts, which previously had been a comparatively rare trait 
among them,” gradually increased and took the shape of pri- 


1 Powell, Indian Linguistic Families of America; in 7:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 39. 
Abel, Savage Life, p. 134. 
Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 541. 
Williams and Calwert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 59. 
Rochas, La Nouvelle Caledonie, p. 249. 
Mariner, The Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. I, p. 75. 
Manning, Old New Zealand, pp. 92, 185. 
Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 764; vol. II, p. 746. 
Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, voi. II, p.4 sqq. 


2 N) TV m DD N 


B. XIllı 21 


vate expeditions for plunder, I. nay even, as among the Iroquois, 
»to enforce the payment of tribute.» ? In Africa cattle raids 
and wars for procuring slaves are a frequent occurrence. 
Describing the wars among the Nandi, Sir H. H. Johns- 
ton observes: — »After a successful raid the elders of the 
clan divide the spoil (which is of course cattle, sheep, and goats), 
and the warriors so far respect the old men that they allow them 
to take what they require from out of the loot, while at least 
seven of the captured cattle are sent to the medicine man. When 
this has been done, the rest of the loot.... is left to be snatched 
at by the warriors». ? Or, again, the native despots have orga- 
nized similar expeditions in order to procure booty. * In short, 


1 Alooney, Siouan Tribes, p. 54 sq.; — Porsey, War Customs; in Ame- 
rıcan Naturalist, vol. XVIIl, p. 132; — /dem, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol, p. 326; — Kone, Op. cit. pp. 126, 404, 436, passim; 
— Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians, p. 84; — Fleteher and La Fle- 
sche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 404 sq.; 
cf. p. 408 sq. Wars of revenge were lonked upon as more honourable 
than wars for mere booty. Op. cit. p. 409. 

*2 McKenney and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes of North Ame- 
rTica, vol. III, p. 81. 

3 Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II., p. 879. 

% Hecquard, Voyages sur la cöte de l’Afrique Occıdentale, p. 118 pas- 
sim. — Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa, vol. I, p. 278; — Von 
der Decken, Reisen, vol. Il, p. 37; — Merker, Die Masai, p. 117, passim; — 
Baumann, Durch Massailand, p. 236 sq., passim; — Munzinger, Ostafrika- 
nische Studien, p. 496; — Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie, 1852, vol. II, 
p. 417 sq.; — Speke, The Discovery of the Source of the Nile, pp. 211 sq., 
285 sq , 289, 301, 311, passim; — Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, vol. 
l, pp. 163, 226 sq., passim; — Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria, vol. I, p. 279, 
vol. II, pp. 54, 63 sq., 299 sq., passim; — Livingstone, Missionary Travels, p. 
213; — Johnston, Op. cit. vol. Il, p. 795, passim; — Hobley, Kavirondo; 
in Geographical Journal, 1898, vol. XIL., p. 371. — Feuthermon, Social 
History of the Races of Mankind, vol. I, pp. 35, 307, paseim; — Ratzel, 
Völkerkunde, vol. II, pp. 27 sq., 100 sq., 175, 313, 452, passim; — Ferrero, 
Militarism, p. 64. — »L’esprit de conquöte n’existant pas..... les Kabyles 
ne se battent entre eux que pour des questions d’amour propre; in these 
wars spoilis procured.— Hanoteau and Letourneu., La Kabylie, vol. II,p.76. 
— As for primitive peoples in general, see e. 2. Letourneau, La guerre, p. 51. 


22 B. Xlllı 


statements to this effect are given from almost all parts of Africa 
where the natives have reached a higher standard of economic 
progress. — It is hardly necessary to allude to the fact that. largely 
through the influence of the Whites, wars have been waged in 
Africa to procure slaves. Thus, speaking of the native mo- 
narchies in Africa, Ratzel observes that their wars have had 
reference mainly to peoples, not so much to territorial con- 
quests; * and he seems to be inclined to include the so-called 
ancient culture States in Asia in the same class. Their leading 
aim was plunder. Permanent occupation seems to have been 
of minor importance. ? As William James observes, the career 
of Alexander the Great was »piracy pure and simple, nothing 
but an orgy of power and plunder, made romantic by the cha- 
racter of the hero». * Long before the Saxons and Angles, says 
Freeman, actually settled, they plundered and laid waste, and 
later on the Danes in Britain followed in the same course. »We 
first find a period in which the object of the invaders seems to 
be simple plunder», ® until later, »instead of sailing away every 
winter with their plunder, they effect permanent settlements 
in a considerable part of the country». And finally came the 
most decided step leading to »altogether a new character», com- 
plete conquest. ® Thus, speaking of the expeditions of the 
Vikings in general, Strinnholm points out that at first these 


1 Beecham, Ashantee, p. 119; — Livingstone, Op. cit. p. 213; — Casati, 
Op. cit. vol. I, p. 279; — Ratzel, Op. cit. vol. II, pp. 313, 350, passim; — 
Lenz, Wanderungen in Afrika, p. 125 sqq.; — Ferrero, Militarism, p. 6%; 
— Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, vol. I, p. 87 sqgq. 

2 Ratzel, Der Staat, p. 86. 

3 Op. cit. p. 87. — Cf. Ragozin, Chaldea, p. 69. 

% James, The Moral Equivalent of War: in McClure’s Magazine, 1910, 
p. 464. — Professor Lester Ward observes: — »In olden times no secret 
was made of the fact that the object of military expeditions was the acquisi- 
tion of the wealth of the conquered people. Such was the nature of Alex- 
ander’s conquest, of Caesar’s wars.» — Dynamic Sociology, vol. I, p. 584. 

5 Freeman, Norman Conquest, vol. I, p. 44. 

6 Op. eit. vol. I, p. 45. 


B. X11lı 23 


were of an unimportant character, and comparatively little 
booty was taken; but gradually they were extended beyond 
the shores of the home countries to foreign lands, until at last 
complete conquests were made. ' Similarly General Clausewitz 
states of most of the wars during the Middle Ages: — »they were 
comparatively rapidly carried out. There was little time spent 
idly in camps, but the object was generally only punishment, 
not subduing the enemy. They carried off his cattle, burnt his 
towns, and then returned home again». ? 

To sum up, as far as the instances quoted throw light upon 
the matter, it would seem that we may lay down the rule that 
savages in a low state of civilization comparatively seldom 
regard war a5 a means of looting, and still less do they aim at 
permanent conquests. They wage war above all in order to 
settle their disputes, to take revenge for wrongs — real or ima- 
gined — inflicted upon them. On the other hand it was noticed 
that peoples who have attained a somewhat higher level of 
culture have at the same time got into the habit of organizing 
special war parties for getting booty. Gradually increasing 
in strength and efforts, these parties become with time great 
war expeditions, which aim above all at plunder on a large scale 
and more or less lasting conquests. It mav be also added that 
very rude savages seem comparatively seldom to make use of 
sudden attacks for taking the enemy by surprise; whereas among 
uncivilized peoples of a higher type such a mode of warfare is 
far more common. ® Now it is evident that when an inquiry 


I Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. I, pp., 58 sq., 109 sq., 146 sq., 199 sq., 
256 sq., 246 sq., 336 sq. — See also Freeman, Op. cit. vol. IV, p. 80 and pas- 
sim. 

2 Clausewitz, On War, vol. III, p. 92. With regard to the Asiatic 
States of modern times, see Hamilton, A Staff-Officer’s Scrap-Book, vol. 
I, p. 12. 

3 The illustration of this feature must be left to the following volume, 
where the question of tactics in savage warfare will be discussed. See, 
however, Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, chap- 
ter IX. 


24 B. XIllı 


is to be made into the warlike character of primitive peoples, 
instances having reference to one or other of the different 
kinds of savage warfare just mentioned, must not be left un- 
discriminated. 


Looking, accordingly, atthe more primitive forms of savage 
warfare, with which we are here more particularly concerned, 
it must be borne in mind that very often it is conducted in the 
same manner as hunting. The ruder the people, the greater is the 
resemblance between the two. In his description of the natives of 
New Guinea, Dr. Seligmann ' calls attention to this resemblance; 
war and hunting expeditions are both begun with the same cere- 
monies, and the forms of purification following’'them are the same. 
Among the Kukis in Bengal ? no difference is made between 
warfare proper and the chase. With reference to the Bushmans, 
Letourneau, quoting Moffat, remarks: —: »Pour la strategie, 
les Bochimans ne distinguent pas entre la guerre et la chasse, 
en realite, ils guerroient surtout pour se procurer le betail 
d’autruis. ? As to Hottentots, the same author adds that they 
»distinguaient mal encore entre la guerre et la chasse». * Among 
the Kafirs, war is likewise accompanied by the same ceremonies 
as is the chase, ° and this is also the case with another of the 
more advanced warrior races in Africa, namely the Fans. ® Of 
the M’Baka Negro, Mr. Poutrin affirms: — »la guerre... n’est 
qu’une sorte de chasse». ? 


I Seligmann, The Melanesians, pp. 293, 296 sq., 333. 

2 Stewart, Notes on the Northern Cachar; in Journ. Asiatic Soc. of 
Bengal, 1855, vol. XXIV, p. 632; — Macrae, Account of the Kookies, in 
Asiatic Researches, vol. VII, pp. 185, 195. 

3 Moffat, Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa, p. 143; 
quoted by Letourneau, La guerre, p. 56. 

3 Letourneau, Op. cit. p. 58. 

° Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa, vol. I, p. 269. 

6 Lenz, Skizzen aus Westafrika, p. 82. 

* Poutrin, Notes ethnographiques sur les . M’Baka du Congo; 
in L’Anthropologie, 1910, p. 45. 


B. XIII ı 5: 


With regard to the Patagonians ! and the Indians of Para- 
guay ? and Central Brazil, ? we have statements to the same 
effect. So also the North American Indians, as for example the 
Yuchi, * Californians in general, ® Flatheads, ® Creeks, ? Iro- 
quois, ® Seri, ? Sia, '” and others, '" did not recognize any real 
difference between war and hunting excursions. ' 

Two factors are, perhaps, more than anything else respon- 
sible for this close connection between war and the chase. Firstly, 
the weapons with which savage war is carried on are, generally 
speaking, used in the chase as well. '” With the same axe, spear 


1 King and Fitzroy, Voyages of the »Adventure» and »Beagl&, vol. 
II, p. 164 sq. 

2 Grubb, The Indians of Paraguayan Chaco, p. 87. 

3 Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Braziliens, p. 214. 

* Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians, p. 84. 

5 Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 565. 

6 Dunn, History of Oregon, p. 312. 

* Gatschei, The Creek Indians, p. 158. 

8 Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 345. 

* McGee, The Seri Indians; in 17:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 273. 

10 Core Stevenson, The Sia; in 11:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 16, 19. 

11 Cf. ev. g. Dunn, History of Oregon, p. 93. 

12 Ci. Deniker, Races et peuples de la Terre, p. 305; — Vaccaro, Les 
bases sociologiques du Droit et de l’Etat, pp. 82, 90 sq.; — Lagorgette, Le 
röle de la guerre, p. 61; — Letourneau, Evolution politique, p. 492; — Yule, 
Marco Polo, vol. Il, p. 252. 

13 Deniker writes: — »Aussi les armes offensives sont-elles presque 
toujours les m&mes pour la chasse que pour la guerre. Chez les demi-civi- 
lises, on voit apparaitre cependant en m@me temps que les armees plus ou 
moins permanentes, des engins specialement destines a la guerre, ainsi que 
les travaux de defense: murailles, palissades, chausse-trapes, fosses de pro- 
tection, parfois remplies d’eau, etc.» — Deniker, Races et peuples de la Terre, 
p. 305. — See also Pinkerton, Collection of Voyages, vol. IX, p. 501; — 
Steinen, Op. cit. p. 214; — Grubb, Op. cit. p. 87; — Speck, Op. cit. p. 84. — 
According to Mr. Stewart, the spears are used among the Meekirs ın 
Northern Cachar as tools since tlıe people ceased to carry on wars. — Ste- 
wart, Notes on Northern Cachar; in Journ. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, vol. XXI1V, 
1855, p. 605. — With reference to the ahoriginesin New Guinea Mr. Krieger 
observes: — »Oft sind die Walfen nur Schmuckgegenstände. Sehr häufig 


26 B. XIllı 


and arrow which the savage makes use of in striking down ani- 
mals, he also rushes upon or treacherously kills his human enemy. 
Secondly, the resemblance between the chase and war among 
savages is connected with the belief that there does not exist 
any essential difference between animals and man himself. An 
old Blackfeet chief, Brings-down-the-Sun, made the remark: — 
»At one time animals and we were able to understand each other. 
We can still talk to the animals, just as we do to the people, 
but they now seldom reply, excepting in dreams. We are then 
obedient to them and do whatever they tell us. Whenever we 
are in danger, or distress, we pray to them, and they often help 
us. Many of the animals are friendly to man. They are able to 
read the future and give us warning of what will happen». ' The 
best illustration as to the alleged relations in general between 
men and animals is given by Westermarck: — »He (the savage) 
regards all animals as practically on a footing of equality with 
man. He believes that they are endowed with feelings and 
intelligence like men, .. that they have various languages like 
human tribes, that they possess souls which survive the death 
of the bodies just as is the case with human souls. He tells of 
animals that have been the ancestors of men, of men that have 
become animals, of marriages that take place between men and 
beasts. He also believes that he who slays an animal will be 
exposed to the vengeance either of its disembodied spirit, or 


sieht man in den Dörfern schöne mit Federn geschmückte Freundschafts- 
speere und auf Bilibili hat man Schwerter aus Palmenholz auch wohl mehr 
zum Schmuck als zum Streit». Krieger, Neu Guinea, p. 202. — In his 
careful Inquiry into primitive warfare Lane Fox points out that this em- 
ployment of implements for peaceful and warlike ends at the same time is 
not limited to mere savages; on the contrary, as late as in the general rising 
of the Tyrolese against Bonaparte, the Polish revolts and other similar 
occasions, axes and agricultural tools have been largely employed, — Lane 
Fox, Primitive Warfare; in Journ. United Service Inst. vol. XII, p. 406 
sq. — See also for example Hume, History of England, vol. V, p. 479, as 
to naval warfare. 
1 McClintock, Old North Trail, p. 476; cf. p. 167. 


B. XlIIlı 97 


of all the other animals of the same species which, quite after 
human fashion, are bound to resent the injury done to one of 
their number». ' An immediate result of this belief ? is the 
conviction of the primitive man that he must avoid killing ani- 
mals needlessly, and even when engaged in »lawful» hunting he 
feels it necessary to try to appease his victims and their kins- 
folk; this has fully been illustrated by Westermarck ? and Frazer. ? 
Considering then that savages do not find anv essential differ- 
ence between men and animals, and therefore look upon war 
and the chase as more or less identical, and considering further 
the restrietions on the killing of animals, we have every reason 
to expect the existence of restrietions on savage warfare also. 
And in fact, there are abundant statements bearing testimonv 
to this effect, and disproving that state of incessant warfare and 
meaningless bloodshed between primitive communities which 
is so often assumed to be universally prevalent among savages. 
Leaving a closer examination of primitive tacties to a later stage 
in our inquiry, ? we have now first of all to devote some atten- 
tion to the question of the cruelty and real seriousness of savage 
contests. 


1 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, p. 258. For further parti- 
culars see vol. I, pp. 249 sqıq., 264, 308, and vol. II, chap. XLIV. 

2 In their interesting description of the Omaha, Miss Fletcher and 
Mr. La Flesche observe: — »Accustomed as we are to classıfy animals 
as domesticated or wild, and to regard them as beneath man and subser- 
vient to him, it requires an effort to bring the mind to the position in which, 
when contemplating nature, man is viewed as no longer the master but as 
one of the many which are endowed with kindred powers, physical and 
psychical. — Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 599. — Cf. also Spencer and Gillen, Across Australia, 
vol. I, p. 90, passim; — Kalevala, runo IV, 371—434,; XV, 393—537; 
XLVI, 107—144. 

3 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, pp. 252; vol. II, chap. XLIV. 

4 Frazer, The Golden Bough, vol. II, p. 396. 

5 See supra, p. 23 n. 3. 


28 B. XII ı 


One of the most common forms of hostility between savage 
units is blood-revenge!. The duty of it is not, however, generally 
vested in the whole social unit ? to which the offended person 
belonged; hence it does not necessarily give rise to great war 
expeditions and destructive battles. Among the Australian 
aborigines ? blood-revenge is the duty of the nearest relatives. 
Among the Veddas, according to Messrs. Sarasin, * similar cus- 
toms prevail, while Dr. Seligmann states that killing of people 
who belonged to another unit in order to obtain their liver »gave 
rise neither to warfare nor to vendettas. ? In Celebes, ® as 
observed by Padt-Brugge, the Governor there in 1680, it was 
on the relatives that the duty of performing blood-revenge de- 
volved. As to the Hawains, * the Fijians, ® the Kukies, ? 
and the Kurds, '" similar facts have been collected. Among the 


I Dr. Steinmetz observes in this connection: — »Nennen wir die Blut- 
rache einfach Krieg und vergleichen wir sie mit unseren Kriegen statt mit 
unseren Verbrechen und Racheübungen, resp. Strafen, so ist das ganze 
Rätzel ihrer Erscheinung gelöst». Ethnologische Studien, vol. IT, p. 365. 
— Sce supra p. 16 sqı.; and also Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Rela- 
tions ın Australia, p. 149. — Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, p. 62. 

® Steinmetz remarks: — »Sie wurde nicht durch einen ganzen Stamm, 
resp. ein ganzes Geschlecht ausgeübt, sondern nur durch nächste Ver- 
wandten» Ethnologische Studien, vol. I, p. 369 and passim. — See also 
Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, chap. XX. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes, p. 557 and passim; — 
Iidem, The Native Tribes, passım; — Siebert, Sagen und Sitten der Dieri, 
in Globus, vol. XCVII, 1910, p. 54; — Daw'son, Australian Aborigines, p. 
71, — Wheeler, Op. cıt. pp. 138, 149; — Steinmetz, Die Philosophie des 
Krieges, p. 52. 

1 Sarasin, Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher Forschungen auf Ceylon, 
vol. Ill, p. 490. 

> Seligmann, The Veddas, pp. 34, 62. See also chapter VIII. 

6 Sarasin, Celebes, vol. I, p. 43. 

* Ellis, Hawaii, p. 400. 

N" Seeman, Viti, p. 31. 

9 Lewin, Chittagong, p. 110. 

0 von Stenin, Die Kurden; in Globus, vol. LXX, 1896, p. 224. 


B. XIIlı 29 


Eskimo around Behring Strait ! blood-revenge is a sacred duty, 
which »belongs to the nearest relativ». Turner ? gives the 
same information as regards the Eskimo of Hudson Bav, and 
Mr. Boas ? with respect to the Central Eskimo. Speaking of 
the Indians in the region of the Grand Lakes, Carver * states: — 
»lf a violence is committed or blood is shed, the right of reveng- 
ing these misdemeanours is left to the family of the injured; 
the Chiefs assume neither the power of inflieting nor moderating 
the punishment». According to Lewis Morgan ? blood-revenge 
among the Iroquois was merely a concern of relatives; this holds 
good of the Omaha ® and the Ponka ? also. Of the Kickapoo, 
Kansas and Osage Indians, Hunter ® informs us that blood- 
revenge was incumbent on the nearest relative. Similar is also 
the case among the tribes in Columbia, ® and Southern Ca- 
lifornia !° and among the Apaches and Comanches. ! Kane " 
states that this custom was universal amongst the Indians. 
As to the aborigines of Brazil, von Martius !? observes that blood- 
revenge is a matter which above all concerns the injured family. 


I Nelson, Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 293. 

2 Turner, Ethnol, of Ungava District, Hudson Bay Territory; in 11:th 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 186. 

83 Boas, The Central Eskimo; in 6:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 582. 

% Carver, Travels in the Interior of North America, p. 259. 

5 Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 332. 

6 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe: in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. pp. 213, 399. 

” Op. cit. p. 216. 

8 Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes, p. 305. 

9 Ross, Adventures, p. 327. 

10 Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, pp. 409 sq., 
41). 

11 Op. ceit. vol. I, p. 509. 

12 Kane, Wanderings among the Indians, p. 115. See for further par- 
ticulars as to Indians and Eskimo, Hooper, Tuski, pp. 273 sq., 357 sq., 367 
sq.; and Maine, Four Years in British Columbia, p. 292. 

13 Martius, Unter den Ureinwohnern Prasiliens, p. 73. 


30 B. Xlllı 


Similarly, Dobrizhoffer writes: — »Whenever an Abipon dies by 
the hand of an enemy, the nearest relation of the deceased takes 
it upon himself to avenge his death». ! 

Among the Barea and Kunama tribes in North-Eastern 
Africa the relatives of the murdered man are entitled without 
any interference on the part of the relatives of the culprit to 
avenge the crime. * In his study of the customs of the warlike 
Masai, Merker ? states that blood-revenge is a concern of the 
nearest relatives. Among the Kabyles * of Algeria we meet 
with similar customs as well as in early times among the Aryan 
population in India, in Greece, ° among the old Vikings, ® the 
early Germans ’, the pagan Irish® and Finns°. 

Moreover, it is not only in the case of blood-revenge'” that 
savage warfare is restricted to smaller groups within the entire 
unit. According to Wheeler, '! attacks among the Australian 
aborigines are carried out only by the particular local group 
offended, not by the tribal whole to which it belongs. Describ- 
ing the Central Eskimo, Mr. Boas writes: — »Real wars or fights 
between settlements, I believe, have never happened, but con- 
tests have always been confined to single families». '* Among 


1 Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 368. 

2 Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien, p. 498 sq. 

3 Merker, Die Masai, p. 206 sq. — For further particulars with re- 
gard to the natives in Africa see e. g. Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, 
vol. I, p. 57 sqaq. 

4 Hanoteau and Letourneur, La Kabylie, vol. III, p. 61. 

® Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, p. 478. — As for the Alba- 
nians see Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, vol. I, 84 sq.; — Robert, 
Les Slaves de Turquie, vol. II, p. 134. 

6 Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. II, p. 67 sa. 

° Dahn, Die Germanen, p. 40 sqq. 

B Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. III, p. 89. 

9 Yrjö-Koskinen, Suom. heimojen yhteisk.-järjestyksestä, p. 171. 

W For further part. Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, chap. XX. 

Il Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 120; 
cf. pp. 117, 153. 

12 Boas, The Central Eskimo; in 6:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 465. 


B. XIII: 21 


such a warlike race as the North American Indians, early 
wars had an essentially private character. Thus, speaking of 
the Indian tribes in general, Mr. Dorsey states: —»They had no 
wars of long duration; in fact wars between one Indian tribe and 
another scarcely ever occurred, but there were occasional battles, 
perhaps one or two in the course of a season». ' A natural conse- 
quence of this character of their wars was that it was not com- 
pulsory on the warriors of the community to join the war party.? 

In Western Africa one of the most warlike nations are the 
Fans. Nevertheless, according to Mr. Lenz, it is not battles in our 
meaning ofthe word that these peoples fight. Their warfare really 
consists in no more than one family letting another know that for 
such and such a reason there will be hostility from that day forth 
between the two parties. It is now only a matter of each side trying 
to capture and kill single members of the other side who may hap- 
pen to be in the forest far from their abodes while hunting or for 
any other purpose. It is seldom that two big bodies of Negroes are 
ranged against one another to fight; and, ifthis happens, fighting 
comes to an end as soon as one or more persons have been put 
out of fighting. The beaten side then flees as quickly as possible 
into its forests and fortified places, there to await an opportunity 
for revenge.? Similar customs have prevailed among the warlike 
Ilongotes in Luzon. * So also if a Mafulu community in New 
Guinea was attacked by the Ambo or Kuni natives »there 
would apparently be no thought of other Mafulu-speaking 
communities, as such, coming to assist in repelling the attack.»® 

Savage warfare seenis to be no more serious in many of the 
cases where entire communities wage war upon each other. 


1 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 312. 

2 Fleicher and La Flesche, Op. cit. p. 408; — Dorsey, Op. cit. p. 312 
sq.; — /dem, War Customs; in American Naturalist, vol. XVIII, pp. 
115, 132, — Mc Kenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 116; — Sproat, 
Op. cit. p. 153. 

3 Lenz, Skizzen aus Westafrika, p. 91. 

% Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 409. 

’° Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, p. 82 sq. 


3 B. XIllı 


Speaking of the Marquesas Islanders, Dr. Toutain remarks: 
— »Les guerres etaient en general peu meurtrieres, car il y avait 
rarement de veritables batailles. Elles consistaient en un etat 
d’hostilite se traduisant par des embuscades, des surprises d’une 
case, l’enlevement d’un iscle, d’une pirogue qui s’ecartait». ' 
In New Caledonia the battle ceases very soon, because it »devient 
complete pour la troisieme ou quatrieme victime qu’un parti est 
oblige d’enlever et de defendre dans la fuite» * With reference 
to the Hawailans, Ellis states that once the chief was killed his 
people immediately ran away,? and similar statements are made 
by Abel* and Guise in their descriptions of’some tribes of New 
Guinea. Guise ? observes that the contests are »of but short dura- 
tion, as a man or two wounded on one side it is considered suffi- 
cient excuse for that side to run awaw. Dr. Loria ® similarlv 
states of these natives that when the assailants succeed in 
capturing or killing one person, they do not care to run the risk 
of losing any of their men, and »gladly listen to the voice of any 
one of them who says, ’Let us go back and eat him’, and return to 
their canoes carrying with them the slain or captured person». ' 
According to Captain Cook and the missionary John Willianıs, 
the aborigines of Niue were most ferocious warriors; but Mr. 
Basil Thomson ® substantially modifies this statement and 
remarks that even their weapons were of a rather harmless 


! Toutain, Depopulation de l’Archipel des Marquises; in L’Anthropo- 
logie, vol. IX, 1898, p. 426. 

2 Rochas, La Nouvelle Cal®donie, p. 205. 

3 Ellis, Hawaii, p. 115. 

% Abel, Savage Life, p. 134. 

5 Guise, Tribes Inhabiting the Mouth of the Wanigela; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute, 1898, p. 213. 

6 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 543. 

° So also Mr. Williamson points out that »the primary object of an 
attack has usually been accomplished when the attacking party has killed 
one of their opponents». — The Mafulu Mountain People of British New 
Guinea, p. 180. . 

# Thomson, Savage Island, pp. 121 sq., 127 sq. 


B. XII ı | 33 


quality. Meinicke ? does not give a favourable account of 
the character of the Melanesians in general. They are rude, 
warlike, and excitable. Nevertheless, Dr. Codrington 3 testifies 
that the slaughter in their wars is insignificant. With regard 
to a really fierce warrior race, the Maori, Mr. Taylor * gives 
an account to the effect that »before firearms were introduced 
the battle was chiefly a trial of skill and strength between the 
principal chiefs, and the fall of one was often the signal of flight 
of his people»; and even in the case of a general fight the slaugh- 
ter was inconsiderable. ° In his careful inquiry into the inter- 
tribal relations in Australia, Wheeler shows that »warfare 
proper is exceptionab, ® and that in regulated or juridical fights 
in general once a man falls wounded the fight is over and both 
sides unite in caring for him. In these fights deaths seldom 
occur. * Accordingly, he declares, »nothing is further from the 
truth than the state of hostility described in the average ac- 
counts. ® As further evidence for Mr. Wheeler’s conclusions 
the following statements may be added. Messrs. Spencer and 
Gillen observe that the fighting of the natives is »not, usually, 
a very serious matter, at all events within the tribe, while with 
regard to intertribal combats they state that such actions »ex- 
cept in very small scale, do not take place. ? The aborigines in 
Cape York select an equal number of men to take part in their 
regulated fighting, and as soon as some one is wounded the com- 
bat ceases. !° As to the juridical fighting in general among the 


Thomson, Savage Island, p. 131. 
Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Ozeans, vol. I, p. 59. 
Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 305 sq. 
Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, p. 258. 
Gudgeon, The Whence of the Maori; in Journ. Polynesian Soc. vol. 
XII, p. 174. 

6 Wheeler, Op. cit. p. 15%. »There are no examples of regularly orga- 
nized warfare in Australia», p. 59. 

? Op. cit. pp. 140, 147, 155. 

8 Op. cit. p. 74. 

9 Spencer and Gillen, Across Australia, vol. I, p. 199. 

10 Macgillivray, The Voyage of »Rattlesnake®, vol. I, p. 314. 


hr Sn N - 


34 B. XIllı 


Australians, Mr. Mathews writes that the belligerents take care 
not to give a mortal blow, because they are fully aware of 
the »consequences at another time». ' Speaking of the Lushei 
Thangluah and Sailo, Shakespear remarks that in a war between 
these peoples, which lasted »from about 1833 to 1850 about 
six villages were destroyed on each side, but except on one 
occasion, but few lives were lost.» * Similarly the Naga tribes 
aim in their battles more at blows than actual killing. ? 
Among the Oakinacken Indians, »sthe moment a chief... 
falls, fighting gives place to mourning; they get discouraged 
and instantly fly without disgrace, and the battle is ended». ? 
Of the Columbian Indians, Franchere states that in their wars 
both parties collect partisans, and if, before the commencing 
of hostilities, the negotiations fail, the combat begins and is 
continued for some time »with fury on both sides; but as soon as 
one or two men are killed, the party which has lost these owns 
itself beaten and the battle ceasess. The chief reason for the 
comparative harmlessness of their combats is the inefficieney of 
their offensive weapons and the excellence of their defensive 
arms. ® Among the Chinooks, if the efforts for peace were not 
successful, fighting took place, »but the battles were of a short 
duration and accompanied by little bloodshed; the fall of a few 
warriors decided the victory; the vietors gained their point in 
the original dispute, the vanquished paid some damages, and 
the affair ended». ® Among the Californian Indians, battles 
though frequent were not attended with much loss of life. »Each 


1 Mathews, Australian Tribes; in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, vol. 
XXXVITII, 1906, p. 945. 

2 Shakespear, Lushei Kuki Clans, p. 56. 

3 Hoılson, The Naga Tribes, p. 113 sqgq. 

3 Ross, Adventures, p. 390. 

5 Franchrre, Op. cit. v. 252. 

6 Bancroft, The Native Races, vol. I. p. 236. — Ross, Fur Hunters, 
vol. I, pp. 88, 105 sq.; — Cor, Adventures, vo!. I. p. 322 sq.; — Dunn 
History of Oregon, p. 12%. 


B. XlIlı 35 


side was anxious for the fight to be over, and the first blood 
would often terminate the contest». ' The fighting of the 
Apaches had »more the character of assassination and murder 
than warfare. * The military ambition of the Blackfeet was 
satisfied when the war party had succeeded in killing one adver- 
sary, and great festivities were arranged on account of a single 
scalp. * Speaking of the Iroquois, Hennepin says: — »They count 
him a good warrior, that is cunning at surprising his Enemies. 
If they can escape handsomely, after they have given their blow, 
from their Enemies, they are reckon’d incomparable Fellows.» ? 
»Protracted warfare», Mr. Dorsey remarks, »or fighting for several 
days in succession, has not been the Omaha custom». ® On 
the contrary, careful inquiries have made clear that among this 
people »war was secondary»; its true function was protective, 
whereas aggressive warfare was discouraged, as »any gains made 
by it were more than offset by the troubles entailed». ° Hence 
the restriection was laid on predatory warfare, that all who 
went on the war-path should secure permission. * If a man who 
organized a war party secretly stole away to carry out his designs 
for revenge or the acquiring of spoil, and in the fighting lost a 
member of his party, he was punished as a murderer. ® Accord- 
ingly. the war parties were as a rule small, ° and it could often 
happen that when one single adversary was killed the war party 
returned home. !° Similar customs were prevalent among the 
Ponca, Padousa, and Osages. Thus, according to an old tradition, 


1 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. T, p. 379. 

2 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 496. 

3 McClintock, Old North Trail, p. 420. 

4 Hennepin, Discovery of a Vast Country in America, vol. II, p. 96. 

5 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnoı. p. 327. 

6 Fleicher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 211. 

7 Op. eit. p. 210 sq. 

8 Op. cit. pp. 211, 40% sag. 

9 Op. cit. p. 408, passim. 

10 Op. cit. pp. 408, 431, sqq. 


36 B. Xlllı 


the Ponca and Padousa tribes once »had a great battle. The 
people fought all day long. Sometimes the Ponca were driven, 
sometimes the Padousa, until at last a Ponca shot a Padousa in 
the eye. Then the battle ceased». ' And Dr. Dorsey states of 
the Osages that even large war parties acquiesced in the fall 
of one of the enemy as deciding the conflict. * The Apalachites 
in the Antilles carried on their wars very humanely.? According 
to Clavigero, * the bravery of the Mexican soldiers in the 13th 
century was not estimated by the number of enemies who were 
slain, but of those who were made prisoners. The same author 
adds that »when the standard of the army was taken by the 
enemy or their general fell, they all fled, nor was it possible then 
by any human art to rally or recall them». ® Similarly »the 
Nigaraguans fought desperately until their leaders fell, but then 
they always ran away». ® 

Of the very warlike Abipones, Dobrizhoffer states ? that »they 
always desire to conquer, but are never willing to die. They 
will curse a vietory obtained at the expense of one of their coun- 
trymen’s lives. They abhor triumphal hymns if mingled with 
funeral lamentations, and would reject a victory accompanied 
by the sighs of one mourning widow or orpham». ® If it comes to 
an open combat, it is commenced with the shooting of arrows, 
and subsequently they will come to close fighting with a spear. 
»Neither then, however, will the plain be inundated with human 
blood. The savages have indeed great power in dealing blows, 
but they have still greater swiftness in eluding them. The whole 
combat is often confined to threats and vociferations ... Terri- 


1 Op. eit. p. 79. 

®2 Dorsey, War Gustoms; in American Naturalist, vol. XVIII, pp. 
116, 126 sq. 

3 Rorhefort, Iles Antilles, p. 411. 

3 Clavigero, The History of Mexico, vol. IT, p. 120. 

> Op. eit. vol. I, p. 372. 

6 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 746. 

° Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 347. 

8 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 348. 


B. XIIIı 37 


fied at the slaughter of a very few of their fellow soldiers, they 
desert their leader and escape how they can». ' As regards the 
battles ofthe Araucanians, Molina says that »they are generally 
unaccompanied with the fusion of blood», and are confined to 
pillage alone. ? Among the Patagonians and the Fuegians, wars 
do not last long. ? Warfare is desultory and on a very small 
scale. * 

Passing over to Africa, we meet with similar facts. Of the 
warfare of the Waganda, Casati writes: —»They are fierce in 
battle, but only as long as reserves are in the rear ready to streng- 
then the weak and threatened position, for should they be un- 
supported or hard pressed they quickly take to flight. The death 
of a chief also has a discouraging effect upon them». ° Describing 
a war between »the great Chief of Nunda» and a petty chief, 
Speke ® observes that during the whole ofthe two years’ warfare 
the loss was only three men on each side; and this remark seems 
to hold good of many other wars among the natives of East 
Africa. ? Thus even the Masai, who consider themselves the 
true warrior race by divine grace, and the true owners of the 
cattle of the neighbouring tribes, by no means always wage very 
destructive wars. After a cattle raid, as Thomson observes, 
there may be »more warriors killed over the division of the spoil 
than in the original capturing of it». ° The warfare of their neigh- 
bours is of a similar kind. Among the Wataturu, the fighting 
ceases when a few men are slain. ? Of the Wafiumi, !° we are 


1 Dobrizhoffer, Op. eit. vol. II, p. 420 sq. 

® Molina, History of Chili, vol. II, p. 67. 

83 King and Fitzroy, Voyages of the »Adventure» and »Beagle, vol. 
II, p. 159. 

- 4 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 179. 

° Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria, vol. II, p. 79. 

6 Speke, Discovery of the Source of the Nile, p. 100. 

° Baumann, Durch Massailand, pp. 126 sq. 

8 Thomson, Through Masai Land, p. 255. 

9 Baumann, Op. cit. p. 173. 

10 Op. cit. p. 179. 


38 B. XllIı 


told that the inhabitants of the neighbouring distriets do not 
make war upon each other, but only beat each other with their 
long sticks. In the wars of the Wambugwe, there is said to be 
little bloodshed; they do not even take goats or cattle as spoil, 
only fowl and household utensils. ' But all this does not refer 
to wars with the Masai, who are bitterly hated and to whom no 
mercy is shown. Of the Kabyles of Algeria, we are told that 
their wars are never very murderous. »Tout se borne, en general, 
a des combats de tirailleurs ä longue distance. Chaque homme 
se glisse en rampant dans les ravins et les broussailles et, profi- 
tant de tous les accidents du terrain, des arbres, des rochers, 
s’ernbusque et tire A couvert. Lorsque la fusillade a dure un 
temps raisonnable, les deux partis se retirent ... Les hostilites 
ne continuent... que pour arriver A une galite de pertes».” The 
battles of the Mameluks were often decided by the death of 
two or three persons. ? 

While savage combats are thus often little else than com- 
paratively harmless skirmishes, we indeed hear from many auth- 
orities that squabbles often play the most important part in their 
wars. In New Guinea the combat was begun * by means of in- 
sulting words, and in Savage Island combats consisted mainly of 
vociferations. ? Of the Maori, Mr. Polack ® states that in their 
fighting there was more noise than anything else. As to the 
Samoans, ° when two war parties meet, before beginning to 
fight they sometimes pause to abuse each other systematically 


! Baumann, Op. cit. p. 188. 

?2 Hanoteau and Letourneurx, La Kabylie, vol. Il, 73 sq. 

3 Chasseboeuf de Volney, Voyages en Syrie et en Egypte, vol. I, p. 
106. 

% Guise, Tribes Inhabiting the Mouth of Wanigela River, New Guinea; 
in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1898, p. 213. 

° Thomson, Savage Island, p. 131 sq. 

6 Polack, New Zealand, vol. II, p. 43. 

° Pritchard, Polynesian Reminiscences, p. 565 — Türmen Polynesia, 
pp. 303, 353. 


B. Xlllı 39 


and to deliver speeches of defiance and challenge. This seems 
to have been universal in Polvnesia. Thus Ratzel observes that 
everywhere in Polynesia there is much wordy warfare and little 
of fighting; even in serious warfare words play the leading part; ' 
and the long experience of Ellis confirms this conelusion. ® In 
the fights of the Australian ” natives it often happens that there 
is more vociferation than bloodshed. In Africa the Ba-Huana * 
begin their battles with vehement abuse; indeed, owing to the 
inclination for diplomacy, as Ratzel ° observes, the natives of 
Africa in general combat each other more by means of words 
than by active contests. The Indians of North America seem 
likewise to have been addicted to similar customs, ® and so also 
among the Abipones vociferations predominated in their wars. ‘ 
Speaking of primitive warfare in general, Deniker * affirms 
that it consists more of shouting and terrifying than of serious 
fighting, and that, consequently, there are few slain. 


That too much stress has often been laid on the horrors of 
primitive warfare is also apparent from the customs which aim 
at preventing, or at least mitigating, the destructive effects 
of war. Of the Australian aborigines, Wheeler ? observes that, 
instead of a fierce state of constant warfare, the intra- and 
inter-tribal relations are strietlv regulated, and actual war rela- 


1 »Ueberall in Polvnesia hört man viel Wortgefechte und sieht wenig 
Streit; auch im ernsthaftem Kriege spielen Worte eine Hauptrolle — Völ- 
kerkunde, vol. I, p. 176. 

2 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. II, p. 486 sq. 

3 Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 79. 
— Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes in Central Australia, p. 490. 

4 Torday and Joyce, Ba-Huana; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1906, 
p. 289. — This is the case of the Bayaka also. — Torday, Camp and 
Tramp in African Wilds, p. 136. 

° »Streit mit Worten stat mit Thaten». — Op. cit. vol II, p. 31. 

6 Thevet, La France Antartique, p. 73. — Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, 
379, passim. 

° Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 420 saq. 

8 Deniker, Les races et peuples de la Terre, p. 305 sq. 

9 Wheeler, Op. cit. chap. VIII and IX. 


40 B. XIHı 


tively seldom occurs; strifes are usually settled by means of juri- 
dical fighting, and notice is given to the enemy many weeks 
before." Among the aborigines of New Guinea, according to 
Mr. Krieger, * due notice is given before commencing hostilities. 
In the Fiji Islands »when war is decided upon between two po- 
wers, a formal message to that effect is interchanged». ?_ Accor- 
ding to Mr. Thomson *, the Fijians, when they were preparing 
for war, aimed at obtaining allies. Meanwhile, »the other side 
were kept fully informed of these preliminary negotiations and 
had made similar preparations. No formal declaration of war 
was therefore necessary, though there were instances of it». 
Among the aborigines of Formosa ® no hostilities occurred before 
actual warning had been given. Even the cruel head-hunters 
of Borneo ® did not hesitate to render their undertakings more 
difficult by sending similar messages. The peaceful Tenae ‘ 
in Bengal, when punishing marauders, »declare hostilities and 
march openly to attack their enemies». So also the rapacious 
Masai ® in East Africa send due notice before starting for their 
cattle raids. The Californian tribes challenge their enemies by 
placing three little sticks notched in the middle and at both 
ends on a mount which marked the boundary between the two 
tribes. »If the adversaries accept, they tie a string round the 
middle notch. Heralds then meet, and the battle comes off as 
appointed». ® The Columbian Indians give notice before starting 


1 Macgillivray, The Voyage of »Rattlesnake, vol. II, p. 7. 

2 Krieger, Neu Guinea, p. 200. 

3 Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 44. 

* Thomson, The Fijians, p. 89. 

> Hulsius, Beschreibung der zweyen Insulen Formosa und Japan, 
p. 36. 

6 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 411. 

° Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 35. — In the wars of the Naga 
tribes the time and place for battle is arranged beforehand. — Hodsen, 
The Naga Tribes, p. 113 sqq. | 

B® Hinde, The Last of the Masai, p. 69. 

9 Banrroft, The Native Tribes of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 379. 


B.XIHı 4 


hostilities; nay they do all they can to terminate the affair ami- 
cably: sometimes a third party becomes mediator. »If those who 
seek Justice do not obtain it to their satisfaction, they retire to 
some distance and the combat begins... But as soon as one or 
two men are killed, the party which has lost these owns itself 
beaten and the battle ceases». Cox? aflirms that this holds 
good especially of the Chinook Indians. According to Morgan, ? 
not even the Iroquois neglected to inform their enemies of the 
commencement of war. In Northern Mexico »sometimes the 
day fixed for the battle is announced to the enemy, and a spot 
on which the fight is to take place selected.» * — Among all the 
ancient Mexican nations »it was a breach of international eti- 
quette to proceed to war without giving due notice to the enemy, 
and military law prescribed that three embassies should be 
despatched before commencing hostilitiew. ® In Honduras. 
ambassadors were sent to challenge the enemy to a pitched 
battle. °— Similar customs prevailed among the early Romans. ? 

Not merely is the enemy thus in many cases duly warned 
beforehand, but also during the fighting itself certain rules are 
observed which tend to mitigate the destructive harshness of 
war. There are instances of savages deciding to confine the 
battle to a simple duel. As a matter of fact, with primitive 
weapons, even a general engagement is made up, asarule, ofa 
series of single combats. ® Yet, e. g. among the Maori, the duel 
»was a great institutions, says Best. »Not only on the battle 


— —- 


1 Franch“re, Op. cit. p. 251. 

® Cox, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 322. 

3 Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 339. 

% Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 581. 

5 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 420.— Cf. Clavigero, The History of Mexico 
vol. I, p. 370. 

6 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 723. 

* See e. g. Plutarch, Publicola 16; — Jähns, Krieg, Frieden und 
Kultur, p. 128. 

8 See e. 2. Hodson, The Naga Tribes, p. 113; — Ratzel, Völkerkunde, 
vol. I, p. 198. 


42 B. XIllı 


fields did such encounters occur, but during quarrels concerning 
women, land, eto.' Duels as a mode of settling disputes 
are to be observed also among other savages. ? 

Relatives have often a particularly restraining influence upon 
- hostilities. Dr. Rivers ? states with reference to the aborigines 
of Torres Strait, that if two men were fighting, certain relatives 
of either of them had the power of stopping the fight. The 
relation who possessed this power in the highest degree was the 
wadwam. * The wadwam of a man could make him desist from 
fighting immediately by a mere word or by simply holding up 
his hand. »This power was so pronounced that even tribal fights 
would be stopped if a man on one side saw his wadwam on the 
opposite sides. Other relatives also were entitled to stop the 
intertribal combat. ° In Murray Islands ® a similar custom 
was prevalent. Among the Roro-speaking tribes and also among 
the Mekeo the chiefs of clans had, as Dr. Seligmann ‘ observes, 
the right of stopping a fight.” Of the Maori, Mr. Best states 


1 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XII, p. 37. 

® Spencer and Gillen, Across Australia, vol. I, p. 199; — Wheeler, 
Op. eit. p. 29; — and above all, Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, 
chap. XXI. 

3 Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. V., 
p. 144. 

& Wadwam = mothers’ brother and sister’s child. — Babat = name 
of brother for sister and of sister for brother. Ngaibat or kutapu = father’s 
sister and brother’s child. Reports of the Exp. to Torres Straits, vol. V, 
p. 129. — »This term (Madwam) was applied by both men and women 
to all those whom the mother would call bata® Op. cit. p. 134. — »The 
husband of a ngaibat was also called wadwam» Op. cit. p. 135. 

5 Op. eit. vol. V, p. 145. 

6 Op. cit. vol. VI, p. 100. 

? Seligmann, The Melanesians, pp. 216, 345. 

8 Of the natives in Mieronesia we read: — »Nun haben sich die Be- 
wohner der einzelnen Inseln häufig zu selbstständigen politischen Ein- 
heiten zusammengeschlossen, die sich gelegentlich untereinandern be- 
kämpfen. In solchem Kriegen stehen demnach in den feindlichen Lagern 
Angehörige derselben Sippen. Allein das Gefühl der Blutbrüderschaft 
erweist sich stärker als die politische Feindschaft; sobald sich zwei Krieger 


B. Xlllı 43 


that a person related to both sides in war was often spared al- 
though living with the enemy and probably caught in arms 
against the tribe that spared him. »A taharua, or person related 
to two tribes, would often pass to and fro between the opposing 
camps when those tribes were at war». ' Among the Eskimo in 
Alaska? relatives were neutral when their communities happen- 
ed to be at war with each other. — Important restrictions are 
also incumbent on the members of different clans having the 
same totem. Tlhus in New Guinea, according to Dr. Chalmers, 
fighting between members of the same totem clan was strictly 
forbidden. In Kiwai Island it was a fixed law in battle that no 
man should attack or slay another who bore the same totemie 
crest as himself. Strangers even from hostile tribes could safely 
visit villages where there were clans with the same totems as 
their own. * The Kutchin Indians are divided into three metro- 
nymic exogamous totem »castes>, savs Bancroft. »This system 
operates strongly against war between tribes; as in war it is 
caste against caste, and not tribe against tribe. As the father 
is never of the same caste as the son, who receives caste from 
his mother, there can never be intertribal war without ranging 
fathers and sons against each other». ? Very extensive among 
the Haidah Indians also were the duties of members of the same 
totem, although otherwise these might be enemies to each other. 
Moreover »in war it was not tribe against tribe, but division 
against division, and as the children were never of the same 
caste as the father, the children would be against the father and 


als ’puipui”, d. h. als Sippenverwandte erkannt haben, dürfen sie sieh 
nichts zu Leide thun, sondern sie müssen sich im Kampfe ausweichen.» 
— Kubary, in Mittheilungen der Geogr. Gesellschaft, Hamburg 1878—9; 
quoted by Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, p. 147 sq. 

l Best, Notes on the Art of War, in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XI, p. 220. 

® Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 329. 

9 Chalmers, New Guinea; in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. 1903, pp.144,161, 188. 

1 Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. II, p. 37. 

° Baneroft, Op. cit. vol. I., p. 132. — See also vol. I. p. 109. 


bi B.XIllı 


the father against the children, part of one tribe against part of 
another, and part against itself, so that there would have been 
a pretty general confusion». ' 

Moreover, this restrietion of killing is in many cases exten- 
ded also so as to include all the adversaries who are not 
carrying arms, or at any rate have ceased to offer further 
resistance. Among the aborigines of Torres Strait, Padau- 
garka was the name given to a peaceful man who would not 
fight even when the rest of the men were engaged in fighting. 
The enemy noticed the fact, and when they returned home they 
mentioned it, and in future they would not attack him nor his 
family. 2 Among all the Australian aborigines, even in the 
most cruel form of their warfare — nightly surprises — women 
and children, as a rule, are not slain. ® According to Seeman, * 
the Fijians display a certain leniencey towards women, and 
Turner ® states that among the Samoans only cowards would 
kill women. The Masai ® never attack nor kill women; the 
Wafiumi carry on their wars very humanely. »Even in the case 
of victory they do not penetrate into the interior of the enemy’s 
country. Male prisoners of war are not killed, but kept for 
ransom». * With reference to the Kabyles, Messrs. Hanoteau 
and Letourneux observe that when in war an enemy has been 
made prisoner and, accordingly, ought to be tortured, »un des 
combattants peut le souver en le couvrant de son burnous ou en 
echangeant son fusil avec luw. ° Moreover, »les femmes, qui 


t Fraser, Op. cit. vol. Ill, p. 356 sq. — See also Fiescher and la Flesche 
the Omaha Tribe: in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnec]. p. 56. 

2 Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. V, p. 
302. 

3 Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 154. 

ı Seeman, Viti, p. 180. 

5 Turner, Polynesian Researches, vol. I, p. 318. 

6 Hinde, The Last of the Masai, pp. 6, 64; — Thomson. Through Masai 
Land, pp. 90, 177. 

? Baumann, Durch Massailand, p. 179. 

#8 Hanoteau and Letourneur, La Kabylie, vol. III, p. 79. 


B. XIllı 45 


dans la vie civile, tiennent si peu de place, ... par leur presence 
seule, eloignent la mort et donnent l’änai»'!... »Au milieu 
de cette societe, rude jusqu’ä la ferocite la femme apporte, dans 
les plis de sa robe, la piti& et misericorde». ° 

As to the Indians, there are instances showing that women 
and children were spared, ? and prisoners were not always 
tortured, but were well treated and adopted or interchanged. 
This is the case at least with the Iroquois, * Omaha, Ponka, ° 
Wvyandots, ® and the Californian tribes. “ The Abipones ® 
as a rule spared the unwarlike. The Tenae in Bengal »make 
war only on men, inflicting no injury whatever on non-com- 
batants». 9 According to the old Chinese !” custom of warfare, 
it was not considered right »to rush on those who were willing 
to surrender». With reference to the early Germans, Tacitus 
states: — »To a German mind the idea of a woman led into capti- 
vity is unsupportable». !! 

The tendencv of sparing enemies is extended especiallv 
to those who have taken refuge in such places as are re- 
cognized as asvlums. This custom is generally prevalent among 
the Australian aborigines. '* In Nissan Island, the hut of the 
chief served as an asylum.!” The tombs of dead chiefs gave 
shelter to refugees in Tonga. !* Hence, »if the most inveterate 


1 Op. eit. vol. III, p. 80. 
2 Op. cit. vol. III, p. 81. 
3 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 703; cf. p. 426. 
4 Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 344. 
5 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology, in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 332. 
6 Powell, Wvandot Government; in 1:st Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 68. 
* Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 381. 
8 Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. Il, p. 141. 
9 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 35. 
10 Medhurst, Ancient China, p. 192. 
Il Tacitus, Germania, 8. 
12 Wheeler, Op. cit. p. 106 sa. 
13 Steinmetz, Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 420. 
14 Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Ozeans, vol. II, p. 81. 


46 B. XIIIı 


enemies meet upon this ground they must look upon each other 
as friends under penalty of the displeasure of the gods».! In 
Hawaii, as observed by Mr. Ellis, * two cities were recognized 
as asylums, both of which afforded during war complete safety 
to all fugitives, including the vanquished. Describing the Sa- 
moans, Turner ® states that a different district or the houses 
of the chiefs served as places of refuge.. Among the Kukies * 
and the Lushais in general 5 fugitives found shelter in the huts of 
the chiefs. This was the case also with the Kafirs, ® the Masai, ? 
and other native peoples in Africa.® As to the Indians, the 
Cherokee, Creeks,? Apaches, '" and others had their »white 
towns» or other places of refuge to serve as asylums. 

Now it is obvious that this widespread institution also great- 
ly contributed to. mitigate the warlike character of primitive 
conditions. ! | 

The partition of primitive communities into peaceable 
and belligerent groups had the same end in view, namely, the 
prevention of too destructive warfare. Of the warlike Galla, 
we are informed that they are divided into three different classes. 
The Mordn contains the unmarried warriors, the Morua are 
married and never take part in war, and finally the Levele 


Mariner, The Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. I, p. 95. 
Ellis, Tour through Hawaii, pp. 137, 155 sq. 
Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, pp. 285, 334. 
Lewin, The Hill Tracts of Chittagong, p. 100. 
Shakespear, The Kuki-Lushai Clans; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
p. 374. 
Kidd, The Essential Kafır, p. 352. 
Merker, Die Masai, p. 206. 
Post, Afrıkanische Jurisprudenz, vol. II, p. 37. 
Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee; in 19:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 207. 

10 Bourke, The Medicine Men of the Apache; in 9:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 453. 

11 See for further particulars, W’estermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, 
pp. 628—638; — Steinmetz, Rechtsverhältnisse, passim; — Wheeler, The 
Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 106 sq. 


m a N m 


1909 


SS 1 Se» 


+) 


B. Xlllı 47 


are married but at the same time may fight occasionally. ' This 
division was most systematically carried out among the Indians. 
Many Indian tribes, says Gatschet, ? to the East as well as to 
the West ofthe Mississippi, had anold division ofthe male popu- 
lation into fighting and peaceful groups. It sometimes happened 
that the peaceful groups separated themselves from the warlike 
ones and consequently came to carry on their own wars, though 
much more humanely than the warlike groups. ? 


l Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. II, p. 166. 

2 Gatschet, Die Osage Indianer; in Globus, vol. LXXIII, 1898, p. 350. 
See also Dorsey, Siouan Sociology; in 15:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 
233 sq.; — Dorsey, War Customs; in the American Naturalist, vol. XVIII, 
p. 113 sq.; — Fletcher and La Fleische, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 542 sq. 

3 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 564. 


CHAPTER II 


THE CHARACTER OF PRIMITIVE WARFARE 
(Continued) 


In many cases the savage man has to be specially incited 
before he can make up his mind to set out on the war-path, and 
this ill agrees with the opinion that he cares about nothing but 
war. 

In New Guinea ! the women abuse the men as being »the 
most wicked cowards» if they do not rush into war, although 
according to the opinion of the women they ought to have full 
reason for it. Among the Ba-Huana Negroes, »the chief insti- 
gators of war are women», Messrs. Torday and Joyce remark. 
»If the men are peaceably inclined and rather disposed to pocket 
an insult, the women make fun of them — ’You are afraid, you 
are not men; we will have no intercourse with you’...... Then 
out go the men and fight».? In Somaliland, men who have in 
war killed an enemy, or even committed a treacherous murder; 
are entitled to wear ostrich feathers as decoration in their hair, 
hence the wives of the »undecorated men» scoff at them until 
they have succeeded in gaining such a trophy. ? With regard 


I Krieger, Neu Guinea, p. 390. 

2 Torday and Joyce, Ba-Huana; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1906, 
p- 289. 

3 von der Decken, Reisen, vol. II, p. 324. 


B. Xlllı 49 


to the North American Indians, among the Apaches ', for exam- 
ple, if the men return from an unsuccessful expedition, »they 
are met with jeers and insults» by the women. Likewise Hen- 
nepin observes that the Indians engage in war »because other 
people jeer them. ’You’re a Coward,’ say they. ’You never 
were in a battle. You have kill’d no Body yet’». ? This was the 
case also with other Indians of North America. ? Of the 
ancient Spartans, Grote observes that the warlike spirit of men 
greatly depended upon »the sympathy of the other sex, which 
manifested itself publicly .. to the exaltation of the brave as 
well as to the abasement of the recreant.» ? 

Women have even a more active part in the pursuit of hosti- 
lities. When fighting is going on between Australian aborigines, 
women are present egging on the men. ® Among the aborigines 
of Kiwai Island, in British New Guinea, the women follow the 
men to the fight because »the men say they are a great encoura- 
gement to them, as they urge them on, and they also create a 
feeling that they must be protected». ® Similarly Mr. Williamson 
and Dr. Seligmann state that these women follow their fighting 
men in the expedition, their duty being to »encourage the fight- 
ers on the way and during the fight by their singing». ° More- 
over, if they ran away »the fighting men would follow them». 8 
Information to the same effect is given by Dr. Codrington? with 
regard to other Melanesians. The Omaha, Ponka, and Osage 
women had special magic songs »to send strength to the absent 
warriors on the battlefield». When a war party was away, it 
was the custom for women, particularly of the poorer class, to 


m U nn LE 11mm 111 mn 


I Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 489. 
2 Hennepin, Discovery of a Vast Country in America, vol. Il, p. 72. 
3 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 312. 
4 Grote, History of Greece, vol. II, p. 307. 

5 Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 45. 
6 Chalmers, Natives of Kiwai; in Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1903, p. 122. 
? Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, p. 183. 

8 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 296. 

9 Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 306 n. 


50 B. XIllı 


go to the tents of some of the absent warriors and there sing 
some of these we'towaa”. »It was believed that by some 
telepathic process courage and increased strength thus were 
imparted to the man who was battling. ' In return they ob- 
tained gifts. -Moreover, women also followed war parties in 
order to strengthen the courage of warriors. ? Of the early Ger- 
mans, Tacitus writes that »their tenderest pledges are near 
them in the field. In the heat of the engagement, the soldier 
hears the shrieks of his wife and the cries of his children. These 
are the darling witnesses of his conduct, the applauders of his 
valour, at once beloved and valued. The wounded seek their 
mothers and their wives». ? Similar details about the early Gauls 
are given by Caesar. * 

Bravery is encouraged not merely by the fear of being ridi- 
culed and the strong feeling of the duty of protecting relatives 
present in battle, but also by the knowledge that cowardice 
will incur punishment afterwards. Ifa Mojawe is taken prisoner 
and he should return, »his mother even will not own him». 3 
Among the ancient Maya, he who from cowardice failed to do his 
duty in war was »abused, insulted, stripped of his weapons, and 
discharged from the service. ® These are but characteristic 
examples-out of a large number. ° We need only refer to the 
practice so common e.g.among the Wahuma in East Africa, where 
»the runaways are drilled with red-hot iron until they are men 
no longer and die», ° fully to realize that such serious punishment: 


I Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 421; see also pp. 407, 423, 426. 

2 Op. cit. p. 247. — Cf. Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 312. 

3 Tacitus, Germania, 7; — I/dem, History, IV, 18 and passim. 

3 Caesar, De Bello Gallico, I, 51; VII, 48. 

® Bancroft, The Native Races of the Parific States, vol. I, p. 499. 

6 Op. eit. vol. I, p. 746. x | 

” Op. eit. vol. I, p. 764, passim; — Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 
VII, 66. | 

8 Speke, Discovery of the Source of the Nile, p. 212.— As for punishment 
among other peovles in East Africa, see pp. 324, 367, 381, 392, 430, 437. 


B. Xlllı 1 


would hardly be required if a fierce love of fighting were really 
as innate in the savage character as it seems to be assumed in 
certain modern philosophies of war. 

Further, the warlike instincts of savages are in many cases 
excited by their leaders, who make use e. g. of elaborate speeches. 
Thus, among the Maori, before starting a battle, the leaders 
generally made appeal to the passions ofthe army. »The reasons 
of the conflict», says Mr. S. Percy Smith, ' »are set forth with 
all the peculiar powers of Maori oratory..... The pride of the 
tribe, their honour, their wives and their children, and bravery 
of their ancestors, the spirits of the departed, their own lives 
now menaced — every fact and circumstance dear to them is 
invoked, and all the powers of their wild poetry and savage 
rhetoric employed to influence the passion of war and stimulate 
bravery. Similarly, Ellis ? informs us that during fighting 
among the Polynesians it devolved on special men to glorify the 
bravery oftheir ancestors, and in this manner to arouse and excite 
the pugnacious instincts of the belligerents. In ancient China, 
before starting the fight the commanders delivered speeches, 
bidding their men, for example, to »emulate military ardour 
like tigers and panthers, like bears and hyenas.» ? Nor were 
the early Greeks, * Romans ® and Germans ® unfamiliar with 
this mode of exciting the warlike ardour of their armies. - 

In other cases the pugnaciousness of savage warriors is in- 
creased by prospects of rewards. Thus, in New Guinea. marks of 
distinction are bestowed upon the brave. Therefore, says Krie- 
ger ° »the desire to obtain such marks causes often feuds 


1 Smith, Wars of the Northern Tribes; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol, 
VII, p. 151. | 5 

® Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. II, p. 486 sq. 

3 Medhurst, Ancient China, p. 192. 

1 See e. g. Thucydides, History of Peloponnesian War, V, 68, passim, 

.? E. g. Tacitus, History III. 20; V, 16; passim.; — /dem, The Annals, 

Il. 67. | 

6 E. g. Tacitus, History, V, 17, passim. 

° Krieger, Neu Guinea, p. 320. 


52 B. XlIl ı 


between neighbouring village». The Fijian heroes obtain 
as rewards special titles! or certain rights with regard 
to women. ?* Among the Kafirs®? it was only after’ suc- 
cessful raids and war expeditions that the warriors obtained 
the right of marrying. Great rewards were also given to the 
brave among the Wahuma and other neighbouring tribes. * In 
Somaliland, everybody who had killed an enemy was entitled 
to wear an ostrich feather as a decoration. 5 Most of the Indians 
of North America used particular gradations, or they availed 
themselves of special »war honours» and decorations, to show 
the rank of individuals and to stimulate the military ardour of 
the warriors.® Among the Sia, nobody could become a member 
of the Society of Warriors who had not himself obtained a scalp.‘ 
In Central America this custom reached its highest development. 
Nobility was conferred on him who was wounded in war, and he 
was further rewarded with lands, with some distinguished wo- 
men, and with military command. ® 

Many other customs aim at the same end. The Australian 
aborigines make raids in order to obtain skulls of the slain, and 
thus »to gain glory and the approbation of their women.» ® In 
Murray Island !" »the skulls of their slain enemies were preserved 


! Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 55. 

®2 Thomson, The Fijians, p. 98 sq.; — Williams and Talvert, Op. cit., 
vol. I, p. 48. 

3 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. II, p. 123. 

«4 Speke, Discovery of the Source of the Nile, pp. 212, 303, passim. 

5 Von der Decken, Reisen, vol. II, p. 324. 

6 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 333; 
— Gaischet, Creek Indians, pp. 158—164; — Fletcher and La Fiesche, The 
Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 124, 358 sq., 437 sq., 
439 sq. 

? Coxe Stevenson, The Sia; in 11:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 121. 

8 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 764. — The same custom is found among 
the early Romans, e. g. Caesar, Op. cit. Ill, 26. 

9 Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. V, p. 
298. 

10 Hunt, Ethnographical Notes on the Murray Islands; in Journ. Anth- 
rop. Institute, 1898, p. 12. 


B. XIllı 53 


as a proof of their succes». Similarly in New Hebrides ! the 
skulls served as war trophies. According to Turner, ? in Samoa 
the skull bestowed an immense honour on the captor. »To a 
voung Samoan», asserts Pritchard, ° »this is the realization of 
his highest ambition — to be publicly thanked by the Chief for 
slaving an enemy in mortal combat, as ‚he careers before his 
comrades with the reeking head of his foe in his hand.» Among 
the early natives of Formosa, says Hulsius, * a man who had 
obtained a skull was looked upon as such a hero that nobody 
dared publicly speak to him during the first fortnight. Among 
the Manobo ° in the Philippines, the Pakatans ® in Borneo, and 
the Kukies, ° the skulls were held to prove the bravery of the 
warriors. Thus, speaking of the latter people, Macrae states 
that each warrior had his own pile of heads, and, according to 
the number it consists of, »his character as hunter or warrior is 
established in his tribes. ° This is the case also as regards cer- 
tain Eskimo communities ? as well as some Indian tribes in 
South America. Thus the Chaco Indians !® and Abipones '! 
regard skulls as conferring great merit on the captor. '* 


1 Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Ozeans, vol. I, p. 202. 

2 Turner, Samoa, p. 192; — /dem, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 
301 sq. 

3 Pritchard, Polynesian Reminiscences, p. 57. 

% Hulsius, Eine Beschreibung der zweyen Insulen Formosa und Ja- 
pan, p. 38. 

5 Semper, Die Philippinen, p. 63. 

6 St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East; quoted by Spencer, 
Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 40. 

* Lewin, Chittagong, p. 111 saq. 

8» Macrae, Account of the Kookies; in Asiatic Researches, vol. VII, 
p. 195. 

9 Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 329. 

10 Grubb, The Indians of Paraguayan Chaco, p. 87. 

11 Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 408 sq. 

12 It is in this connection noteworthy that it was, at least among the 
lower savages, also an act of great merit to have killed a beast. FE. g. among 
the Shoshone he who had killed a grizzly bear was allowed »to wear 


‘ 


5& B. Xlllı 


In some cases it is even regarded as an indispensable duty 
to obtain skulls or other trophies. Thus without skulls the 
young men in Borneo ! could hardly marry. Similarly among 
the aborigines in Kiwai Island, ? »no young man could marry, 
as no woman would have him without skulls», and the more 
skulls the greater honour. Likewise among the Nagas ® in 
Bengal the right of being tattooed involved the necessity of 
having obtained skulls or scalps.. In British Columbia * no 
young Indian was allowed to speak directly to his father-in-law 
until he had killed an enemy with white hairs. It is well known 
that the North American Indians in general ® measured a 
man’s value by the number of scalps in his possession. ® It 
would, however, be a mistake to conclude that these customs 
in all cases presupposed warfgre. The head-hunters of Borneo 


their highest insignia of glory, the feet or claws of the victims». — Bancroft, 
The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 438. — The Pygmies in 
New Guinea have net bags slung over one shoulder and from the corner 
hang »from one to twenty boar’s tusks, trophies of the chase and highly 
valued by the owner. These tusks note the prowess of the individual, 
very much in the same way as human scalps did in the old days of the 
North American Indians.» — Ruwling, The Land of the New Guinea 
Pygmies, p. 153. 

This fact anew shows the close connection between primitive warfare 
and the chase; furthermore it proves how erroneous it is to assert that 
only purely warlike actions brought renown. — Cf. Letourneau, La guerre, 
p- 58; — Von der Decken, Reisen, vol. Il, p. 324. — For further particulars 
see also Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 36 sq. 

1 Furness, The Home-Life of Borneo Head-Hunters, p. 75. 

2 Chalmers, The Natives of Kiwai Island; ın Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1903, p. 123. 

3 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 40. 

2 Kane, Wanderings, p. 393. 

° Fletcher and La Fiesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. pp. 124, 437 sq.; — Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. II 
p. 43 sq.; — Core Stevenson, The Sia; in 11:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 


p. 121. er | 
6 According to Ammianus Marcellinus, the Alani likewise esteemed 
Scalps as »the most glorious spoils». — History of Ammianus Marcellinus, 


XXX], 2. 


B. Xi] 1 55 


did not shrink from cutting the throat even of their friends. | 
Among the Nagas it was by no means essential that the skulls or 
scalps should be trophies of honourable warfare, or that they 
should even be taken from the bodies of declared enemies. »A 
skull may be acquired by the blackest treachery, but so long as 
the vietim was not a member of the clan, it was accepted as a 
chivalrous offering of a true knight to his lady». ? Baron von 
der Decken ? states that in Somaliland ordinary murder, even 
that done by stealth or on those entitled to protection, was not 
despised when the winning of the ostrich-feather decoration was 
in question. Duties towards other persons likewise obliged the 
savage to obtain trophies, procure victims, etc. Many of these 
customs, however, are more or less closely connected with super- 
stitious beliefs, a fact which is the miore significant, as it is appar- 
ent that such duties are considered to be the most binding, and 
therefore also more than anything else are calculated to call 
forth martiality. With blood-revenge, one of the most common 
of these features in early social life we have already dealt. Other 
points will be illustrated later on. 

Al of the facts which have hitherto been brought forward 
have reference to the means by which warriors are excited to 
bravery by other members of their communitv. But they also 
try to excite themselves. Not relving upon their alleged »inborn 
animality’, they endeavour in various ways to acquire that 
pugnacious spirit and martial ardour of which they feel themsel- 
ves to have need. The more, therefore, the circumstances require 
warlike qualities, the more we find among savages practices 
calculated to satisfy these demands. Young boys are systematic- 
ally trained to become brave, and grown warriors avail them- 
selves of a crowd of means by which to infuse into themselves 
bravery and a thirst for blood; nay, even such notorious war- 


‚1 Furness, Op. cit. p. 125. | es 

2 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 40. — See also Hodson, Head- 
kunting among the Hili Tribes of Assam: in Folk-Lore, vol. XX.p. 132 14. 

3 Von der Decken, Reisen, vol, Il, p. 324. 


6 B. XlIIı 


rior-races as the Maori! and the North American Indians ? 
before starting on their expeditions did not neglect to arouse 
their martial ardour through solemn war dances. * These facts 
are too well known in Sociology to need an enumeration of ex- 
amples. ? 

In this respect, however, savages seem to obtain the 
greatest support from superstition. What he knows himself to 
be devoid of, that can be secured by means of magic. ° Where 
his own power and ability might soon fail, the aid of the gods is 


I Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand, vol. II, p. 125; — Pakeha 
Moori, Old New Zealand, p. 47 sq.; — Best, Notes on the Art of War; in 
Journ Polyn. Soc. vol. XII, p. 74 sq. 

2 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 323., 

3 In their interesting investigations into the life of the Omaha Indians, 
Miss Fletcher and Mr. La Flesche write of the war dance that it was »an 
appeal to the wolf that the men might partake of his predatory character, 
of his ability to roam and not be homesick.» — The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 416; cf. p. 419. 

% Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia, p. 302; — Fleicher and La 
Flesche, Op. cit. p. 434 sq.; — Seligmann, The Veddas, p. 207; — Spencer, 
Principles of Sociology, vol. II, chap. 11, II. 

5 Holsti, Some Superstitious Customs and Beliefs in Savage Warfare; 
in »Festskrift tillegnad Edvard Westermarck » p. 151 sq. — Cf. Spencer and 
Gillen, Across Australia, vol. II, p. 346 sqq.; — Best, Notes on the Custom 
of Rakui; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 85; — Cole, The Wagogo; 
in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. 1902, pp. 320 sq., 325; — Hunt, Notes on the 
Murray Island; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1898, p. 12; — McLean, Kafır 
Laws and Customs, p. 84; — Velten, Sitten und Gebräuche der Suaheli, 
p. 103, — Bannatyne, Surprises and Stratagems; in United Service Maga- 
zine, 1910, p. 182; — Waddell, Lhasa and its Mysteries, pp. 173 sq., 471 sq.; 
— Best, Tuhoe Land; in Trans. New Zealand Institute, vol. XXX, p. 40; 
— Smith, Tohunga Maori; in Trans. New Zealand Institute, vol. XX XII, p. 
262 sq.;— Skeat, The Wild Tribes of the Malay Peninsula; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1902, p. 136; — Bourke, The Medicine Men of Apache; in 9:th 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 457; — Fletcher and La Flesche, Op. cit. p. 50, 
passim; — Gudgeon, Maori Religion; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIV, p. 122; 
— Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, p. 76 sq.; — Semper, Die Philippinen, p. 62; — 
Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, pp. 254, 276; — Kauffmann, Bal- 
der, pp. 224, 230, passim. — See also supra n. 3, which shows the war 
dances of the North American Indians and certain beasts in relation of sym- 
pathetic magic. 


B. X11lı 57 


at hand; indeed, of all the factors which stimulate the 
savage to martiality, superstition is undoubtedly the most 
weighty. ? . This is the more obvious as savage warfare is often 
not merely carried on with a firm belief in supernatural aid, but 
it is in many cases also begun ? and peace is made on superna- 
tural advice; * nay, it is in many cases looked upon as a sacred 


I! Holsti, Op. cit. p. 161 sqq. — Cf. Best, The Whanga; in Journ. Polyn. 
Soc. vol. XI, p. 54; — Idem, Te-Rehu-O-Tainui; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. 
vol. VI, pp. 42 sq., 54, 65; — Gudgeon, Tipua Kura; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. 
vol. XV, pp. 36, 122; — Smith, Hawaiki; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, 
p. 32; — Holmes, The Religious Ideas of the Elemas; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1902, p. 428;— Murray, Japan, p. 72; — Chavannes, Les M&moires 
historiques de Se-Ma-Ts’ien, vol. V, p. 48, passim; — Ragozin, Assyria, 
pp. 333, 387; — Budge and King, Annals of the Kings of Assyria, vol. 1, 
pp. 84, 114, 133 sq., passim; — N. M. Petersen, Nordisk Mytologi, p. 177; 
— Virgil, Aeneis, VII, 618 sq.; — Pliny, Historia Naturalis, VII, 56; — 
Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, XXI, 62; — Caesar, De Bello Gallico, VI. 14. — 
Lönnrot, Suomen kansan muinaisia loitsurunoja, pp. 153 sq., 234 sq., 268; 
— Grotenfelt, Ueber die Kurden; in Muinaism. yhd. Aik., vol. XXVI,p. 8. 

In addition see also Stannus, Notes on some Tribes in British Central 
Africa; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute 1910, p. 300, and C'onybeare, Ancestor- 
Worship; in Encycl. Britannica, vol. I, p. 945. 

? Miss Fletcher and Mr. La Flesche write of the Omaha: — »The warrior 
was taught that it was this god (Thunder), not man, who decreed the death 
on the field of battle... Thıs teaching tended to change in the Omaha 
mind the character of warfare; it placed the warrior under a supernatural 
power, over which he had no control, and while it did not eliminate from 
him the spirit of revenge or hatred, it curtailed a man’s estimate of his own 
ability to exploit vengeance on his fellows». — The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 403. 

3 Holsti, Op. cit. p. 142 sqq. — Cf. Hunt, Notes on the Murray Island; 
in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. 1898, p. 12; — Gudgeon, The Toa Taua; in Journ. 
Polyn. Soc. vol. XI, p. 35; — Swanton, The Tlingit Indians; in 16:th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Ethnol. .p. 450; — Thevet, Les Singularitez de la France An- 
tarctique, p. 65; — Torday, Camp and Tramp in African Wilds, p. 136. — 
Cicero, De Diviniatione, I., 2, 55 sq., II, 21, passim; — /dem, De Nat. Deor, 
II, 65, 162; — /dem, De un II, 13, 32; — Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, 
XXI, 62; XXII, 1. 

4 Holsti, Op. cit. p. 169 sq.;-- Cf. Smith, The Doings of Te Wera; in 
Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. IX, p. 57 sq.; — FHecquard, Op. eit. p. 100. 


58 B. X11] ı 


function itself. " Moreover, when brave men were recompensed 
bv their leaders or communities, what was more natural than 
to expect that thev would be rewarded still more in the life to 
come? Among the Fijians, cowardice and idleness were »the 
most heinous crimes; a life of rapine and a violent death were 
passports to the sacred mountain». ° Similarly Erskine affırms 
that in Fiji those whose conduct had been pleasing to the gods 
enjoved a greater degree of happiness after death than in this 
world. The slaughter of many enemies was considered »most 
likely to propitiate the deitv». * And of the Tongans we read 
that at the eve of battle the chief declared it »far better to die 
in war than live to be assassinated at home or to die of a linger- 
ing disease. * The Ojibway Indians believed that the souls 
of brave warriors »spend an eternity in carnal pleasures such as 
feasting, dancing and the like; but the soul of the coward . .. 
will wander about in unknown regions of darkness and be ex- 
posed to the continued rage of wolves, bears, panthers, etc».° 
According to the belief of the Aht Indians, chiefs and those who 
lost their lives in battle would be happy in the life to come. ® 
The Aztecs held that the shades of those »who died in their beds 
went downward and to nought», whereas the braves who were 
killed in battle were rewarded with an eternal life in the regions 
of happiness. * The Kıukies believe that in the life after death 


|— Li m m [mm m... >= — — m. m EU 


I Holsti, Op. cit. p. 170; --— Cf. Jevons, Intröductiön to the History of 
Religion, pp. 155 n, 242, 295. 

The additions to my own inquiry refer to such authors only who 
have not been quoted in that study, or who are not quoted elsewhere in 
the present book. | 
. 2 Thomson, The Fijians, p. 132 sqq.; — Seeman, Viti, p. 401 — As 
for Niue, see Thomson, Savage Island, p. 94 
- 3 Erskine, The Islands of the Western Pacific, pP 248. # 

4 Mariner, The Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. I, p. 9. 

> Jones, The Ojebway Indians, p. 102. 

6 Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, p. 209 sq. 

° Brinton, The Myths of the New World, p. 245 sq,; — Clavıgero, The 
History of Mexico, vol. ], p. 242; — Bastian, Die Culturländer des Alten 
America, vol. I, p. 365 sq.; vol. Il, p. 582 sq. 


B. Xlllı 59 


the vietims of a bold warrior will be his slaves. ' Speaking of 
the inhabitants of the province of Parthia, the Roman his- 
torian Ammianus Marcellinus states that he who was slain 
in the battle was »accounted the happiest of mem, while 
those who died a natural death were reproached as degener- 
ate and cowardly. * Similarly of a nation called by him Alani, 
and living in those times on the shores of the Sea of Azov, the 
same author remarks that they esteemed death in war more than 
anything else. ? This was the view of the early Germans also. * 

The rousing value of such a religious conviction will fully 
be understood when compared with the fact that among certain 
other people the fate of warriors killed in battle was thought to 
be just the opposite. Speaking of the Indians in general, Moonev 
states that the Indians of North America never made an attack 
in the night-time, this custom arising. from the belief common 
among them that an Indian killed at night would be for ever in 
darkness in the spirit world.® As for the particular tribes, 
among the Iroquois, separate villages were allotted to the souls 
of those who had died in war, because the other dead were suppos- 
ed to be afraid of their presence. ® So also the Hurons thought 
that the future life of warriors killed in battle would be lesshappv 
than that of ordinary people. * The Saponi Indians considered 
the highest form of a happy future after death to be a life in 
which men were »preserved from being surprised or overcome 
by their enemies». ® Among the Flatheads and neighbouring 
Indian communities the belief prevailed that a good man went, 
after his death, to a country in which there was perpetual sum- 


- 1 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 46. — As for the ahorigines of 
Celebes, see ‚Sarasin, CGelebes, vol. II, p. 69. 

2 Ammianus Marcellinus, History of, XXLIL,. 

3 Op. cit. XXXI, 2. 

Jähns, Krieg, Frieden und Kultur, p. 141. 
5 Mooney, Siouan Tribes, p. 32. 
6 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 694. 
7 Tylor, Primitive Culture, (Ed. 1891), vol, II, p. 87. 
8 Mooney, Siouan Tribes, p. 48. 


Lo 


60 B. XIII ı 


mer and where he spent his time in hunting and fishing »free 
from the terrors of war». ! More or less similar views have been 
held by other savages also. ? As there is thus to be found a differ- 
ence in the views of savages with regard to the future life of 
warriors killed in battle, it follows that warriors who were 
firmly convinced of a happy life after death felt their bravery 
greatly increased. 

On the other hand, if superstition has thus encouraged mar- 
tiality, it certainly has also given to savages particular means 
of fulfilling their inmost desires without bloodshed. Not every 
injury received has directly provoked bloodshed or warfare. 
The beginning of hostilities has often depended on favourable 
prognostications, ? and in many öther instances the carrying 
on of hostilities may be confined to purely superstitious actions 
only *; to the instances here referred to may be added the fact 
that the Maori, one of the most warlike peoples known, had 
among others the following way of carrying out blood-revenge. 
A canoe was built and brought to the shores of that tribe to 
which the guilty party belonged, and here the canoe was canted 
over towards the land. »That is all. The defeat is avenged. 
The warriors return». ® In short, we could hardly meet with 
such traits in savage life if the bestial instinets of man in general 


I Cor, Adventures on the Columbia River, vol. I, pp. 252 sq., 316; — 
‚ Franchere, Voyage to N. W. Coast of America, p. 258 sq.; — Dunn, AUSLOEy 
of Oregon, p. 317. 

®2 Bastian, Die Culturländer des Alten America, vol. I, p. 649; — 
Boas, Central Eskimo; in 6:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 589; — Turner, 
Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 233; — Mariner, The Natives of the 
Tonga Islands, vol. IJ, p. 162; — Rochas, La Nouvelle Caledonie, p. 207; 
— and above all, Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, p. 373; vol. II, pp. 
921 sq., 693 sq., 697, 704 sq., 708 sq. 

3 Holsti, Op. eit. p. 142 sqaq. 

* Op. cit. p. 151 sqaq. 

5 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIII, 
p. 74. | 


B. Xlllı 61 


had been incomparably stronger than his belief in supersti- 
tion. ! 

To sum up, the facts which we have brought forward have 
made it clear that savages, instead of having really warlike 
qualities born in them, have on the contrary often had to stir 
these up through scorn, through the appeals of kinsmen, through 
exhortations, through the fear of punishments, through promises 
of rewards, and through superstitious beliefs or other consider- 
ations, as of unavoidable duties vested in them, and finally 
through careful preparations and special customs in connection 
with the opening as well as the carrying on of hostilities. More- 
over, primitive man, relying upon his superstition, has often 
avenged injuries in a non-warlike way. 


Besides the restrietions on the waging of war, as well as the 
great efforts made to excite savage warriors to deeds of heroism, 
there are other instances to prove that war is far from being 
incessant among primitive peoples. In Australia, though the 
aborigines are said never to refrain from killing an entire stranger 
on any possible occasion, it is a custom that tribes which, with- 
out belonging to the same nation, are neighbours, should ter- 
minate their occasional fighting with peace-making. This course 
of action is still more usual between tribes of the same nation. 
Describing the art of war among the Maori, Mr. Best observes 
that »peace and peace-making is by no means a modern insti- 
tution with the Maori.» Moreover, they knew two different 
degrees of peace: the first, which could be broken, was confirmed 
by marriage between persons of rank; the second was made for 
ever. ? The conclusion of treaties of peace has also been ob- 
served by certain authors in the case of the aborigines of New 


1 As they have a special bearance upon savage tactics, these traits 
will be more closely illustrated in the following volume. 

2 Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, pp. 71, 
146 sq., 155, passim. 

3 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XII., p. 
197 sq.; cf. p. 201. — See also Pakeha Maori, Old New Zealand, p. 48 saq. 


62 B. Xlllı 


Guinea, ' Fiji, ? Tahiti, ?* and Tonga. * In Hawaii, when one 
partv wished for peace, an ambassador was sent to the enemv 
with proposals, and if these were accepted the chiefs and priests 
of the belligerent parties met and the conditions of peace were 
agreed to. Subsequently the peace-makers went to a temple, 
a pig was killed and the blood poured on the ground, »to signifv», 
it is said, »that thus it should be done to those who broke the 
treaty». When thus the peace was ratified, feasting, dances 
and public games followed. The warriors returned to their 
lands and »the king’s heralds were sent round his district to 
annouce "ua pau ka kaua’, — ’ended is the war’». ? Of the art 
of wazfare among the aborigines in Celebes in 1680, Padt-Brugge 
writes that after long feuds influential people in neutral villages 
used at last to bring about peace; long speeches were made and 
the peace was confirmed by oaths. ® Similarly, among the 
head-hunters of Borneo ‘ we meet with peace-making. Kukies, 
when ceasing from hostilities, swear to maintain peace in the 
following words: — »May I be cut with the dhao (a weapon) in 
war and in the field, may rice and salt fail me, my crops wither, 
and I die of hunger; may fire burn all my worldly possessions 
and the tiger devour me, if I am not faithfub. ® In another 
description of the same people we read that if two tribes fighting 
see the vietory uncertain between them, they make a signal to 
suspend the combat, send out ambassadors, and conclude a 
peace with a grand feast, »taking sun and moon to witness the 

I Krieger, New Guinea, pp. 324, 418; — Williamson, The Mafulu Moun- 
tain People, p. 183. 

® Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 5%; — Thomson, 
The Fijians, p. 89. 

3 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. I, p. 318. 

* Mariner, The Natives of Tonga Islands, vol. I, p. 234. 

® Ellis, Hawaii, p. 131. 

8 Sarasin, Celebes, vol. I., p. 43. 

‘ Furness, The Home-Life of Borneo Head-Hunters, p. 112 sq. 

8 Stewart, Notes on the Northern Cachar; in Journ. Asiatic Soc. of 
Bengal, vol. XXIV., p. 641. Ä 


B. Xlllı 63 


sincerity of their peace-making». ' Among the Garos in Bengal 


the belligerent tribes are brought together by a third party, 
and if the negotiations are successful, the parties swear to 
maintain peace by biting their swords. Moreover, as a sign that 
»friendly relations are restored» the representatives of both 
clans must put food into each other’s mouths, which seals the 
eompact. ® Among the tribes in Assam belonging to the Tibeto- 
Burman groups of aborigines, when two hostile villages are about 
to swear an oath of perpetual peace they place a cat — which 
is among them almost a sacred animal — in a basket, and the 
headmen of the belligerent communities hack the cat to pieces. 
»Both take care to make the first cut at the same moment, for 
the efficacy of the oath depends on the guilt of the slaughter 
of the cat being shared equallv until one or other commits a 
breach of the oath, when the whole of the guilt attaches itself 
to the offender» ?. So also the aborigines of the Neilgherry 
Hills, * when concluding peace, confirm it with sacrifices. 
Turning to the natives of Africa, we meet with similar cus- 
toms. According to Speke, ? the Unyamwesi suspend hostilities 
by means of treaties. Similarly the aborigines inhabiting the 
territory of the Uganda Protectorate, ® when desiring to make 
peace, kill a sheep, and the representatives of each side exchange 
pieces of the flesh. When the Masai ? wish for peace thev send 
arbitrators, together with a woman and an unweaned child, to 
meet the representatives of their enemies. The women then 
exchange the children for a moment, and let them suck. The 
peace-makers themselves eat a piece of the heart of a slaughtered 
animal, and finally they prav that he who breaks the peace may 


I Lewin, Chittagong, p. 111. 

2 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 62. 

%* Hodson, The »Gennas; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1906, p. 99. 
3 Harkness, Neilgherry Hills, p. 106. | 
® Speke, Discovery of the Source of the Nile, p. 100. 

6 Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, p. 794. 

? Merker, Die Masai, p. 101. 


64 B. Xlllı 


be punished by heaven. Ofthe Boran, Sakuju, Gubbra, Ajuran 
and Gurreh, we read that these five tribes sare bound together 
by treaties of friendship»s. ' Likewise the Kavirondo and the 
neighbouring groups ? confirm their treaties by ceutting a dog, 
in order to point out the fate of a treacherous party, or by per- 
forming other ceremonies of a similar nature. The Kafirs ? and 
Basutos * confirm the cessation of warfare with actual peace- 
making. Among the Ba-Mbala ® Negroes, when a powerful chief 
invites the chiefs of the other communities in his neighbourhood 
to make a pact against bloodshed, a slave is killed, and the par- 
taking of his flesh is considered to be a pledge henceforward to 
prevent murder. Similarly among the Ba-Yaka ® tribes, the 
chiefs of the belligerent parties meet, a fowl is killed and subse- 
quentiy buried. It is then believed as a matter of course that 
he who breaks the peace will soon die. Of the Cross River Neg- 
roes, Mr. Partridge * tells us that the tribes avoid bloodshed by 
means of negotiations, and that the treaties concluded are con- 
firmed with solemn oaths.. Many of the American Indians, 
among others the Ojibway, ® Iroquois, ® Kansas, Kickapoo, 
Osage, 1° Omaha, '! Kiowa, Comanche, '? Haidah, '? Nootka,'' 


a an ie ei —— [— mm 


I Aylmer, The Country between the Juba River and Lake Rudolf; 
in Geographical Journal, 1911, vol. XXXVIII, p. 295. 

%2 Hobley, Kavirondo; in Geographical Journal, 1898, vol. XII, p. 368. 

3 Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa, vol. I, p. 278. 

% Casalis, The Basutos, p. 224. 

5 Torday and Joyce, Ethnography of the Ba-Mbala; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1905, p. 409. 

6 Torday and Joyce, Ethnography of the Ba-Yaka; in Journ. Anthrop, 
Institute, 1906, p. 49. 

? Partridge, Cross River Natives, p. 190 sq. 

8 Jones, The Ojebway Indians, p. 113. 

® Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 336 sq. 

!% Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes, p. 326 sq. 

Il Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 332, 
362, 368; — Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
pp. 73, 79, 87, 209, 496, passim. 

12 Mooney, Myths oftheCherokee; in 17:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 16%. 

13 Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol, I, p. 164. 

14 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 189. 


B. Xlllı 65 


Nahuas, ' and Hako ? Indians, as well as the ancient Mexi- 
cans, ® have been in the habit of making peace treaties; and 
they have also been faithful to these agreements. Speaking of 
a treaty concluded by the Kiowa and the Comanche, Mr. Moo- 
ney remarks:—»The peace thus made between the two tribes 
has never been broken, in which fact there may be a sermon for 
those who regard the Indian as faithless, when we consider how 
few European alliances have endured as long».* Conspieuous in 
this respect is also the sanctity of the treaties concluded by such 
exceedingly warlike tribes as those belonging to the League of 
the Iroquois. ® 

Peace-making evidently presupposes the recognition of the 
inviolability of the representatives of the belligerents as well 
as of the third mediatorial party where this is required. This 
has been shown already in some of the examples above; further 
testimony to the same effect abounds. Thus, ambassadors are 
held sacred among the Australian aborigines. ® Priests acted 
in Tonga ? as peace-makers and were in this capacity sacred 
personages. In Tahiti ® and Fiji ? women used to be chosen as 
mediators. This is the case also among the Kafirs '° and 
the Basutos. '! Likewise among the Nahuas, !'? the Kansas, 


1 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 426. 
2 Fleicher, The Hako; in 22:nd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 279. 
3 Clavigero, History of Mexico, vol. I, p. 370; vol. II, p. 412. 
% Mooney, Op. cit. p. 164. 
5 Morgan, Op. cit. p. 336 sa. 
6 Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, pp. 95, 
109 sq. | 
? Mariner, The Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. I, p. 23%. 
8 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. I, p. 318; vol. II, p. 512. 
9 Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 54. 
10 Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa, vol. I, p. 278. 
1l Casalis, The Basutos, p. 224. 
12 Bancroft, Op. eit. vol. Il, p. 426. 


66 B. XIIlı 


Kickapoo, Osage, ' Ponka, Omaha, ? Haidah ? and Nootka 
Indians, the ancient Mexicans ° as well as among the early 
Romans,® Gauls’ and Germans ® ambassadors were held sacred. 

This custom, however, was not limited merely to negotiators 
of peace; on the contrary, it applied to messengers of every 
kind. Thus Wheeler ® gives illuminating particulars on this 
point with reference to the Australian aborigines. The Sue " 
Islanders and the aborigines of New Guinea !! bear leaves in 
their hands to signify their friendly feelings when approaching 
strangers. Similarly we read as regards the Masai that grass — 
which was the most sacred thing among them — »held in the 
hand or tied in a sprig to the dress is a sign of welcome and 
peace. '” And this is the custom among the Wambugwe " 
tribes also. Among the North American Indians the calumet 
was sacred; hence it was of old »a Pass and Safe Conduct amongst 
all the Allies of the Nation who has given it». *! Nay more, who- 
ever was carrying such a thing was welcomed and even respected 


—e 


! Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes, p. 326 sq. 

2 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol. p. 368; 
— Fleticher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 87. 

3 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 16%. 

3 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 189. 

5 Op. ecit. vol. II, p. 412. 

6 FE. g. Plutarch, Camillus, 17; — Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, 
vol. I, p. 71. 

? Caesar, De Bello Gallico, III, 9. 

8 Op. cit. IV, 7, 11, passim. 

9 Wheeler, Op. cit. p. 109 sqq., passim. 

10 Macgillivray, The Voyage of »Rattlesnake, ol. II, p. 41. 

Il Krieger, Neu Guinea, pp. 324, 418; — Rawling, The Land of the 
New Guinea Pygmies, p. 174. 

12 Thomson, Through Masai Land, p. 260. See also Baumann, Durch 
Massailand, p. 165. 

13 Baumann, Op. cit. p. 188. 

1 Hennepin, Discovery of a Vast Country in America, vol. I, p. 75. 


B. Xlllı 67 


by the enemy. ' Other messengers were similarly res- 
pected. ? 

Moreover, strangers may be kindly treated even though 
they be no heralds nor carry any special tokens to indicate 
their friendly feelings. As Westermarck ? has shown to a con- 
siderable extent, hospitality towards strangers is a universally 
recognized duty at the lower stages of civilization, and is the 
more remarkable as it is often extended so as to include even 
mortal enemies. * Sometimes it passes into intimate friend- 
ship ° or actual adoption. ® 

In close relation to these customs are visits paid by whole 
parties. Similarly we find meetings taking place between differ- 
ent social units in order to consult about policy and to conclude 
alliances, or to perform religious or other ceremonies. Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen, after they have mentioned the kindly dispo- 
sition which natives of Central Australia show to each other 


1 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 368. — 
See for further particulars, Carver, Travels through the Interior of America, 
p. 358 sq.; — Fletcher, The Hako; in 22:nd Ann. Rept, Bur. Ethnol. p. 279; 
— Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes p. 326 sq. 

2 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 381. 

3 Westermarck, Moral Ideas, vol. I, chap. XXIV. 

With reference to the early Germans, Tacitus states: — »Hospitality and 
convivial pleasures are nowhere so liberally enjoyed. To refuse admittance 
to a guest were an outrage against humanity» — Germania, 21. 

In Greece, .Yenia, or Prorenia was, as described by Mr. Risley, »an 
institution which developed out of the sanctity of private hospitality. 
Where it existed persons called proxreni were appointed in each State as 
the recognized agents of the State for which they acted. Sometimes a 
State sent out one of its citizens as Proxenus to reside in the other State; 
sometimes it selected one of the citizens of the latter; and in some cases 


the office became hereditary in a particular family... The institution 
of Xenia afforas a curiously exact prototype of the consular system of 
modern International Law». — Risley, Law of War, p. 13. 


4 Westermarck, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 576 sa. 

5 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 68; — Les Annales de la Propagation 
de la Foi, vol. LIV, p. 370 sq.; — Von der Decken, Reisen, vol. I, p. 248 sq. 

6 See infra, p. 116. Ä 


65 B. X\lllı 


within the limits of their own tribe. remark: — »Where two 
tribes come into contact with one another on the border land 
of their respective territories. there the same amicable feelings 
are maintained between the members of the two. There ıs no 
such thing as one tribe being in a constant state of enmity with 
another».! In their book on the Northern Tribes of Central 
Australia, the same authors add that nothing could be further 
from the truth than the ordinary accounts in popular works 
according to which various tribes are in a state of constant hosti- 
lity: »in almost every camp of any size you will find members 
of strange tribes paying visits and often taking part in cere- 
moniess. 2 With reference to the Tasmanians, Wheeler ? 
observes that, owing to the occurrence of similar customs, their 
intertribal relations could not be those of indiscriminate hosti- 
lity.* The Cross River natives ® arrange meetings in order to 
discuss intertribal poliey, and the subsequent treaties are con- 
firmed with most binding oaths. Similarly among the Ba- 
Yaka ® and Ba-Mbala * Negroes we meet with alliances or other 
forms of treaties contracted between neighbouring chiefs. Clavi- 
gero ® in deseribing the external poliey of the Mexican rulers 
points out that they made use of discussion with their adver- 


wi au  —  — ——— — . 


1 Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 32; 
cf. p. 50 sq.; — Jidem, Across Australia, vol. I, p. 232 sq. 

© Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes, p. 31; — Jidem, Across 
Australia, vol. I, p. 200 sq.; — cf. also Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, 
vol. I, p. 63; — Schürmann, The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln; in 
Woods, The Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 241 sq. 

9 Wheeler, Op. cit. p. 79. 

I As for the Papuans in New Guinea, see Rasling, Op. cit. p. 146, 
157 sqq. 

5 Partridge, Cross River Natives, p. 190 sq. 

6 Torday and Joyce, Ethnographıy of Ba-Yaka; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1906, p. 49. 

? Torday and Joyce, Ethnography of the Ba-Mbala; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1905, p. 409. — See also Torday, Camp and Tramp ın African 
Wilds, p. 136. 

#_ Clavigero, History of Mexico, vol. I, p. 370. 


B. Xlllı 69 


saries, and that accommodations were likely soon to take place 
between the parties. 

As for intertribal festivities, the Dieri tribe in Australia 
arranged special festivals to invoke peace, the so called 
mindarie, by. means of which they maintained peaceful rela- 
tions with their neighbours. ' According to Mr. Williamson, the 
various communities of the Mafulu in New Guinea act together 
in many matters. This is especially the case as regards the 
so-called big feasts and some other important ceremonies, as 
well as hunting and fishing. * Among the Barea and Kunama 
in East Africa the feast of the first-fruits »is a day of peace when 
all fighting rests.»® Among the Jalua tribes in Uganda, if a 
big chief dies all the surrounding peoples join in the funeral 
rites even if he happened to be at war with some of them; and 
on the same occasion hostilities between different clans are 
suspended. * Mr. McClintock 5 describes a great festival in 
which two thousand representatives of fourteen different groups 
of North American Indians took part. »I have never seen», 
he says, »an equally large gathering of white men where there 
was as little disturbance. Although I was continually present, 
I saw no fighting in the great ericampment, and it was a rare 
occurrence to hear even angry words». As for the Omaha, they 
availed themselves of a special ceremony, Wa’wa”, to bring 
about friendly relations »between themselves and the neighbour- 
ing tribes, with all its peaceful obligation», ® and similar cus- 
toms prevailed amongst the Ponka;‘ indeed, peaceful intercourse 


I Gason, The Manners and Customs of the Dieyerie Tribe; in Woods, 
The Native Tribes in South Australia, p. 271. — Cf. Wheeler, Op. cit. 
p. 98 sq. 

2 Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, pp. 84, 132 sq., 250, 255 sq. 

3 Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien, p. 473. 

% Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, p. 79%. 

5 McClintock, Old North Trail, p. 206. 

6 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe: in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 376 sq.; ef. p. 495 sq. 

” Op. eit. p. 379 sg. 


70 B. XIllı 


was not by any means unfamiliar to the Indians of North Ame- 
rica,' though they are the example which all those authors ° 
who defend war so readily quote. 

We thus see that savages are by no means devoid of what 
may be called primitive forms of International Law. Certain rules 
as regards the opening of hostilities, the conducting of war, and 
the making of peace are in many cases observed, and amicable 
relations between different tribes are by no means infrequent. 
In fact, if the intertribal relations of the other savage groups 
were to be as carefully investigated as those of the Australian 
aborigines, * we should probably find that there are more or 
less equally regulated relations between savage communities in 
other parts of the world also. 


If we bear in mind the various inferences above made with 
regard to the true nature of savage warfare, we can understand 
how so many peaceably disposed savage groups have been able 
to survive.? If warfare was among all the savages as incessant, 
and the destruction of unwarlike units as unavoidable, as is 
assumed by certain authors, then as a matter of course we could 
hardly find statements such as those which follow. Frazer * 
does not reckon the Australian aborigines among the warlike 
races of mankind. The Moriori were a peaceable people. ® The 


inhabitants of Totelau Island as described by Turner ® »were 


1 Op. cit. pp. 79, 81, passim. 

2 Wheeler, Op. cit. 

3 Without giving any explanation why so many peaceful peoples 
have been able to survive, Gumplowicz writes: — »Die Völkerkunde bietet 
uns unzählige Beispiele solcher ’friedlichen’ Völker; sie bleiben auf der 
Stufe der Affen; sie kennen keinen Krieg, keine Führung, keinen Befehl, 
keinen Zusammenstoss mit Fremden, sie ”beuten nicht aus’ und werden 
nicht ’ausgebeutet’, . . . sie sind die vollkommensten Affen.» — Die so- 
ciologische Staatsidee, p. 126. 

4 Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. I, p. 284. 

5 Mair, The Early History of Morioris; in Trans. New Zealand In- 
stitute, vol. XXXVII, p. 159. 

6 Turner, Samoa, p. 268. 


B. Xlllı 71 


a quiet people and rarely fought». This holds good also of the 
aborigines of Humphrey Island, ' and the same author adds 
that in Ellice Island »wars were rare. ? Tothe Arafuras ? and 
to the Toala in Celebes * are ascribed no warlike qualities what- 
ever. According to Mr. Furness ? the head-hunters of Borneo 
were in themselves amicable and peaceably disposed. As re- 
gards the nomadic Punans, it is said that »of all the tribes they 
are perhaps the most mild and gentle; they are not head-hunters, 
and care no more for a collection of human heads than for that 
of any other animal, and therefore never go on a raid». ® In 
speaking of the Malays in general Ratzel ° observes that not 
all of them are warlike; on the contrary, some of them un- 
doubtedly are mild, peaceable, quiet and polite, to those over 
them submissive and seldom inclined to commit offences. In 
Paggi or Pageh Island, off Sumatra, where there is no govern- 
ment, but every man protects himself, the people nevertheless 
»live on peaceable and friendly terms with each other; quarrels 
are rare, and murder almost unknowm. ® The Tamils, Singa- 
lese, and Moors of Ceylon are »all unwarlike races» ® and so are 
the Veddas likewise.'"” The Tenae are peaceably disposed, 
though they occasionally have to take up arms to punish marau- 
ders. ! The Bodo and Dhimal !? are peaceful agriculturists, 


— 


1 Turner, Op. cit. p. 278. 
2 Op. cit. p. 282. 
9 Kolff, Voyage of »Dourga», p. 161. 
% Sarasin, Gelebes, vol. Il, p. 277. 
5 Furness, Borneo Head-Hunters, p. 58, passim. 
Op. cit. p. 175. 
Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 364. 
Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. II, p. 214. 
Meaden, A Brief Sketch of the Island of Ceylon; in Journal United 
Service Institution, vol. X, 1866, pp. 552, 554. 
10 Seligmann, The Veddas, pp. 34, 62, passim. 
11 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 35. 
12 Hodgson, The Kocch, Bodo and Dhimal People; in Journal Asiatic 
Society of Bengal, N. S. vol. XVIII, part II, pp. 714 sq., 744. 


8 9 2 © 


72 B. XIII: 


while the Mishmis, ' another peaceable race, are occupied with 
barter. As to the Lepchas, Hooker makes the following 
remarks: — »That six or seven different tribes, without any 
feudal system or coercive head, with different languages and 
customs, should dwell in close proximity and in peace within 
the confined territory of Sikkim, even for a limited period, is 
an anomaly .... Wars have been waged amongst them, but 
they were neither sanguinary nor destructive, and the fact re- 
mains no less remarkable, that at the period of our occupying 
Dorjiling, friendship and unanimity existed. amongst all those 
tribes; from the Tibetan at 14000 feet to the Meche of the plains; 
under a sovereign whose temporal power was whollv unsupported 
by even the semblance of arms, and whose spiritual supremacy 
was acknowledged by very few». 2 According to Ratzel, ? 
the Ladaki are a peaceful, hardworking people among whom 
murder, stealing or violence are almost unknown and the Batti 
are merrv and good-natured. All the tribes in Selangor Pahang 
and other parts of Negri Sembilan as well as in Sungei UJong 
»possess no idea of warfare or racial strife and freely admit their 
preference for a life of seclusion and peace. * The peaceful 
character of the Todas has been remarked on by various 
authors ? 

According to Munzinger, ® among the natives in North- 
Eastern Africa most of the agricultural tribes are peaceable. 
Thus e. g. among the Barea we do not find enmity and deeds 
of blood between families, or between tribes, though they are 
common enough in North Abvssinia. ? Among the Bantu 


I Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 13, 15. 

2 Hooker, Himalayan Journals, vol. I, p. 141. 

3 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. II. p. 528. 

% Knocker, The Aborigines of Sungei Ujong; in Journ. Anthrop. In- 
stitute, 1907, p. 293. 

5 E. g. Harkness, The Neilgherry Hills, p. 16 sq. 

6 Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien, pp. 76. 512 sq., 532 sq. 

° Op. eit. p. 498. 


B. Xllls 73 


races the Bakonjo »are not a warlike people. " The Karamojo 


sare industrious agriculturists and are peaceful people with 
love of commerce. ?* This holds good also with reference to 
the Western Sük, ? the Wafipa, * and the Tonga, ? all of whom 
are painstaking agriculturists. In West Africa, the Ovambo, 
says Ratzel, are not only the leading agricultural people one 
meets with when one comes from the south; but they are more- 
over one of the most industrious and most peaceful among 
African agricultural peoples. Similarly, speaking of the tribes 
belonging to the Nago group, Ratzel informs us that they 
are extremely industrious, and have mild manners. In many 
descriptions they come before us as a pattern people. ® Of 
the Ewe-speaking Krepi the same author ? says that they are 
peaceably disposed and industrious. This is also, according to 
Mr. Partridge, ® the case with the Aros Negroes. 

The early Tolteks were not warlike. Brinton '° likewise 
ascribes peaceable qualities to the Mava people; they seem to 
have been »an ancient race of mild manners». '! The Conquis- 
tadores, says Mr. Davis, '* found the Pueblo Indians, »numerous 
and powerful, living peaceful and happy lives in their villages». 
Ross Brown !? observes that the Pimos have always manifested 
a friendly disposition towards the Whites and seem much de- 


1 Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, p. 579. 

2 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 841. 

3 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 848. 

4 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. II, p. 195. 

5 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 180. 

8 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 359. 

° Op. eit. vol. II, p. 360. 

8 Partridge, Cross River Natives, p. 52. 

9 Clavigero, History of Mexico, vol. I, pp. 86, 88. 

10 Brinton, Hero-Myths, pp. 35, 145. 

11 Op. eit. p. 30 sa. 

2 Davis, El Gringo, p. 132. 

13 Ross Brown«, Adventures in the Apache Country, p. 132; — Davis. 
El Gringo, p. 145; — Fremoni and Emory, Notes of Travel in California, 
p. 47. 


74 B.X11lı 


voted to the peaceful pursuit of agriculture and stock-raising. 
This holds good also of the Papagoes ' and the Soones. * The 
Najabos »have ever been known as a pastoral and peaceful race 
of men». 3? According to Mr. Gatschet ? the seven tribes of the 
Kalapuya Indians were not warlike and are not known to have 
participated in any war expeditions. Many observers ascribe 
mild and peaceable qualities also to the Flatheads ® and some 
other neighbouring races. ® »Even the children are more peace- 
able than other children, and though hundreds of them may 
be seen together at play, there is no quarrelling among them.» ‘ 
Similarly the Shoshoni, says Hoffmann, have always been peace- 
able, ® and so are the Fox Islanders. ? The Tacullies are a 
»quiet inoffensive people. ” Speaking of the Cree Indians, 
Mr. Ross observes that of all the Indians they once were the 
most numerous and powerful, being superior in individual in- 
telligence and distinguished alike for sagacity and for mildness 
of disposition. '" Likewise the Salteaux, a part of the Ojibway 
nation, »although numerous are not a warlike tribe». '* Peace- 
ably disposed are the Choktaws and Chickasaws also. '"— »The 


—— nn 


— 


I Ross Browne, Op. cit. pp. 140, 252, 277, 279, 288. 

2 Fremont and FEmory, Op. cit. p. 56. 

3 Davis, Op. cit. p. 411. 

4 Gatschet, Ethnographic Notes concerning the North American 
Aborigines, p. 212. 

5 McKenney and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes of North America, 
vol. II, p. 153; — Scouler, Indian Tribes Inhabiting N.-W. Coast of North 
America; in Journ. Ethnol. Soc. London, vol. I, p. 247; — Dunn, History 
of Oregon, p. 311. 

6 Dunn, Op. cit. pp. 93, 250, 311; — Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 268. 

7 Dunn, Op. cit. p. 315. 

8 Hoffmann, Die Shoshoni; in Globus, 1896, vol. LXIX, p. 58. 

9 Coxe, The Russian Discoveries between Asia and America, p. 198. 

10 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 137. 

ll Ross, Fur Hunters, vol. II, p. 221. 

l2? Kane, Wanderings, p. 82. 

13 Adair, Geschichte der amerikanischen Indianer, pp. 287—302; 
quoted by Steinmetz, Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 55. 


B. Xlllı 75 


typical South American Indian is», Professor Orton ! affirms, 
»by nature more peaceable and submissive than his Northern 
brother». Thus for example the Manties are an agricultural 
tribe, »of mild dispositions; * and the Uaupes are likewise an 
agricultural people »peaceable and ingenious». ®? The non-war- 
like character of the Eskimo in general has been borne witness 
to by many authors. * 

These qualities are not limited merely to peoples devoid of a 
higher civilization. In his history of the Chinese Empire Mr. 
Douglas writes of this people: —»They have none ofthe character- 
istics of a warlike race, and their triumphs over less cultivated 
peoples have been gained rather by peaceful advance than bv 
force of arms».? Similarly Ratzel remarks thät the Tibetan, Bur- 
man and Siamese peoples, who have kept their place in these lands 
up till the present time, have never been able to put a stop to 
the growth and final predominance of the Chinese element, 
which shows itself as a true culture-element in the struggle. 
Roads, bridges, schools, and trading are its arms, and it avoids 
the battlefield as far as possible onlv to win the day through 
patience and canny dealing. ® Remarkable is likewise the 
statement made by Sir Henry Maine with reference to India: 
— »It may be proper to remember that, though no country was 
so perpetually scourged with war as India before the establish- 
ment of the Pax Britannica, the people of India were never a 
military people».’ The Slavs were onemaly much more peaceable 
than the Germans, as Dr. Wilser * justly points out. With 
regard to the Finnish races, Dr. Ailio supposes that the Finns 


I Orton, The Andes anı the Amazon, p. 469. 
2 Op. eit. p. 318. 
3 Op. cit. p. 319. — As for the Chunchos in Peru see Moss, A Trip 
into the Interior of Peru, p. 17. 
t E.g. Rink, The Eskimo Tribes, p. 26; — Bancroft, Op.cit. vol. II, p. 86. 
. ee China, p. 2. 
6 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. II, p. 642. 
? Maine, Village Communities, p. 124. 
8 Wilser, Die Germanen, pp. 117, 123. 


76 B. Xlllı 


were in remote times comparatively peaceful ' and similarly 
Dr. Appelgren-Kivalo ? believes that they gradually spread 
over the country by peacefull occupation and not through 
warlike conquest. Nor do their institutions directly indicate 
an early predominance of warlike efforts. ® When we turn 
from the Finns proper to the primitive Esthonians, they were, 
Dr. Weinberg * assumes, previous to their later great struggles, 
probably in the main peaceful settlers. 

Finally it must be borne in mind that even the peaceful sa- 
vage communities have a mighty weapon in magic, which often 
renders them more formidable than if they were dependent 
solely on military power. Thus the political supremacy of the 
peaceable Todas over their numerous neighbours is maintained 
by magical fear only.® The Kukatas are universally feared 
and abominated apparently more on account of their »reputed 
skill in witcheraft and various other dangerous tricks than for 
their warlike qualities». © Hence peaceful tribes need not as a 
matter of course be doomed to disappear in the struggle for 
existence. On the contrary, whatever may be the reasons for 
the continued existence of such tribes in all parts of the world 
— whether it be the result of regulated and at least partially 
amicable intertribal relations or of the beneficial influence of 
magical fear, or of some other causes — the fact remains that 


I Allio, Elämistä Suomessa n. 4000 v. sitten; in Kansanval. Seu- 
ran Kal., 1911, p. 152. 

2 Appelgeren-Kivalo, Katsaus Suomen muinalsuuteen; in Oma Maa, 
vol. V, p. 149. 

® Koskinen, Suomen kansan historia, p. 21 sq.,; — 0 Koskinen, 
Suomal. heimojen yhteisk.-järjestyksestä, passim. 

3 Weinberg, Die anthropologische Stellung der Esten; in Zeitschrift 
für Ethnologie, 1903, p. 388. 

5 Harkness, Neilgherry Hills, p. 18. 

6 Schürmann, The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln; in Woods, The 
Native Tribes in South Australia, p. 249. 


B. XIllı 7 


the very existence of such unwarlike tribes and nations is in 
itself a striking testimony to the error made by the many writ- 
ers who lay exaggerated stress upon the warlike character of 
primitive conditions. 


Inasmuch as these statements have been able to throw some 
light upon the true nature of savage warfare, it is necessary to 
explain why certain authors maintain an opposite view and 
depict the relations between different savage communities in 
the darkest colours. Their opinion is undoubtedly due partlv 
to a deficient classification of the modes of primitive warfare in 
general, partly to their omission to pay proper attention to the 
part played by superstition in savage warfare, and partly also 
to the exaggerated importance they have assigned to many 
accounts of early warfare. 

With regard to the first of these points, reference need only 
be made to the classification of primitive warfare given above in 
the preceding chapter. It was there pointed out that consider- 
able difference exists between the various modes of savage 
warfare.. When therefore certain authors use statements con- 
cerning primitive warfare without properly classifying them 
it follows that actual wars carried on by comparativelv advanced 
savages in order to procure slaves, vietims for sacrifices, or 
cattle, or to make conquests or to exterminate the enemy, are 
put side by side with small open combats fought between sava- 
ges of the lowest type, while these staternents again are mixed 
up with instances of indiscriminate slaughter after sudden 
attacks. When to this is added the tendency more or less system- 
atically to overlook facts which imply mitigation of the ceruel 
and destructive character of primitive warfare, as well as the 
prevalence of other important rules bearing on the relation 
between savage communities, it becomes still clearer that such 
a treatment of the subject cannot throw any true light either 
on the relations between savage communities in general, or on 
the character of savage warfare in particular. 


78 B. XlIIlı 


These remarks hold good with reference to many authors. 
In Spencer’s »Principles of Sociology», comparatively few state- 
ments in the large collection of facts illustrating different branch- 
es of savage life refer to regulated intertribal relations, peace- 
making, etc. Similarly there is reason to believe that the picture 
of savage wars presented by Vaccaro is equally one-sided. Al- 
though he admits ! that man lived »jusqu’ä un certain point en 
paix» during the early ages when he still was devoid of weapons, 
all the other characteristics which Vaccaro attributes to savage 
warfare refer only to wars of extermination, conquest and slave- 
making, or anthropophagy. ? Letourneau, ® it is true, distin- 
guishes wars carried on by low savage units from those waged 
by semi-barbarians. But when he describes the character of the 
wars belonging to the former class, with the exception of those 
of the Australian aborigines, * he fails to see any real difference, 
e. 8. between open combat, to which the enemy has been duly 
challenged, and indiscriminate slaughter after successful attacks 
upon unsuspecting villages. Moreover, he takes hardly any 
notice of customs that imply the existence of at least some regu- 
lated intertribal relations among the lower as well as among 
more advanced savages. ® 

Dr. Steinmetz, in »Die Philosophie des Krieges», has passed 
over all such features of savage life as indicate the prevalence 
of regulated relations between different communities, and other 
facts which might lead an unbiassed investigator to conclude 
that warfare among savages is not quite so incessant and san- 
guinary as is often assumed. He sums up the results of his 
inquiry into the character of savage warfare in the following 
words: — We have been able definitely to discover, that savages 
probably after the very earliest stage were blood-thirsty and 


1 Vaccaro, Les bases sociologiques du Droit et de l’Etat, p. 81. 
2 Op. cit. p. 90 sq., passim. 

3 Letourneau, La guerre, p. 530 sq. 

2 Op. cit. passim. 

5 Op. cit. preface. 


B. Xlllı 79 


waged their wars in the cruellest way and with an immense loss 
of life." In a previous work, »Ethnologische Studien zur ersten 
Entwicklung der Strafe», however, thesame author makes state- 
ments of a very different character. He there refers to fifty 
instances in which savage groups are stated to be revengeful and 
blood-thirsty, and to twenty other peoples among whom injuries 
received are not always avenged but are soon forgotten. He 
then continues: — We have been able to collect 20 other cases 
where certainly no long-lasting, intense search for revenge was 
to be seen; these when compared with the 50 opposite cases 
make up no mean minority, which has all the more weight in 
that the tendency of the observers probably was for the most 
part to assume the pitiless seeking of revenge asa natural feature 
in the savage character; and this must have prevented their 
finding and duly valuing phenomena pointing in an opposite 
direction. ? 

It need hardly be added that it is only in this latter instance 
that Dr. Steinmetz is in close touch with the facts, whereas his 
line of argument in »Die Philosophie des Krieges» has nothing 
to do with the inductive method. | 

In full conformity with the whole tendency of their a priort 
reasoning Gumplowicz and Ratzenhofer devote their attention 
so exclusively to the warlike side of savage life that in their in- 
vestigations no room is left for facts of an opposite character 


1 „Wir haben konstatieren können, dass die Wilden, warscheinlich nach 
der allerersten Stufe, blutdürstig waren und ihre Kriege in der grausamsten 
Weise mit ungeheueren Verlusten an Menschen führten». — Die Philosophie 
des Krieges, p. 97. 

2 „Wir konnten doch noch 20 Fälle sammeln, wo wenigstens keine 
lang-anhaltende, intensive Rachsucht bestand, was mit den 50 entgegen- 
setzten Fällen verglichen immerhin eine sehr beträchtliche Minderheit 
ausmacht, welche um so mehr ins Gewicht fallen dürfte, als die Tendenz 
der Beobachter wohl meistens dahin ging, grausame Rachsucht als na- 
türliche Eigenschaft der Wilden anzunehmen, was sie natürlich hindern 
musste auf das Entgegengesetzte hindeutende Erscheinungen zu entdecken 
und würdigen». — Ethnologische Studien, vol. I, p. 310. 


80 B. XlIlı 


relating to intertribal relations. Ratzel makes a right clas- 
sification of savage wars, but his examples are wrong. Thus to 
illustrate warfare between savage groups he cites e. g. the case 
of the Fijians as observed by Williams in the middle of last 
century. Accordingly he argues that this form of savage war- 
fare is more or less incessant and aims at exterminating the 
enemy.! As we shall soon see, this example is entirely mislead- 
ing. Warfare in Fiji increased largely after the arrival of the 
Whites, when the aborigines got an opportunity to procure fire- 
arms. It is not surprising that an author who bases his theory 
on such a foundation exaggerates the hostile relation between 
primitive groups and the deadly character of their fighting. ? 
As for the second cause above-mentioned, none of these 
authors have paid any attention to the great part played by 
superstitious customs and beliefs in primitive warfare. 


rn m 


ı Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 126. 

2 Ferrero has not used any proper classification of savage warfare. 
His »origin of war» refers mainly to an advanced stage of savage warfare. 
Thus he makes the same mistake as Letourneau in trying to oppose war 
through deseribing its early stages in as dark colours as possible. — See 
Militarism, chap. II, especially pp. 75, 87 and also chap. IV. 

On the other hand, although in his political philosophy war is the lead- 
ing principle, Oppenheimer is fully aware of the great difference between 
the warfare proper of the more advanced savages and the mere acts of _ 
revenge seen among those at a lower stage. »Die internationalen Bezie- 
hungen der primitiven Jäger untereinander dürfen nicht mit denen der 
Jäger und Hirten zu Hackbauern oder der Hirten untereinander auf eine 
Stufe gestellt werden. Wohl gibt es Fehden aus Blutrache oder wegen 
Weiberraubes oder wohl auch wegen Grenzverletzung der Jagdgebiete: aber 
ihnen fehlt jener Stachel, der nur aus der Habgier wächst, aus dem Wunsch 
fremde Arbeitserzeugnisse zu rauben. Darum sind die ’Kriege’ der pri- 
mitiven Jäger in der Regel weniger wirklicher Krieg als Raufereien und 
Einzelkämpfe, die häufig genug sogar... nach einem bestimmten Zere- 
monial und nur bis zu einem leichteren Grade der Kampfunfähigkeit, 
sogusagen ’auf einen Blutigen’ gehen. Diese an Kopfzahl sehr schwachen 
Stämme hüten sich mit Recht, mehr Opfer zu bringen als — z. B. im Falle 
der Blutrache — unerlässlich, und vor allem davor, neue Blutrache heraus- 
zuforderns. — Der Staat, p. 74. 


B. Xlll ı 81 


With regard to the bias in many accounts of early warfare, 
it is worth remembering how modern military authors caution us 
against placing too much confidence in detailed accounts of any 
wars. Thus, General Sir lan Hamilton writes: — »Military history 
must be always to some extent misleading..... When once the 
fight has been fairly lost or won, it is the tendency of all ranks 
to combine and recast the story of their achievements into a 
shape which shall satisfy their susceptibilities of national and 
regimental vainglory». " Commander E. Hamilton Currey obser- 
ves likewise: —»We cannot trust overmuch history, as prejudice 
is seldom eliminated in the writing, especially when such writing 
concerns the feats of arms performed by one’s own countrymen». ? 
And speaking of the narratives of warlike events in ancient 
times particularly, Field-Marshal von der Goltz emphatically 
stresses their small historical value, lacking as they are in any 
unbiassed criticism. ® If this be true of civilized peoples and 
their accounts of their own warlike achievements, we can hardlv 
expect the imagination of savages to be less inventive in this 
respect. In fact, it is Just among them that the »tendency to the 
marvellous» is most conspicuous, and this makes an inquiry into 
their warfare particularly difficult. War is certainly the last 
thing that primitive tradition forgets, Strinnholm justly observes 
in his description of the early Vikings and their wars. * Simi- 
larly.speaking of the natives of the Congo basin, Mr. Ward re- 
marks that they have no history of any kind, and apparently 
make no attempt to perpetuate any epoch in their lives by means 
of earth or stone erections. The only events that their memory 


I Hamilton, A Staff-Officer’s Scrap-Book, vol. I, pref. 

2 Currey, The Psychology of Command; in United Service Magazine, 
4910, vol. XLII, p. 41. 

3 Von der Goltz, The Nation in Arms, p. 222. — Cf. also //. $. Chamber- 
lain, The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, vol. I, p. 60; — Gobineau, 
Histoire des Perses, vol. I, p. 141, passim; — Ragozin, Chaldea, pp. 196, 
299 sq.; — Yule, Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 50. 

4 Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. II, p. 50 n. 


82 B. Xlllı 


holds are »fights and elephant hunts».' Now, owing to the 
tendency to exaggerate their warlike events, savages are easilv 
led gradually to make out of even comparatively small strifes, 
destructive battle. The Eskimo are among the best-armed 
races, ? nevertheless it does not follow that they are propor- 
tionately warlike; on the contrary, they are one of the most pea- 
ceful races that ever existed. And yet if we believe the Eskimo 
themselves, they have had great battles. But these can undoubt- 
edly be reduced to cases of petty fighting at wide intervals of 
time, which a vivid imagination has gradually magnified, says 
Ratzel. ? The Abipones »boast of martial souls», but are at the 
same time far from being heroes; on the contrary, they were as a 
rule »too unwilling to resign their lives». * So also Messrs. Spen- 
ser and Gillen point out of the aborigines of Australia, that they 
have »a marvellous capacity for exaggerating the reports of 
cuch fights that really take place». ? 


1 Ward, A Voice from Congo, pp. 227, 253; quoted by Clodd, in 
Quarterly Review, July, 1911. 

® Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 544. 

3 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 540. 

4 Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 348, passim. 

Similarly we read of the Fijians: — »Regarding it from any point 
of view whatever, there is scarcely anything to excite admiration in 
Fıjjian warfare; and the deeds of which they boast most proudly, are 
such as the truly brave would scorn» — Williams and Calvert, Fiji and 
the Fijians, vol. I, p. 58. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, Across Australia, vol. I, p 200. 

The following instance may be added to show the martial bragging 
of savages. Speaking of the Papuans in New Guinea, Mr. Rawling states 
that he once asked a furious war party, would the warriors eat their 
enemies? »’Yes! Yes!'was the unhesitating reply. It seemed to us, how- 
ever, that speaking thus, they were actuated more by bravado than by 
any real intention .. » After most furious excitement and preparations 
the party started. Soon, however, warrıor after warrior turned home, until 
the whole expedition was postponed till to-morrow and when that day came 
the very enemies happened to come to visit. — P. 157 sq. — Giving 
a minute description of the great festivities which were arranged to cele- 
brate the visit, Mr. Rawling observes: — »Had we not witnessed both 


B. Xlllı 83 


When thus the stories of savages themselves so greatly har- 
monize with the inclination of white travellers and other authors 
to look upon them as, before all, restless warriors, it follows more 
or less as a matter of course that we are often provided with 
accounts of savage warfare which can by no means always 
serve as a basis on which to build scientific theories. How erro- 
neous such a procedure is may be shown from some further 
facts. We have been accustomed to believe that a state of 
incessant and most cruel warfare existed between the comımu- 
nities of the North American Indians. This may be partly 
due to their contempt for the occupations of the Whites, ? but 
undoubtedly it is due above all to exaggerated accounts of their 
wars. On the other hand, the following record of an Indian 
tribe is itself fully in agreement with all the instances quoted 
above. Describing a war-tipi ? of the Blackfeet, which was 
decorated with painted pictures referring to the greatest occur- 
rences in their whole history, MceClintock gives the following 
information: — »The brave act of a warrior was recorded, who 
saved the lives of two wounded comrades by carrying one with 
him on his own horse and leading a second horse carrying the 
other. The making of the first treaty with the whites, by a 
Blackfeet chief, was recorded as an event of great importance 
A warrior stealing the first mule from the white soldiers was 
also regarded with special renown, because mules had never 
been seen before by the Blackfeet». * In fact, we have here no 
reference to armies or great battles, but to solitary acts of brav- 
ery only. Of the Chaco Indians Dr. Karsten ? writes, on the 


events, it would have been hard to believe that such violent anger and 
thirst for revenge could have evaporated in so short a time.» — Itawling, 
The Land of the New Guinea Pygmies, p. 159; cf. p. 72. 
See e. g. Steinmetz, Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 5% sq. 
Ross, Fur Hunters, vol. I, p. 231. 
tipı = tent. 
McClintock, Old North Trail, p. 221. 

5 Karsten, Resor och forskningar i Gran Chaco, II; in Hufvudstads- 
bladet, 16. VI. 1912. 


| Ze 77 BE > Bu 


84 B.Xlllı 


basis of his own experience, that their cruelty and warlike 
character have been greatly exaggerated. In short, when 
unbiassed observers investigate into the conditions of savage 
warfare and attribute no exaggerated importance to the accounts 
given by the primitive peoples themselves of their warlike enter- 
prises, we get abundant statements such as these few examples 
would lead us to expect. It is, indeed, noteworthy how recent 
investigations made into savage life in general are as a rule 
inclined to attribute to warfare a far less important part than 
earlier authors, less qualified for the task, have done. 

Bearing in mind these facts, it is rather remarkable that 
many modern authors in defending war have not been more 
aware of this »tendency to the marvellous» among savages and 
many travellers; although when it comes to the savage stage in 
the history of their own peoples, they are greatily annoyed if 
“ some ancient historian happens to let his own countrymen win 
laurels at the expense of these rude savages. Thus, to take one 
instance only, Steinmetz ! very emphatically denies that the 
battles between the Romans and the early Germans could ever 
have been as destructive as Caesar and others make out. So 
also in his »Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwicklung der 
Strafe» he cautions us against the tendency in white travellers 
and other observers to exaggerate the warlike nature of primi- 
tive peoples, because they do not expect to find quite other and 
different, qualities in them“. And yet, in his philosophy of war, 
Steinmetz himself pays no attention to this tendency, nor does 
he realize that such a great destruction of the enemy, as he 
considers to be impossible in the case of the early Germans, 
might be equally doubtful among other primitive peoples also. 


I Steinmetz, Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 62 sqq. 
2 Supra, p. 79 n. 2. 


CHAPTER IV 


THE CHARACTER OF PRIMITIVE WARFARE 
(Concluded) 


In the two previous chapters, light was thrown upon the 
character of primitive warfare in general. It remains to inquire 
into two special questions. 

It was pointed out in the beginning of the second chapter 
that relations of amatrimonial kind have often been a cause of 
disturbance between groups of primitive peoples. In fact, in the 
origin and the maintenance of matrimonial relations, certain 
authors have seen a direct cause of incessant warfare. How far 
customs like exogamy, capture of wives, and polygamy have 
led to actual warfare cannot be fullv discussed here, but a few 
remarks may to a certain extent facilitate a juster estimate 
of the facts. 

Following Mr. Atkinson, ' Dr. MeDougall ? believes that 
»the primitive society was a polyganıous family, consisting of a 
patriarch, his wives and children. The young males as they 
became full grown were driven out of the community by the 
patriarch, who was Jealous of all possible rivals to his marital 
privileges. They formed semi-independent bands, hanging, 


1 Atkinson, Primal Law, p. 230 sgaq. 
2 MecDougall, Social Psychology, p. 282. 


86 B. XIllı 


perhaps, on the skirts of the family eircle. From time to time 
the young males would be brought by their sex-impulse into 
deadly strife with the patriarch, and when one of them succeeded 
in overcoming him, this one would take his place and rule in his 
stead.» Accordingly, »by combat alone could the headship of a 
family be obtained». ' There is however an essential difference 
between such strife within the family, if it has ever occurred, 
and a relation of open hostility between different social units. 


MeLennan ? has based his theory of the origin of exogamy 
on the hypothesis that the custom of killing daughters com- 
pelled men to obtain wives from other communities. Spencer ? 
gives another explanation: exogamy was a natural consequence 
of warfare; women were captured and abducted together with 
other spoils, and when a warrior who subsequently married such 
a prize of war was more honoured than his less successful com- 
rades, it gradually became a custom among warlike tribes not 
to marry within the group. Hence exogamy presupposed war. ? 
Later and more careful inquiries, however, do not confirm these 
theories. In his epoch-making study »The History of Human 
Marriage», Westermarck ® gives another and quite opposite 
explanation of the causes of this widespread custom. »What I 
maintain is, that there is an innate aversion to sexual inter- 
course between persons living very closely together from early 
youth, and that, as such persons are in most cases related, this 
feeling Jisplays itself chiefly as a horror of intercourse between 


I MeDougall, Op. cit. p. 285. 

® MeLennan, Studies in Ancient History, pp. 75 sq., 90, 115, 160. 

3 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, p. 619 sqq., vol. II, p. 267. 

% Lamprecht argues that when among the early Germans the endo- 
gamic stage was gradually succeeded by exogamy, »dann artete er fast 
stets zu verheerenden Fehden aus, so jahrhundertelang unter den nor- 
dischen Germanen». — Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, p. 111. 

5 Westermarck’s criticism on the theory of McLennan, see The Hist- 
ory of Human Marriage, p. 311 sqq., and on the theory of Spencer, p. 
314 sq. . 


B. XIllı 87 


near kin. — The existence of an innate aversion ofthis kind has 
been taken by various writers as a psychological fact proved by 
common experience; and it seems impossible otherwise to ex- 
plain the feeling which makes the relationships between parents 
and children, and brothers and sisters, so free from all sexual 
excitement. But the chief evidence is afforded by an abundance 
ofethnographical facts which prove that it is not, in the first place, 
by the degrees of consanguinity, but by the close living together 
that prohibitory laws against inter-marriage are determined». ! 
»Exogamy, as a natural extension of this instinct, would arise 
when single families united in small hordes». ? 

Similarly, Frazer ? derives the origin of exogamy from a 
peaceful source, :. e. from the deliberate division of the larger 
social units into two, four, and eight exogamous groups in order 
to avoid marriage between near relations. Therefore, Frazer * 
concludes, the theory of the warlike origin of exogamy is open 
to grave objJections. 


On examining more closely the methods of obtaining wives 
from other groups, we certainly find several examples of the 
actual capture and forcible abduction of women. It should, 
however, be borne in mind that these examples, in order to 
prove anything, should not refer to later periods and a higher 
level of civilization, when wars are already carried on more or 
less systematically and, above all, when women have been ab- 
ducted together with other spoil. The facts, which are to be 
dealt with in this connection must imply an actual cause of 
war, not a mere result of it. 


1 Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, p. 320 sq. — Cf. 
also /dem, »Totemism and Exogamy»; in Folk-Lore, vol. XX11, March 1911, 


pp. 84 sqq. 
2 Westermarck, Op. cit. p. 353; — /dem, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, 
p. 364 sqq. 


3 Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. IV, p. 105 saq. 
4 Op. cit. vol. IV, pp. 76 sq., 88, 90 sgq. 


88 B. XIllı 


Speaking of the aborigines of Australia, Messrs. Spencer and 
Gillen state: — »To the casual observer what looks like a capture 
is in reality an elopement, in which the woman is an aiding and 
abetting party. Marriage bv capture is.... by no means the 
rule in Australian tribes, and too much stress has been laid upon 
this method». ! And, what is still more remarkable, they add 
that there are no traces left even to indicate that marriage was 
originally by capture. * In conformity with these statements, 
Wheeler remarks: — »Earlv observers were led to lay a dispro- 
portionate importance on marriage by actual capture and for- 
cible abduction from other tribes». ? 

What thus holds good of the Australian aborigines, Aber- 
cromby is inclined to lay down as a rule *, when he ascribes this 
custom in general more to the innate desire of men to display 
their courage than to a survival from a still earlier habit of cap- 
turing women in war. Finallv, Westermarck ° believes that 


1 Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 32. 

®2 Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 104. 

3 Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 88. 

X Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, p. 388. — Speaking 
of tne early Finns, Abercromby asserts: — »The probability is... that in pre- 
historic times wives were largely, though not exclusively, obtained without 
fighting. — The Pre- and Proto-Historice Finns, vol. I, p. 189. Cf. also 
the following pages. — Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, p. 7 sq. 

As further testimony to this effect, reference may be made to state- 
ments made by Mr. Williamson, Miss Fletcher, and Mr. La Flesche. Accord- 
ing to the former, runaway marriages are to be found among the Mafulu; 
- and the latter observers state that all the marriages among the Omaha 


were elopements. — Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, p. 173; — 
Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 324. 


According to Herodotus, the ancient Greeks considered that the cap- 
ture of wives was not worthy of being punished, because if the woman did 
not consent to be captured and afterwards to remain with the capturer, 
real capture would happen seldom. — Herodotus, History, 1., 4; ef. also 5. 

5 Westermarck, Op. cit. p. 389. — »Its prevalence seems to have been 
much exaggerated by MeLennan and his schoob. — Westermarck, The 
Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 382. 


B. XII ı 89 


marriage by capture was never the sole form of marriage, and I 
am greatly indebted to him for further information to the effect 
that later inquiries have still more convinced him of the exagge- 
rated importance usually laid on actual capture; not even among 
so warlike a people as the Berbers of Morocco does any trace of 
marriage by capture occur. 

On the other hand, Professor Giddings ! maintains that the 
transition from the metronymic to patronymic kinship has taken 
place under the influence of the capture of wives; hence the 
»direct relation between patronymic kinship and marriage by 
capture is recognized by all writers». Yet he himself shows that 
this transition can well have been brought about in another less 
forcible way. 

The resistance offered bv brides, and incumbent on them at 
wedding ceremonies, does not in every case support the idea 
that it is a direct survival of an earlier actual resistance to some 
strange captor. Spencer ? ascribes this custom largely to the 
real or feigned modesty of the bride, and, supporting * this opi- 
nion, Westermarck observes: — »Each sex is attracted by the 
distinctive characteristics of the opposite sex, and coyness is a 
female quality. In mankind, as among other mammals, the 
female requires to be courted, often endeavouring for a long 
time to escape from the male. Therefore also the marriage 
ceremonies of many peoples bear testimony to the same effect». ? 
Further, if the parents and the would-be bridegroom have 
agreed upon the matter without the direet consent of the girl, 
there is also likelv to arise on her part some resistance at the 
decisive moment. We even read that among some primitive 
peoples a girl prefers death to yielding to the parental wishes. ® 


I Giddings, Principles of Sociology, p. 286. 

2 Op. cit. p. 287. 

3 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, p. 623 saq. 

4 Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, p. 388. 
5 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 435. 

6 Dobrizhoffer, The Ahbipones, vol. 11, p. 207. 


9 B. Xlllı 


In short, it seems reasonable to believe that the origin of the 
resistance incumbent on brides at the wedding ceremonies is at 
least as much due to these compulsory forms of marriage ! as 
to the earlier prevalence of resistance to strange captors. It is 
also rather remarkable that, as Grosse remarks, the »ceremony 
of capture» is less common among lower races than among those 
who are already at a higher level of development. ? Further- 
more, in exogamous communities, even in cases where the bride 
has given her consent, she is likely still to offer at least some 
sort of woeful resistance when taking leave not only of her rela- 
tives but also of the home and the friends of her childhood. ? 
It should finally be noticed that the custom of resistance may 
originate from actual capture within the tribe instead of origina- 
ting from capture from without; * and that resistance offered at 
wedding ceremonies may have been diffused through imitation.’ 


More common perhaps than the custom of obtaining wives 
by capture are those instances in which men have been com- 
pelled to fight against rivals. Yet it is remarkable that of all 
such combats referred to by Westermarck ® a comparatively 
small proportion directly indicate real battle, while the majority 
of them imply other more or less peaceful forms of competition 
and displays of strength. Of the instances given by Darwin ', 
none directly implies deadly fighting, and ofthe five statements 
quoted by Spencer ® there are only two referring to cases of a 
more serious character. To add some instances, Nelson was 
informed by an old man among the Eskimo about Behring Strait 
that »in ancient times when the husband and a lover quarrelled 


Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, p. 221 sq. 
Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, p. 106. 

Roscoe, Baganda, p. 90. 

Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, p. 623. 

Op. cit. vol. I p. 626. 

Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, p. 159 sqaq. 
Darwin, The Descent of Man, vol. II, p. 323 sq. 

Spencer, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 601 sq. 


zz 3 9 vr SS nn m 


B. Xlllı 91 


about a woman they were disarmed by the neighbours and then 
settled the trouble with their fists or by wrestling, the victor in 
the struggle taking the woman». ' Of the Chavantes in Brazil, 
von Martius states that the rival who could carry, or in some 
cases throw, a heavy block furthest became the winner. ? 
Moreover, there is no lack of instances where other qualities 
besides mere physical force enable savages to obtain the 
best wives. »Those that are good hunters», says Henpepin, 
of the North American Indians in general, »have the choice 
of the finest women; the rest have none but the homeliest and 
the refuse». ? 

One particular peaceful method of concluding marriage is 
the custom, whereby men leave their group and obtain wives 
in neighbouring communities, attaching themselves to the people 
of their wives. * According to Westermarck, this custom »seems 
to have arisen very early in man’s history». ? 


The view has been expressed, among others, by Spencer, ® 
that polygamy is essentially the result of warlike struggles. But 
the origins of it are by no means so closelv connected with war 
as is often asserted. On the contrary, where wars do not give 
rise to slavery, polygamy above all is an important economic 
institution, largely in conformity with the wishes of the women 
themselves. Thus, for instance, among the Blackfeet, »it was 
considered desirable for a girl to marry a chief with several 


i Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 292. 

2 Martius, Unter den Ureiwohnern Brasiliens, p. 59. 

3 Hennepin, Discovery of a Vast Country in America, vol. II, p. 80; 
cf. p. 117. 

4 Giddings writes: — »If the husband chooses to go back to his own 
people, he must leave his family and property unless he can get them away 
as plunder, as Jacob did when he left Laban». — Principles of Sociology, 
p. 268. — It is, however, hardly right in such a case to speak of plunder. 
We have hereacase rather ofelopement than of forcible abduction. 

5 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 382. 

6 Spencer, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 655. 


92 B. XIIlı 


wives, because the work would be divided among them. Ifa 
girl married a poor man, who could afford but one wife, her life 
would be filled with drudgery and hard labour.»! Similarly 
among the Omaha ? a wealthy man was vested with the duty 
of arranging feasts; one wife could not do all this work, and 
polvygamy was therefore an absolute necessity. Speaking of 
the duty of hospitalitv among certain Negroes, Livingstone 
observes: — »One of the most cogent arguments for polygamy 
is that a respectable man with only one wife cannot entertain 
strangers as he ought». ? According to Roscoe *, polygamy is 
above all an economic institution among the Baganda. ’ 

On the other hand, it is certainly true that in several instances 
wars have disturbed the proportion between the sexes, and thus 
it has devolved on polvgamy to give new strength to the family. ® 
It is, however, worthy of notice that where this takes place 
we meet with a comparatively advanced stage of civilization. ' 
Wars are waged among such peoples, not in order to capture 
wives but more or less generallv for the sake of plunder, and 
wives are accordinglvy captured because of wars. All the in- 
stances bearing testimony to the relation between primitive 
warfare and polvygamy must prove that wars have directlv arisen 
from the practice of polygamy among very rude savages; other- 
wise there is not reason enough to conclude that polygamy per se 
is one of the main causes of warfare among savages ofa very rude 
tvpe. And this can hardly be proved to any considerable extent. 
On the contrary, even among comparatively advanced savages, 
polygamyv is often restrieted tothe upper classes, and among 


I McClintock, Old North Trail, p. 189. 

® Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 326. 

% Livingstone, Missionary Travels, p. 196. 

4 Roscoe, Baganda, p. 95. 

® For further particulars see Westermarck, The History of Human 
Marriage, p. 491 sqq. 

6. Spencer, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 659. 

* Westermarck, Op. cit. p. 465 sq. 


B. Xlllı 93 


very low savages monogamy is generally prevalent.' Hence, 
whatever may be the share of polygamy in warfare among 
savages at a higher level of development, it has hardly been 
one of the main causes of that martial spirit which has so often, 
although erroneously, been looked upon as a characteristic of 
primitive society. 

It thus seems just to infer that as far as exogamy, combat 
between rivals, and polygamy are concerned, the theories which 
see in these traits of savage life some of the main causes for 
the alleged prevalence of incessant warfare are notreallv well 
founded. And yet, as was observed in the beginning of the second 
chapter ?2, women have been everywhere in primitive societies a 
frequent cause of disturbance between neighbouring communities. 
Undoubtedly these strifes have had more of a juridical character 
than anything else. And, even if it be true, is not the punish- 
ment for adultery and the like incumbent above all on the fami- 
lies concerned, and not as a rule on the entire community? ? 

In short, the relation of primitive marriage to war does not 
in any way constitute an exception to the inference drawn 
above from the character of savage warfare in general. 


11. 


Our investigation into savage warfare was required in order 
to obtain, as far as possible, a true view of the part of war in the 
establishment of primitive government. The exposition, how- 
ever, as given in the previous chapters, is insufficient, in so far 
as many of the quotations dealing with savage warfare were 
taken from present times and a few only from earlier ages. 
Hence there remains the possibility of holding that the com- 


1 Westermarck, Op. cit. pp. 459, 495, and chap. XXI. 
2 Supra, p. 18. 

3 Westermarck, Op. cit. p. 122. — /dem, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, 
p. 419 sq. — In adllition, see Sarasin, Celebes, vol. II, p. 277. 


94 B. Xlllı 


paratively restricted state of warfare prevalent among savages 
during the modern times referred to, is chiefly due to a decrease 
of warfare parı passu with an increasing civilization, and that 
the existence of quite peaceful communities among savages 
is a consequence of this fact, and not a result of an early stage 
of comparatively peaceful character. In other words, it may, 
perhaps, be said that the exposition of primitive warfare, as it 
is given above, does not really prove that primitive government 
did not generally originate under highly warlike conditions pre- 
vailing in earlier times than those to which reference was made 
above. 

In order to meet such an objection, we shall investigate wheth- 
er wars have been decreasing or increasing among those primi- 
tive peoples who are generallv maintained to be warlike; and 
attention will be given to hypotheses concerning the pugnacious 
character of very early man. When, thus, the character of the 
terminal points, broadiy speaking, has been made out, some 
conclusions as to the character of the intervening development 
can be put forward. 

Previous to the arrival of the Europeans in New Zealand, the 
wars between the different Maori tribes were less frequent and 
less destructive than later on. Mr. Gudgeon states as regards 
the real seriousness of the early warfare: — »Tribes were indeed 
conquered for having uttered a few idle words in depreciation 
of their neighbours, but I am of opinion that few men were 
killed on such occasions».! In fact, all the traces of the earlier 
cultivation of the land, the large ruins of former pa’s or fortified 
villages, and many other facts, indicate that the population was 
considerable till the end of the sixteenth century. The Maori 
themselves are of the same opinion, affirming that they were 
much more numerous in former times than they are now. ? 
Later on, warfare graduallv increased »to such an extent that 


1 Gudgeon, The Whence of the Maori; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XII, 


p. 174. 
2 Pakeha Maori, Old New Zealand, p. 180. 


B. Xlllı 95 


the natives>, as Manning" remarks, »at last believed a constant 
state of warfare to be the natural condition of life, and their 
sentiments, feelings, and maxims became gradually formed on 
this belief. In the early years of the nineteenth century, war- 
fare became incessant; the natives now procured firearms, and 
the fate of the whole race was soon sealed. 2 As to another of 
the most warlike nations referred to by certain war philosoph- 
ers,® namely the Fijians, we are similarly informed that their 
early wars were quite insignificant. According to Mr. Thomson, 
»there is ground for believing that the wars before 1780 were 
little more than skirmishes» * and »none of the great confedera- 
tions existed before 1800. ° The weaker party always found 
sufficient shelter in their fortresses, which could be subdued by 
treachery only. © But as soon as firearms were introduced in 
1808, »native wars became far more destructive. ? Other 
writers bear witness to the same effect. The missionary Williams 
says that »old men speak of the atrocities of recent times as 
altogether new and far surpassing the deeds of cruelty which 
they witnessed fifty years ago». ® As this later observation was 
made in 1858, it fully confirms the testimony of Mr. Thomson. 
Significant also is the account of the state of warfare in Tonga 
as given by Mariner. »At the time when Captain Cook was at 
these islands the habits of war were little known to the natives; 
the only quarrels in which they had been engaged had been 
among the inhabitants of the Feejee islands .... for having 
been in the habit of visiting these islands for sandal wood, they 
occasionally assisted one or other of the warlike parties against 


1 Pakeha Maori, Op. cit. p. 185. 
2 Smith, Wars of the Northern against the Southern Tribes of Maori; 
in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, pp. 144 sq., 150. 
3 E. g. Steinmetz, Die Philosophie der Krieges, p. 53. 
4 Thomson, The Fijians, p. 86. 
5 Op. cit. p. 85. | 
6 Op. cit. pp. 60, 93. 
° Op. cit. p. 60. 
8 Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 119. 


96 B. XlIlı 


the enemy».' They learned likewise in Fiji to make better arms. 
Indeed, speaking of the South Sea Islanders in general, Ellis 
maintains that wars, and other destructive customs more or less 
connected with it, have certainly increased lately, and thus caused 
a rapid decline of the population. »Society must at some time 
have been more favourable not only to the preservation, but 
to the increase of the population, or the inhabitants could never 
have been so numerous as they undoubtedly were a century or 
a century and a half ago». ? 

Turning to the warlike Dyaks, we are informed by various 
authors that head-hunting in Borneo is »a fashion of compara- 
tively modern growth»; ? thus, although it existed before, yet 
it was only during the last century that it became a predominant 
feature in the life of the Dyaks. * 

The Masai were a relatively peaceful race until their god was 
supposed to have handed down to them all the cattle of the sur- 
rounding communities.” Then their warlike activities soon 
increased until they became one of the most martial tribes in 
the whole of East Africa. ® Speaking of the Galla in general, 
Ratzel ° remarks that whilst the Northern Wallo-Galla in Abys- 
sinia, owing to their Mohammedan fanatieism, are certainlv 
warlike, rapacious, and faithless, the pagan Southern Galla 
display the opposite qualities. In other cases also the military 
spirit has increased among the natives of Africa pari passu with 
the spread of Islam. ° Another cause which in comparatively 


mn m a nn nn — 


I Mariner, The Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. I, p. 72 sq. 

® Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. II, p. 32. 

3 Boyle, Adventures among the Dyaks, p. 170. 

1 Low, Sarawak, p. 188; cf. pp. 214 sq.; 303 sq. — See also ARatzel, 
Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 411. 

° Merker, Die Masai, pp. 272, 276; — Kallenberg, Auf dem Kriegspfad 
gegen die Massai, p. 93 sq. 

6 Merker, Op. cit. p. 117, passim; — Kallenterg, Op. cit. p. 93; — 
Thomson, Through Masai Land pp. 272, 276. 

° Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. II, p. 161 sq. 

8 Op. eit. vol. II, pp. 322, 491 sqıq., 502 sqq., 512, 518. 


B. Xlllı 97 


modern times has called forth warlike activity in Eastern Africa 
is raiding for the purpose of capturing cattle." From this we 
have reason to conclude that previous to the domestication of 
cattle and the change this brought about in the occupation of 
the natives, the conditions must have been less warlike. Hence, 
the universal prevalence of cattle raids in Eastern Africa at the 
present time ought hardly to be counted among the facts brought 
forward — e. g. by Steinmetz ? — to prove the extremely warlike 
nature of early ages and savage conditions in general. Among the 
Kafırs, »in olden days the men shared all the work with the wo- 
men, until military necessities compelled them to attend to the 
duties connected with fighting. In this way war became tha 
main work of the men». ? In his description of the reigns of 
certain great Kafir kings, Ratzel * distinetly shows how this 
‘increase in warfare took place during their rule in the beginning 
of the nineteenth century, and how the pugnacious instincts of 
the warriors were excited by manifold means. The same author 
also observes, that the demand for slaves has favoured expedi- 
tions for plunder and given rise to true robber-peoples. ? These 
facts undoubtedly justify us in concluding that among the 
coloured races of Africa also wars have increased within histo- 
rical times. 

Similar conclusions are well supported by facts drawn from 
the North American Indians also. According to Mr. Dunn, the 
Blackfeet Indians were in earlier times rather peacefully disposed, 
and only later acquired »the character of ferocity». ® Not before 
the formation of the famous league in 1570 did the different 
tribes of the Iroquois display any particular propensity to war- 
fare, but as soon as the league was established »a thirst for mili- 


Op. eit. vol. II, p. 100. 

Steinmetz, Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 56 sq. . 
Kidd, The Essential Kafır, p. 399. 

Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. II, p. 123. 

Op. cit. vol. II, p. 39. — Cf. Kidd, Op. cit. p. 30% sq. 

Dunn, History of Oregon, p. 319. 


aa ww m DD N m 


98 B. X11lı 


tarv glory» arose among them, and this again was promoted by 
the facility with which firearms were pröcured from the Dutch 
and English." When during comparatively recent times wars 
had a tendency to increase among the Omaha, the people them- 
selves laid down important rules in order to check the disturbing 
activity of private war expeditions. ? Indeed, speaking of the 
warfare of the North American Indians in general, Powell affirmis- 
that, since the arrival of the Whites, wars have prevailed among 
them far bevond the degree existing at earlier times. »The 
character of the Indian since the discovery of Columbus has 
been greatly changed, and he has become far more warlike and 
predatory. Prior to that time, and far away in the wilderness 
bevond such influence since that time, Indian tribes seem to 
have lived together in comparative peace and to have settled 
their difficulties bv treaty methods. A few of the tribes had 
distinet organization for purpose of war; all recognized it to a 
greater or less extent in their tribal organization; but from such 
studv as has been given the subject and from the many facts 
colleeted from time to time relating to the intercourse existing 
between tribes, it appears that the Indians lived in comparative 
‘peace. 3? This is the view of Dellenbaugh also, and is, too, fully 
in conformity with the character of Indian warfare as depicted 
in the previous chapters. * | 

As for the so-called Arvans, it was stated above that the 
early Slavs were less warlike than the contemporary Germans. 
As regards these again, tlıere is every reason to believe that their 
warlike qualities were of relatively late growth, although almost 
everv modern author dealing with early German Jife stronglv 


Il Morgan, Leaxue of the Iroquois, pp. 8, 10; — Mooneu, The Siouan 
Tribes, pp. 12, sqy., 21. 

2 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 122. 

3 Powell, Indian Linguistical Familios: in 7:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 39; — see also Hooper, The Tuski, pp. 273 sq., 357 sq., 367 sq. 

* Dellenbaugh, The North-Americans of Yesterday, p. 366. 


B. Xlllı 99 


assumes the opposite. ' Their religion was warlike, so were 
their gods, and their heaven was a battle-field, says Lamprecht. ? 
No wonder then, the same author adds, that their political condi- 
tions were nothing else than those of a warrior state; nay even 
the names of their women referred to their warlike occupation. 3 

Let us, however, examine these views so common among 
modern German authors and defenders of war. As for their 
religion, Tius or »The Father of Al» was their supreme god, who 
later on, however, was replaced by the more warlike Wotan; ? 
vet not even he was looked upon as only a war god; to him later 
on many peaceful attributes were given. ? Wotan had been 
earlier the god of Death. If, now, warlike enterprises had a ten- 
dency to decrease, as Lamprecht and others assunıe, it certainly 
is inexplicable why at the same time a more warlike god should 
have been substituted. The onlv view therefore which seems 
to be well founded is that the god of Death rose to supremacy 
pari passu with an increasing warlikeness and loss of life in war.® 
Similarly, in the case of early political life, we shall before long 
see ° that the early form of primitive chieftainship was by no 
means so warlike as is emphatically asserted above; otherwise 
the change which took place later on, when warlike activity 
came to be at its height, would not have been so eonspicuous. 


I Nützsch, Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, vol. I, p. 53, passim. 
=— Treiischke, Politik, vol. II, p. 745 sqq.; — Jähns, Ueber Krieg, Frieden 
und Kultur, p. 140 sqaq. | 

2 Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol, I, p. 136. 

3 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 165. 

*% Dahn, Die Germanen, pp. 40 sqq., 102 sq.;, — Lamprecht, Op. cit. 
vo). I, p. 193 sq.; — Nitzsch, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 52 sqgq. 

5 »IJm Laufe ihrer Entwicklung war Wotan zum Gotte aller höheren, 
edleren Begeisterung geworden, zum Gott der Erfindungen und der Ge- 
heimnisse, der Runen und der Heilkunst, der Dichtung und der gehoben- 
dramatischen Darstellung». — Lamprecht, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 197; — Jähns, 
Op. cit. p. 142; — Nitzsch, Loc. cit. 

6 Cf. Mogk, Menschenopfer bei den Germanen; in Archiv für Religions- 
wissenschaft, vol. XV, 1912, p. 429 saq. 

? See infra, pp. 208 sqq., 221, 233, 245, 249. 


100 B. Xlllı 


Other facts referred to as a basis for the warlike interpret- 
ation of the life of the early Germans are of about the same 
value. Thus, Lamprecht maintains also that the tribal conscious- 
ness and pride (Stammesbewusstsein, Stammesstolz) among the 
primitive Germans was in closest connection with their warlike 
qualities and activity." This is again one of those instances 
where the early stages of modern nations are looked upon as 
something different from those of savages in general. As soon, 
however, as it is admitted that not even in respect of their primi- 
tive pride were the early Germans greatly different from primi- 
tive men in general, there is not much support left for the probab- 
llity of this point of view, with its theory ofthe extremely war- 
like character ofthe early Germans. Once more to quote Wester- 
marck,? he has certainly proved with great clearness that, even 
among the most peaceful savages, rudiments of »patriotism» are 
quite distinguishable. If an Eskimo, a Veddah of Ceylon, or a 
wretched Ainu is convinced of »the superiority of their own 
blood and descent over that of all other peoples of the world»,? 
a primitive German need not necessarily have been more war- 
like than these wholly peaceful savages to be proud of his tribe.* 


I Lamprecht, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 7 sa. 

2 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 167 sq. 

3 Op. cit. vol. Il, p. 172. 

% More as a matter of illustration reference may be made to the fallow- 
ing instance also. In his description of the early Germans, Lamprecht 
writes among other statements: — »Vor allem schob der steigende Verkehr 
die kriegerischen Gedanken des Volkes.. von Zeit zu Zeitin den Hintergrund 
und unterstützte dadurch den neuen Friedensstaat in der Verdrängung 
des alten Kriegsstaates; und noch mehr durchbrach der Handel die alte 
Anschauung von der Ausschliesslichkeit des nationalen Rechtes, indem er 
ein gottgeheiligtes Gastrecht entwickeln half. — Op. cit. vol. I, p. 172. 
How, then, has hospitality become universal among all those savages, who 
are said to live in a state of incessant warfare? There is certainly every 
reason to drop the theory of a state of utter hostility among the early 
Germans, and to hold that hospitality among them was called forth in 
much earlier times and by the same causes, as among primitive peoples in 
general. — See Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, chap. XXIV. 


B. Xl1lı 101 


Another rather peculiar kind of proof is the use of old myths 
and legends, as well as of the statzmerts of certain Roman histor- 
ians, to prove the martial spirit of tlie-primitive German tribes. 
Has not a vivid imagination among these peoples played its part 
also in these cases, so as to exaggerate their own warlike achieve- 
ments? And if with regard to the old historical accounts, modern 
German authors more or less emphatically den. the truthfulness 
of Caesar’s and Tacitus’ narratives, when they speak ofthe great 
defeats and the slaughter of tens of thousands of their (serman 
adversaries, are then, on the other hand, all their statements 
which seem to satisfy the longing of modern authors for a war- 
like ancestry so well founded that no criticism whatever isrequir- 
ed in their case?! Krauss ? was undoubtedly aware of this fact‘ 
when asserting that »der Urgermane became a warrior but 
gradually. 

Moreover, there are other facts as well to prove that the 
theories of the extremely warlike character of the earlv Germanf 
are by no means well grounded. If an extraordinary love 08 
fighting had formed the original character ofthese peoples, how 
then could it have been almost wholly lost in a comparatively 
short time? Even Ratzenhofer ? himself admits that the early 
Gothic and Franconian kings tried in vain to enforce tlıe arricre- 
ban as their peoples lost their fighting qualities; and during the 
reigns of the first Emperors the German merchant-class and 
the peasantry were already utterlv unused to warlike activity, 
as Nitzsch,* another author in whose history the theory of the 


I Thus it has been observed of Caesar that he was »thorouglv im- 
bued with the haughty feeling of the true Roman, that it was beneath 
hıs dignity to take notice of minute distinctions among those nations, 
who, to the imperial people, were all alike classifiel under the generic 
title of barbarians» — Edinburgh Review, Julv, 1863, p. 42. 

See also Dahn, Die Könige der Germanen, criticism of Caesar, vol. 
I, pp. 39—49, and of Taritus, pp. 50—97. 

2 Krauss, Krieg und Kultur in der Lebensgeschichte der Rasse, p.& sq. 

3 Ratzenhofer, Soziologie, p. 208. 

4 Nüzsch, Op. cit. vol. II, pp. 6, 15, 164, 315 sa. 


102 B. XIII ı 


warlike nature of the primitive Germans is a fundamental mo- 
tive, points out. Finally, it must be borne in mind that among 
the early Scandinavians,' too, the characteristically warlike 
spirit was of comparatively late growth. The development of 
their social institutions and their industry, as well as the way 
in which they cleared new lands, indicate, Strinnholm ! remarks, 
that their warlike inclinations had gained strength only grad- 
ually. a 

It is thus clear that the savage warfare to be observed among 
some of the most pugnacious communities now existing, as well 
as among the early Germans, grew gradually stronger within 
. historical and recent times. Thus, that love of war among them, 
“ which many modern authors make use of to prove the extremelv 
warlike character of early man in general, is found to be merelv 
a relatively late feature in their character. Before this time, 
it seems proper to infer, these peoples were hardly more martial 
than those to whom reference was made in previous chapters. 
It this betrue, and on the other hand, if savages in general are 
less warlike than has often been assumed, the question arises, 
what was the pugnacious character of man in still earlier times? 
Here we have to pass over to the domain of pure hypothesis. 

According to M. Vacher de Lapouge, »nous ne voyons pas 
la guerre ni meme les meurtres individuels exister parmi les 
grands singes» *. Further M. Vaccaro argues as regards the 
most primitive men: — »Aux premiers ages de l!’humanite,... il 
est probable qu’ils vivaient, jusqu’ä un certain point, en paix. 
S’ils s’etaient dechires mutuellement, ils n’auraient pu nisurvivre 
ni prosperer». ? Fully in conformity with this view are those 
held by Lester Ward and Ratzenhofer. According to Ward,* 
during the most remote times a general differentiation took 


1 Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. I, p. 9 sq., passim; vol. II, p. 305 sq., 
passim. 

?2 Vacher de Lapouge, Les selections sociales, p. 209. 

3 Yaccaro, Les bases sociologiques du Droit et de l’Etat, p. 81. 

i Ward, Pure Sociology, pp. 201 sq., 218,.266.. 


B. Xlllı 103 


place implying the possibility of relatively small strifes between 
different social units. Similar views are held by Ratzenhofer. ! 
On the other hand, Westermarck puts forward the following 
theory. The solitary life generally led by the man-like apes 
is due chiefly to the difficulty they experience in getting food 
at other times of the year than in the season when most fruits 
come to maturity. »That our earliest human or half-human 
ancestors lived on the same kind of food and required about 
the same quantities of it as the man-like apes, seems to me 
a fairly legitimate supposition; and from this I conclude that 
they were probably not more gregarious than these apes. ? 
Even when man became carnivorous he may still have con- 
tinued as a rule this solitary kind of life. ? But a solitary 
life, on the other hand, implies occasional strifes only. 

Be it as it may with regard to details, these authors ascribe to 
man in very early times no higher degree of pugnaciousness than 
that prevalent among the lower savages of our own times. Seeing 
that even to-day, in spite of comparatively strong bonds of social 
organization, wars are still in many instances matters of private 
enterprise, it seems fully reasonable to conclude that, at a time 
when there was no firmly established rule whatever within the 
groups, wars must to aneven greater extent have arisen from pri- 
vate dissensions, and thus did not involve the partieipation of 
whole groups, held together as these certainly were by very loose 
bonds. As forthe causes of such unorganized strife, allthe authors 
who deal with the question of primitive man ascribe to him a high 
degree of nervous instability. * Thus, speaking of the character 
ofthe Australian aborigines, Messrs. Spencer and Gillen remark 
that they are sociable, tender towards old people and children, 


1 Ratzenhofer, Soziologie, p. 13. 
2 Weestermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. Il, p. 195. 
3 Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, pp. 42 sqq., 49 sq. 
1 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, pp. 56 sqıj., 84, 89, passim; — 
Ward, Pure Sociology, p. 101; — Clodd, Animism, p. 46 sq.;, — Avebury, 
Origin of Civilisation, p. 572; — Bagehot, Physics and Politics, p. 18 sqgq. 


104 B. Xlll ı 


and hospitable, but at the same time »liable to fits of sudden 
passions. The extreme emotional variability of the Bushmen, 2 
Fuegians, ® Abipones, * Indians of North America, 5 Maori, ® 
Fijians, ° Papuans ®, to quote a few instances only, has been 
pointed out by many authors. ° 

A natural consequence of the extremely impulsive character 
of the savages is that injuries, real or imaginary, call forth sudden 
bursts of revengefulness. Describing a scene among the Veddas, 
when members of a strange group had crossed the boundary 
frontier, an occurrence which brought about instantaneous fight- 
ing, Messrs. Sarasin !" remark that this instance is of interest, 
as we see in it the first appearance of war. Yet this fighting did 
not pass over into an ordinary war, because as soon as some of 
the fighters were slain the whole incident was played out. '" 
Similarly, among the Australian aborigines fighting arises out of 
sudden passions. However, »should any of the combatants be 
severely wounded, a wail on the part of the women and his rela- 


1 Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 32; 
cf. 50 sq.; — Jidem, The Northern Tribes, p. 32; — Wyatt, The Encounter 
Bay Aboriginal Tribes; in Woods, The Native Tribes of South Australia, 
p. 162; — Gason, The Manners and Customs of the Dieyerie; in Woods, 
Op. cit., p. 258. 

2 Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa, vol. II, p. 224. 

3 King and Fitzroy, Voyages of the »Adventure and »Beagle, vol. 
II, p. 188. 

% Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 59. — As for the Choroti 
and Ashluslay Indians, see .Vordenskjöld, Indianlif, p. 132. 

5 Hennepin, Discovery of a Vast Country in America, vol. II, p. 94 sq. 

6 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XI, p. 15, 
passim; vol. XII, p. 18; vol. X111, pp. 76, 80; — Polack, Manners and Customs 
of the New Zealander, vol. Il, p. 16 sq. 

° Erskine, The Islands of the Western Pacific, vol. I, p. 263; — Wil- 
liams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. II, p. 121. 

8 Rawlins, The l.and of the New Guinea Pygmies, pp. 60 sq., 163. 

9 Cf. e. g. Lagorgeite, Le röle de la guerre, pp. 52 sq., 57. 

10 Sarasin, Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher Forschungen auf Ceylon, 
vol. III, p. 489. 

Il Hiller and Furness, A Trip to the Veddahs, p. 20. 


B. Xlllı 105 


tives soon becomes the prevailing noise and gradually puts a 
stop to the fight; after it is over perhaps every person that has 
been engaged in it is sorry that it has occurred, and the man 
who has inflicted a severe wound on his opponent will lament 
it as much and as sincerely as any of the rest». ' Similarly, 
Messrs. Spencer and Gillen state that »one of the most striking 
features of the native character is the way in which, after a 
fight, the erstwhile hostile groups or individuals come together 
and appear to be on the best terms». ? 

It is evident that similar qualities must be ascribed ona 
still larger scale to the savage in much earlier times. His re- 
vengefulness therefore might have caused a great deal of sudden 
fighting; his carrying out of blood-revenge or other forms of 
revenge may also have given rise to blood-shed, nevertheless, 
all these cases of combativeness were hardly likely to provoke 
any forms of organized warfare and, consequently, any large 
war expeditions. 

There is still another reason for believing that the wars of 
the earliest men could not have been so destructive as has been 
assumed, namely the simple fact that mankind has survived. 
Suggestive in this respect is a statement made by Mr. Basil 
Thomson, who gives the following account of a recent battle 
between the aborigines of New Guinea: — »One party having 
been pursued on to the open beach made a stand, whereupon 
the pursuers halted, uncertain what to do. The pursued, taking 
heart, shouted their battle-cry and made a move towards them; 
the others ran back for fifty yards or so, and rallied in their turn. 
This bloodless see-saw having continued for three or four rounds, 
accompanied by much abusive language, the battle ended by 


_— LIT dm 


1 Schürmann, The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln; in Woods, The 
Native Tribes in South Australia, p. 244. — CI. also Gason, The Manners 
and Customs of the Dieyerie; in Woods, Op. cit. p. 258; — Reports of the 
Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. V, p. 298. 

2 Spencer and Güllen, Across Australia, vol. I, p. 199. — Cf. also vol. 
II, p. 383 sqq.; and Schürmann, Op. cit. p. 244 saq. | 


106 B. XIllı 


the invaders taking to flight. Never once did either side get 
within spear throw of the other, though spears enough flew 
harmlesslv into the sand». ' \V'hereupon Mr. Thomson conclud- 
es: — »This dislike of hard knocks is a provision of Nature for 
perpetuating island races. \Vere it otherwise, how could an 
island thirteen miles by four continue to be populated? With 
pigs, women, and land to quarrel about, a race of warriors cooped 
up within such narrow limits would be reduced to a single war- 
rior in less than a century». ” \Vhat thus holds true of island 
races in modern times can be applied with full justification to 
earlv savages in general. »Dislike of hard knocks» must have 
been one of the chief reasons for the preservation of the human 
race during the long ages previous to the dawn of history. This 
inference is still corroborated by the fact that the birth-rate 
among savages is lower and the death-rate of their offspring 
higher than is the case among civilized nations, and their struggle 
for existence is in every way more harsh and difficult.” Hence 
from this point of view also there is every reason to presume 
that the more we penetrate into earlv times the less we can 
attribute to the men then living warlike qualities more developed 
than would truly correspond to their low mental state in general 
and to the preservation of the race in particular. When \acher 
de Lapouge points out of the early Arvans that »on se demande 
meme A la lecture des chantes heroiques des premiers Arvens 
comment la fecondite des femmes pouvaient suffire a compenser 
la destruction incessante de la population adulte, * this just 


m 


I Thomson, Savage Island, p. 131. 

Dr. Nordenskjöld mentions a similar battle between two »considerable 
arınies» of the Mataco and Choroti Indians. Fighting went on all 
day long; in spite of their firearms nobody was killed or wounded. At 
last, as soon as the former made an advance, the latter fled. -— Indian- 
hf, p. 120. | 

2 Thomson, Op. cit. p. 132. 

3 Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, p. 490; — Darwın, 
Descent of Man, vol, I, p. 238. 

3 Vacher de Lapouge, Op. cit. p. 211: — Lagorgette, Op. cit. p. 36. 


B. XIllı 107 


remark is undoubtedly true of many of those modern philo- 
sophies of war also, which pay no proper attention whatever to 
the simple fact that the more we go back into the early ages of 
man the more the general difficulty of the preservation of the 
race increases, and accordingly the less possibility is there to 
assume that these times must have been devoted to warlike 
activity and the appeasing of blood-thirsty passions only. 

If we combine this conclusion with the inference as regards 
the increase of warlike activity among those savage peoples who 
are recognized as pre-eminently the most militant known to us, 
the view must be accepted that the pugnacious nature of man 
has gradually increased, or as Bagehot puts it: — »The military 
strength of man has been growing irom the earliest times known 
to our history straight on till now». ! 


11. 


It remains to sum up what has been proved in this and the 
previous chapters with regard to the warlike nature of savage 
conditions. We started from the fact that even at the present 
time many savage communities, above all the lowest ones, do 
not carry on wars for the sake of indiscriminate slaughter and 
the pleasure of destruction, but are often content with the killing 
of relatively few of the enemy. A natural reason for the small 
death-rate is that warfare, to a great extent, is limited so as to 
affect only the actual combatants among the adversaries. Simi- 
larly, the inviolability of messengers is, as a rule, guaranteed; 
peace-making and the subsequent observance of treaties occur; 
and many forms of peaceful intercourse between different com- 
munities are found to prevail. Thus we have seen that savages 
recognize certain forms of regulated intertribal relationships, 
which may properly be called the origins of International Law, 


I Bagehot, Physics and Politics, p. 48. — See also Novicow, La critique 
du darwinisme social, p. 50 sq.; — MeDougall, Social Psychology, p. 279. 


108 B. XIllı 


\oreover, the character of savages was shown as a rule to be 
less pugnacious than has been assumed bv many modern writers. 
Without further recapitulating the various modes of procedure, 
we merely refer to the fact that savages previous to departure 
on a war, and during the carrying on of hostilities generally use 
a variety of means to excite their bravery and thirst for blood. 
Thus these qualities are not per se so stronglv developed in 
them as is often argued. 

These features in savage life gave us the kev for solving the 
question of how it is possible for truly peaceful communities to 
survive in the struggle for existence and maintain their inde- 
pendence. As was shown in the previous chapter, such units 
have existed or are still existing in all parts of the savage 
world. 

Thus step by step we found that the authors who attribute 
extreme importance to the pugnacious instinets of savages 
and the warlike nature of their conditions in general, have 
made too hasty generalizations. Later, at the end of the 
previous chapter, we dealt more closelv with the matter and 
found that writers such as Spencer, Vaccaro, Letourneau, Stein- 
metz, Gumplowiez, Ratzenhofer, and Ratzel have paid attention 
more or less exelusively to the blood-thirsty features of savage 
life without at the same time taking proper notice of all the 
facts pointing to a desire to mitigate the harshness of warfare. 
Similarly, the instances of friendly intercourse between different 
units have not been properly valued. Moreover, reference was 
also made to the indisputahle fact that the materials dealing 
with savage life must be carefully serutinized because of the 
frequent tendency to lay exaggerated stress upon savage fero- 
city or phenomena which are brought into connection with it. 
As regards primitive marriage customs, it was found that some 
of the theories on their origin and maintenance had laid too much 
stress on the warlike nature of savage Iife. 

In this chapter we further selected some of the most warlike 
races — the Maori, Fijians, Tongans, Dyaks, Galla, Masai, 


B. XI . 109 


Kafirs, North American Indians in general and the Iroquois in 
particular, as also the early Germans and the Vikings — and 
proved that, according to trustworthy statements, there is good 
reason to believe that the warlike aspirations of these races 
were of a relatively late growth. In former times they were 
scarcely more pugnacious or blood-thirsty than savages in gene- 
ral. 

Being without material to throw light on still earlier condi- 
tions, we had recourse to hypotheses on the conditions which 
prevailed during the remotest times, and came to the conclusion 
that man in those ages was highly disposed to sudden outbursts 
of passion, and that his warlike actions were due to this mental 
disposition, that is to say, were of short duration. Finally, 
through combining this hypothesis with the conclusions as to 
the warlike character of the conditions still prevalent among 
savages, the inference was drawn that the pugnaciousness of 
man has gradually increased, and thus come to gain among 
certain savages that strength and social importance which mod- 
ern defenders of war are inclined to ascribe to the warfare of 
primitive man in general. 


CHAPTER V 


THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF 
HUMAN SOCIETY 


Bearing in mind our inferences with regard both to the true 
character of primitive warfare and to its gradual increase pari 
passu with the development of general civilization, we may 
reasonably doubt whether the origin and carly development of 
savage government was due to warlike activity, at least to such 
an extent as is asserted by the authors quoted in the second 
chapter. The present and the following chapters will therefore 
be devoted to an inquiry into the origin of human societies, 
and subsequently into the origin and early development of 
government within them. 

Authors who believe that the State owes its origin, at all 
events, to man’s warlike activities, maintain, more or less asa 
matter of course, that the origin and development of the earliest 
human societies are likewise mainly due to co-operation for defen- 
sive and offensive purposes. Thus Spencer affirms: — »Goherence 
is first given to small hordes of primitive men during combined 
opposition to enemies. Subject to the same danger and joining 
to meet this danger, the members of the horde become, in the 
course of their co-operation against it, more bound together. ' 


1 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 278. 


B. XIII ı 111 


According to J. 'R. Green, the earliest organization of men 
ssprang in all likelihood mainly from war... Its form at any 
rate was wholly military». * Gumplowicz affirms that human 
groups have since the earliest times been formed through the 
everlasting »natural process» of warfare, subjugation and con- 
quest. * Steinmetz believes that the family was the earliest 
germ of society, vet he assumes that the different families were 
united through co-operation in war. Hence, he concludes that, 
without aggressiveness, no groups beyond the limits of the small- 
est family bounds would ever have developed. ?$_ Lamprecht 
assumes that the origin of all human organization lies in the 
protective power of warlike men. ? 

On the other hand, as was observed above, there is no lack 
of opposite theories also. Thus, one of the most admirable chap- 
ters in Westermarck’s »Origin and Development of the Moral 
Ideas» is his exposition how the social organization of man and 
the spontaneous development of the State is intrinsically con- 
nected with man’s altruistice sentiments. He isthus by no means 
convinced of the correetness of a theory according to which 
social evolution is in the first instance mainlv due to war. 

Among the various theories about the social state of primi- 
tive man, the hypothesis which points to the family as the ear- 
liest form of human society seems to have obtained the greatest 
support. ° Proceeding from this theory, Westermarck asserts 


Green, English People, vol. T, p. 14; cf. p. 17 sqaq. 

Gumpioswrtez, Rassenkampf, pp. 185, 193 sq., passim. 

»Ohne Aggressivität keine Erweiterung der Gruppe über die ersten 
Anfänge hinaus». — Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 23. 

3 »Die Schutzgewalt des kriegsmächtigen Mannes ist die ursprüng- 
lichste Grundlage menschlicher Ordnung.« — Lamprecht, Deutsche Ge- 
schichte, vol. I, p. 91. 

5 McDougall, Social Psychology, p. 268. — See also Grosse, Die For- 
men der Familie, pp. 42 sqq., 73 sgq.; — Lang, Social Origins, p. 1 sq., passim; 
— sStarcke, Primitive Family, p. 27% sq.; — Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, 
pp. 1 sqq., 10 sqq.; — Deniker, Races et peuples de la Terre, p. 273, — Steın- 
metz, Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 22: — Maine, Ancient Law, p. 134; — 


ww te 


112 | B. XIllı 


that the extension of the small family groups may have taken 
place in two different ways — by adhesion and by natural growth 
and cohesion. »New elements, whether other family groups or 
single individuals, may have united with it from without, or 
the children, instead of separating from their parents, may 
have remained with them and increased the groups by forming 
new families themselves». But, he adds, there can be little doubt 
that the latter was the normal mode of extension, ! which took 
place as soon as economic conditions became sufficiently favour- 
able. * In fact, consanguinity is, generally speaking, to be met 
with everywhere among savages known to us, as a basis of their 
social integration. Thus, according to Dr. Seligmann, a Vedda 
community consists of »from one to five families, who share the 
rights of hunting over a track of land, of gathering honey upon 
it, fishing in its streams, and using the rock shelter». Each 
family, again, consists of parents, unmarried children, and mar- 
ried daughters and their husbands, while married sons are seldom 
found to live together with their parents. ®: A step further in 


McGee, Siouan Indians; in 15:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 200; supports 
Westermarck’s theory, p. 203; — /dem,, Seri Indians; in 17:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 10 sq.; — Sarasin, Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher 
Forschungen auf Ceylon, vol. III, p. 474; — Rawling, The Land ofthe New 
Guinea Pygmies, p. 275. — See also Topinard, L’Anthropologie et science 
sociale, p. 163 sqq.; — Giddings, Principles of Sociology, p. 26% sqgq. 

Lamprecht’s hypothesis with regard to the prevalence of promiscuity 
among the early Germans is strongly opposed among others by Chamber- 
lain, The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, vol. I, p. 107 sq.;— 
Hearn, Aryan Household p. 138 sq. — Treitschke, Politik, vol. I., p. 239. 

I Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 196. — See also Ratzen- 
hofer, Politik, vol. I, p. 8; — Steinmetz, Ethnologische Studien, vol. I, p. 
369; — Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, p. 50. 

2 Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, p. 42 sqq.; — Idem, 
The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 198; — Ratzenhofer, Sociologische Erkenntnis 
p- 92; — Spencer, Principles of Psychology, vol. Il, p. 558 sq.; — Giddings, 
Principles of Sociology, p. 210. 

3 Seligmann, The Veddas, p. 62 sq.; cf. p. 68, passim. 


B. Xlllı 4113 


the social organization is the clan. ' Mr. Mathews describes a 
tribe of Australian aborigines as an aggregation of a number 
of families or groups which he terms sub-tribes, who speak 
the same tongue and whose territory is situated within speci- 
fied geographical limits. * Among the Maori, the rangatira, 
or freemen, were kept together »more by custom and relationship 
than by any laws», says Dieffenbach. Each of them might 
have assembled around him a tribe of his own and could build 
a pa or fortfess, a case which not infrequently happened. And 
this, the same author points out, »has probably been the origin 
of...great a variety of tribes — a powerful family forming a 
clan for themselves and adopting a name of their own». ? As for 
other Polynesian communities, consanguinity is everywhere to 
be met with at the bottom of the social organization of the 
aborigines. * This is the case with the Melanesians ® and Pa- 
puans 6 also. Of the North American Indians, Powell observes 
that »the fundamental units of social organization are bodies of 
consanguineal kindred either in the male or female line. 

These ’gentes’ are organized into tribes by ties of relationship 
and affinity, and this organization is of such a character that 
the man’s position in the tribe is fixed by his kinship.» ? Among 


ı Sarasin, Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher Forschungen auf Cey- 
lon, vol. III, p. 478 sq.; — Seligmann, Op. cit. p. 30, passim. 

2 Mathews, Australian Tribes; in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, vol. 
XXXVIII, p. 939; — cf. Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in 
Australia, pp. 15 sqq., 23 sqq., 52 sqq. 

3 Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand, vol. II, p. 115. 

4 Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, pp. 280, 284; — Thomson, 
Savage Island, p. 137; — Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. II, p. 340; — 
Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 249 sqq. 

5 Seligmann, The Melanesians, pp. 375, 435 sqq., 627, 671, 684 sqq., 
741 sqq.;— Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 20 sqq. 

6 Krieger, Neu Guinea, p. 421, passim. — See also Williamson, The 
Mafulu Mountain People, p. 82 sq.;cf. p. 89. 

? Powell, Wyandot Government; in 1:st Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 
69; cf. p. 60 sq.; — Morgan, League of the Iroquois, pp. 81 sq., 90; — 
Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. p. 215; — McClintock, The 


8 


114 B. XlIl ı 


the Eskimo, the social order, according to Boas, is entirely 
founded on the family and ties of consanguinity and affinity 
between the individual families. * Consanguineal bonds are 
similarly to be found prevailing in the units of South American 
aborigines. ® According to Mr. Kidd, ? the natives of South 
Africa are divided up into tribes, each of which is composed of 
clans, and these again consist of a number of families. Indeed, 
Dr. Steinmetz asserts that clan formation is the normal form 
of social organization among the natives in Africa. * In Mada- 
gascar »names of distriets involve primarily the idea of clans, 


Old North Trail, pp. 187, 200; — McGee, The Relation of Institutions, p. 
709; — MeKenney and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 8; — 
Mooney, The Ghost Dance Religion and the Siouan Outbreak; in 14:th 
Ann. Rept. p. 1093; cf. pp. 1044, 1079; — /dem, Calendar History of the 
Kiowa Indians; in 17:th Ann. Rept., p. 227 sq.; — Elander, The Chief of the 
Indian Clan in North America, chap. 1.;, — Fletcher and La Flesche, The 
Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 37 sq., 41 sq., 57 sq., 
4195, 211; — Tout, The Home of the Salish and Den, p. 143 sqq. 

1 Boas, The Central Eskimo; in 6:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 578; 
— Rink, The Eskimo Tribes, p. 21 sq. 

2 Markham, The Tribes of the Valley of the Amazons; in Journ. An- 
throp. Institute, 1910, p. 80 sqq.; — Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, 
p. 97 sqq.;— Molina, History of Chili, pp. 11 sqq., 115 sqq.;— Latcham, 
The Araucanos; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, p. 356 sqq.; — King and 
Fitzroy, Voyage of the »Adventure» and »Beagle, vol. II, p. 131; — cf. 
Starcke, Primitive Family, p. 37 sıq. 

3 Kidd, Kafir Socialism, pp. 5, 17, 32, 36 sq., 46. 

4 Steinmetz, Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 82; — Featherman, Social History 
of the Races of Mankind, vol. I, p. 8, passim; — Tessman, Pangwe Exp.; 
in Globus, vol. XCVIII, p. 4; — Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. 
II, p. 587, passim; — Northcote, The Nilotic Kavirondo; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1907, p. 59sq.;— Roscoe, Baganda, pp. 13, 55 sq., 82 sq., 128 sq., 
133 sq., 186 sq., passim; — Dundas, Tribes Inhabiting the Baringo District; 
in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1910, pp. 49, 59, 61 sq., 65 sq.; — Stannus, 
Tribes of British Central Africa; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1910, 
p. 307 sq.; — Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, vol. I pp. 9 sqq., 34 sqq., 
42 sq., passim; — Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, p. 187 sıq.; 
— Hanoteau and Letourneur, La Kabvlie, vol. II, p. 6. | 


B. XIIlı 115 


families, or classes of people. " The Dyak communities ? were 


based on consanguinity, and similar is the case of the natives 
of Bengal. ® In China, the unit of social life »is found in the 
family, the village or the clan, and these are often convertible 
terms». * Among the so-called Aryan peoples, the family and 
its extension according to the principles of blood-relationship 
have everywhere been the basis of social organization. This holds 
good also of such European peoples as are not reckoned among 
the Aryan races °, as well as of the peoples of Semitie stock. ® 


1 Ellis, Madagascar, vol. I, p. 87 sqq.;, — Sibree, Madagascar, pp. 
136 sqq., 272 sqq. 

2 Boyle, Adventures, pp. 186, 198; — Furness, Home-Life of Borneo 
Head-Hunters, pp. 116, 124, 128, 183 saq. 

3 Lewin, The Hill Tracts of Chittagong, p. 100; — Stewart, Notes on 
the Northern Cachar; in Journ. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, vol. XXIV, pp. 600, 
605, 617, passim. 

% Smith, Chinese Characteristics, p. 226 sq.; cf. p. 14; — Medhurst, 
Ancient China, pp. 142, 209, 283; — Pauthier, Chine, p. 135. 

5 Lyall, Formation of Clans; in Fortnightly Review, vol. XXI, p. 117; 
--- Zimneer, Altindisches Leben, pp. 119 sqq., 158 sqq., 305 sqq.; — Grote, 
History of Greece, vol. II, p. 430 sq.; — Aristotle, Politics, T, 1, 2; — Hero- 
dotus, History, VIII, 144; — Thucydides, History of Peloponnesian War, 
II, 15; — Tittman, Darstellung der griechischen Staatsverfassungen, p. 
667; — Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. I,p. 49; — Tacitus, Germania, 
7, 18 sqq.; — Dahn, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. I, p. 25, passim; — 
Idem, Die Germanen, p. 11 sqq.; — Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, 
passim; — Nitzsch, Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, vol. I, p. 67; — 
Green English People, vol. I, p. 12 sq.;— /dem, English Constitution, p. 9 
sq.;— Hearn, Aryan Household, pp. 133, 178, 181, passim; — Maine, Early 
History, p. 65; — Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. III, pref. p. xiv, xv.n, 
cexliv; — Seebohm, Tribal Custom, p. 497; — Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. 
III, pp. 138 sq., 284, 324 sq.; — Mitchell, Highlands, p. 295 sq.; — Caesar, 
De Bello Gallico, passim.; — Abercromby, The Pre- and Proto-Historic 
Finns, vol. I, pp. 179 sq., 195, passim; — Koskinen, Suomen kansan historia, 
p. 20; — Castren, Nordiska Resor, vol. IV, p. 154; — Müller, Der Ugrische 
Volkstamm, vol. I, part II, pp. 381, 392, passim. — Pallas, Reise durch 
verschiedene Provinzen des Russischen Reiches, vol. II, p. 257; — Wich- 
mann, Votjaakkien Mytologiiasta; Suomi, ser. III, vol. VI, pp. 15 sqq., 
40 sqq.; — Boue, Turquie, pp. 15 sq., 530. 

6 Maine, The Early History of Institutions, p. 69. 


116 B. XIII ı 


The bonds of a common descent are in many cases extended 
so as to include aliens also. By means of adoption, strangers are 
amalgamated with the families and henceforward reckoned 
among their members. Thus, speaking of the Samoans, Turner 
observes that, after the death of the family head, »the son is 
sometimes passed over, and the title» (of the head of the family) 
»is given, by common consent, to a perfect stranger, merely for 
the sake of drawing him in, to increase the numerical strength 
of the family». ' In New Caledonia, war prisoners were adopt- 
ed,” and a similar custom prevailed among the North Ameri- 
can Indians. ® For this or other reasons adoption is to be 
found among many other primitive communities also. * 

Another important cause of integration is local proximity. 
If the local circumstances assure sufficient food supplies, not 
merely kinsmen live in more or less close units, but local proxi- 
mity itself may call forth amicable relations and integration. ° 
Yet it must be borne in mind that local proximity does not 
nesessarily imply social organization. »A mere gathering of indi- 
viduals», Spencer justly observes, »does not constitute them a 
society. A society in the sociological sense is formed only when 


i Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 280. 

2 Rochas, La Nouvelle Caledonie, p. 252. 

3 McGee, Seri Indians; in 17:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 277*; — 
Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. pp. 61 sq., 
133, 421, 603; — Powell, Wyandot Government; in 1:st Ann. Rept. p. 68; 
— Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 344. 

4 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 70 sq.; — Boas, Central Eskimo; 
in 6:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 580; — Hodson, The Naga Tribes, 
p. 98; — Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, vol. I, p. 37 sq.; — Munzinger, 
Ostafrikanische Studien, p. 322; — Hanoteau and Leiourneux, La Kabylie, 
vol. II, p. 189; vol. III, p. 68 sq.; — Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, 
p. 463 sq.; — Steinmetz, Ethnologische Studien, vol. I, p. 410 sq.; — Hearn, 
Aryan Household, p. 84; — Maine, Ancient Law, p. 137 sq.; — /dem, Early 
History, p. 69; — Avebury, The Origin of Civilisation, p. 100 sq. — See 
also Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 21; vol. III, p. 49 sqq. 

® Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, pp. 24 sqgq.; vol. II, p. 
268 sqq. 


B. Xlllı 117 


besides juxtaposition there is co-operation». ' Local proximity 


tends to call forth marriages between neighbouring units, who 
also take part in one another’s feasts, ceremonies, etc. These 
traits are especially illustrated by the social organization of 
the Australian aborigines. ? 

Blood-relationship and local proximity also bring about 
religious consolidation. Westermarck justly observes that 
among savages »a religious community generally coincides with 
a community of another kind. There are tutelary gods of fami- 
lies, clans and tribes, and a purely local group may also form a 
religious community by itselß. It is, accordingly, often difficult 
to distinguish the real influence of religion in social integration. ® 
None the less, its secondary value, at any rate, has been by no 
means insignificant in strengthening the primary bonds of consan- 
guinity and local proximity, nor must its influence on primitive 
government be depreciated. Only to refer to a few instances, 
e. g. the custom of tauvu ( = sprung from the same root), among 
the Fijians, clearly indicates the integrating value of a common 
religion among kindred tribes. It applies, says Mr. Thomson, 
to two or several tribes who may live in different islands, speak 
different dialects, »vand have nothing in common but their gods». 
They may have held no intercourse for generations, yet they 
never forget the tribe with which they are tauvu. »XMembers 
of that tribe may run riot in its village, slaughter its animals, 
and ravage its plantations, while it sits smiling by; for the spoil- 
ers are its brothers, worshippers of common ancestors, and are 
entitled in the fullest sense to the freedom of the city». * It was 
similarly religion that united the entire nation of the Santals. ° 


1 Spencer, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 244. 

2 Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 
8, 14, 272; — /idem, The Northern Tribes, passim; — Westermarck, The 
Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 199 sq.; — Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Rela- 
tions in Australia, passim. 

83 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 210. 

1 Thomson, The Fijians, p. 5. 

5 Hunter, Rural Bengal, vol. I, p. 186. 


118 B. Xlllı 


And to take an instance of the influence of religion on the intra- 
tribal integration, reference may be made to the Omaha, Ponka, 
Osage, Kansas, and others. Miss Fletcher and Mr. La Flesche 
state, that tribal organization among these Indians was »based 
on certain fundamental religious ideas pertaining to the manner 
in which the visible universe came into being. ! »The expres- 
sion of these ideas in the form of rights seems to have been early 
achieved, and those which symbolicallv present the connection 
of cosmie forces with the birth and well-being of mankind seem 
to have persisted in whole or in part throughout the various 
experiences of the five cognate tribes and to have kept an import- 
ant place in tribal life. ? Moreover, the central thing in the 
religious customs of the Omaha was the Sacred Pole. »It held 
the people together: without it the people might scatter, was 
the common expression as to the purpose and needed presence 
of the Pole». ? 

As for the influence of religion on primitive government, 
the gods of savage families, clans and tribes are in very many 
cases deified ancestors, who are supposed to demand obedience 
continuallv. The part which ancestor-worship and primitive 
religion in general have played in primitive integration will be 
discussed presently in greater detail. 

By the side of these unions of kindred, or of people living in 
each other’s neighbourhood and worshipping common tutelary 
or local gods, there are secret societies, which provide a special 
form of organization, possessing in many instances extraordinary 
power and cohesion. Thus, speaking of the secret societies of 
the Blackfeet, Mr. McClintock observes: — »Men did not join 
the Blackfeet societies for pleasure, but to fulfil vows, generally 
made because of sickness or for some remarkable escape from 
danger. The leading societies ruled the camp .. . They 


I Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 402. 
2 Op. cit. p. 199; cf. pp. 134 sq., 200 sq. 
3 Op. eit. p. 229; cf. pp. 198, 236, 243, 260, 596 sq. 


R. XIllı 119 


strictly enforced the rule that private advantages must be 
surrendered to the public good». ! In his description of the 
natives of Cross River, Mr. Partridge writes of a secret society 
among the Efik: — »There can be no doubt that its influence in 
some form or another has permeated far and wide ... and 
no Political Officer who has had any experience in dealing with 
the natives can deny that this secret society is quite the most 
powerful agency in these parts. ” Similarly, Dr. Codrington 
states of these societies in Melanesia that their »social power ... 
was too great to be readilv dissolved, and in the absence of any 
strong political organization the importance of the position of 
a number of the largest and most exclusive of the societies has 
been considerable,. * As for these societies, which certainly 
were a form of social organization of great antiquity, *and their 
cohesive function among other peoples also, there is no lack of 
statements to the same effect. ? None the less, there has been 
a tendency among authors supporting the theory of the warlike 
origin of the State, more or less to ignore the influence of secret 
societies as an important factor in primitive integration. Yet 
the voluntary submission ® to the sway of such societies shows 
to what extent even peaceable causes can call forth strong bonds 
of union and the sense of obligation. 

Common descent and worship, as well as local proximity and 
membership of secret societies, involve per se co-operation for 


1 McClintock, Old North Trail, p. 646 sq. — As for other Indians, 
see e. g. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, p. 271; — Fletcher and 


La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 464, 
passim. 


2 Partidge, Cross River Natives, p. 36; cf. p. 207 sq. As for other 
peoples in West Africa, see e. g. Miss Aingsley, Travels in West Africa, p. 
526 sqq. 

® Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 74; cf. p. 54 sq., passim. 

% Webster, Secret Societies, passim; — Partridge, Op. cit. p. 35. 

5 Webster, Op. cit. passim; — Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. III, 
chapters XIX— XXI. 

6 Frazer, Op. cit. vol. III, p. 548. 


125 B. XIllı 


mutual benefit. Speaking of the Australian native, Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen observe that »zenerosity is certainlv one of 
his leading featuress. Moreover. the »verv existence of such a 
custom, even if it be only carried out in the hope of securing at 
some time a quıd pro guo, shows that the native 15 alive to the 
fart that an action which benefits someone else is worthv of 
being performed». ? An instructive instance of the savage prin- 
ciple of mutual aid is also the Fijian lala. The <ommunal 
lala built houses for members of the community, cleared roads, 
carried on barter, etc. * \V'here it has been abolished as in Tonga 
and the Tongan community settled in Fiji »the necessity for 
combination is so keenlv felt that the people have evolved a 
substitute of their own». They voluntarilv form themselves 
into kabani, or companies, which are called together under the 
direction of an elected leader, to build houses, plant gardens and 
do other combined work for each other. ? Of the Kafirs, those 
warlike natives of South Africa, Mr. Kidd points out that it is 
the »primary obligation» of every individual »to sacrifice, if 
needs be, everything for the good of the clan. This sound basis 
of the social state is undoubtedly one of the main causes of the 
stability of the Kafir society». * According to Dr. Norden- 
skjöld, the leading principle of the Choroti and Ashluslay In- 
dians of South America is, »we are brothers»; accordinglv, thev 
live in an almost complete communism. ° Speaking of the 
Indians of Illinois, the early observer Hennepin remarks that 
the »union that reigns among that barbarous people ought to 
cover with shame the Christians». ® As for the Eskimo, they 
have, Nelson writes, »an instinctive desire to do that which 


I Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 38. 

® Thomson, The Fijians, p. 67. 

3 Op. cit. p. 68; cf. p. 79 sq. 

° Kidd, Kafıir Socialism, p. 11; cf. pp. 7, 16 sq., 31 sq., 36 sq., 46; — 
Idem, The Essential Kafır, p. 316, passirm. 

° Vordenskjöld, Indianlif, p. 29; cf. pp. 31, 34, 39, passim. 

6 Hennepin, Discovery of a Vast Country in America, vol. I, p. 95. 


B. XIllı 121 


was most conducive to the general good of the communitv .. 
Whatever experience has taught them to be best is done. ! 
Great tribute has been likewise paid to the helpfulness and 
charity of the Zirians. ? 

These few instances indicate what we hear from all quarters 
of the world where savage peoples exist. ® Some authors justly 
attribute to peaceful mutual aid the greatest social value. * 


—_— 


I Nelson, Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p- 294; — Rink, The Eskimo Tribes, p. 22. 

2 Suomensukuisia kansoja Venäjällä; in Suomen Kuvalehti, 1875, 
p. 152. | 

3 Sarasin, Forschungen auf Ceylon, vol. III, p. 545, passim; — Selig- 
mann, The Veddas, pp. 66, 86; — Spencer and Güllen, The Native Tribes of 
Central Australia, p. 50 sq.; — Schürmann, The Aboriginal Tribes of Port 
Lincoln; in Woods, The Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 243 sq.; — 
Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand, vol. Il, p. 124; — Polack, Manners 
and Customs of the New Zealanders, vol. II, p. 106; — Colenso, On Maori 
Races; in Trans. New Zealand Institute, vol. I, pp. 8 sq., 57;— Thomson, 
Savage Island, p. 137; — Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, pp. 93, 
115, passim; — Seeman, Viti, p. 192; — Erskine, The Islands of the Western 
Pacific, p. 247; — Mariner, The Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. II, p. 
153 sq.; — Turner, Samoa, pp. 141, 276, 322 sq.; — McClintock, Old North 
Trail, p. 261; — Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Ethnol., passim; — Dorsey, Siouan Sociology; in 15:th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 232, passim; — Morgan, League of the Iroquois, 
p. 172; — Ross Browne, Apache Country, p. 111 sq.; — Bancroft, The Native 
Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, pp. 583, 760, passim; — McGee, The Rela- 
tion of Institutions, p. 707; — Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien, pp. 76, 
238, 533 sq.;— Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. LX, p. 58; — 
Merker, Die Masai, pp. 86, 93, 117, 169 sq., 195, 270; — Casalis, The Ba- 
sutos, pp. 206 sq., 308 sq.;— Lichtenstein, Travels, vol. I, p. 266; — Ellis, 
Madagascar, vol. I, p. 139. 

A large collection of facts in ‚Steinmetz’s »Rechtsverhältnisse von ein- 
geborenen Völkern in Afrika und Ozeanien.» 

See also Wilda, Das Gildenwesen, pp. 3 sq., 26 sq., 244; — Hume, 
History of England, vol. I, p. 206 sq.; — Letourneau, Evolution politique, 
pp- 427 sq., 453; — Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, p. 148, passim. 

* Aristotle, Ethics, VIII, 12; IX, passim; /dem, Politics, I, 1 sqgq-; 
VIII, 8, passim; — Kropotkin, Mutual Aid; — Westermarck, The Moral 


122 B. Xlllı 


Yet thorougly interwoven as it is — as was the case with reli- 
gion also — with the consolidating tendencies of common de- 
scent and other similar factors, its part in primitive integration 
is often depreciated or even more or less overlooked. This is 
particularly the case when authors maintain that co-operation 
in war is the most irnportant form of mutual aid arnong savages 
because it is alleged to be more or less compulsory. In fact, here 
lies the vital point in primitive integration, and the mistake 
made by writers who defend war as the main cause of early 
integration becomes evident if the consolidating value of all 
the peaceful causes above mentioned is compared with that of 
war. 

In spite of the savage customs of killing parents or children 
and all the other traits of a more or less similar nature which 
are often met with, the rule can be laid down that the assistance 
offered by parents to children and vice versa, or by other members 
of the same community to each other, is, broadly speaking, cer- 
tainlv not of a less compulsory character than co-operation in 
primitive warfare, which is often restrieted to the nearest relatives 
only, oris based on entirelv voluntarv principles. Moreover, allthe 
various forms of peaceful co-operation called forth by common 
descent, local proximity, and the like, are likewise permanent and 
prevalent among those savages who seldom, if ever, carry on 
war; while co-operation in war itself rests as a rule on the 
primary basis of consanguinity, local proximity, or common 
worship. It is from them that warlike co-operation results, 
and not vice versa; that is to sav, common descent, local proxi- 
mity, and other similar factors of primitive integration are not 


Ideas, vol. T, chap. XXIII, XX1V, and passim; — Deniker, Races et peuples 
de la Terre, p. 147; — Fraser, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. IV, p. 39; 
— Brinton, The Basis of Sorial Relations, pp. 30 sq., 41, 147; — Giddings, 
Principles of Sociology, pp. 71 sq., 114, 262 sq.; — McGee, The Begin- 
nings of Agriculture, pp. 36%, 375; — Idem, The Beginnings of Zooculture, 
p. 227 sq.; — Idem, Tlie Relation of Institutions, p. 706, passim; — Wallas, 
Human Nature in Politics, p. 30. 


B. XIIlı 123 


in general merely products of co-operation in warfare. Thus 
blood-revenge, perhaps the earliest and most common cause 
and form of savage warlare, is due to an obligation felt towards 
an offended relative or friend, and when private individuals 
initiate war expeditions they make appeals to the members of 
their own communities. Similarly, we noticed above ! that 
among many primitive peoples it is customary not to wage war 
on communities which are akin, have the same totem, worship 
common gods, or have other similar bonds of consolidation. 
Thus there is no lack of instances to show that among savages 
sthe force of racial and linguistic unity shows itself even outside 
the social or political unit». ? 

On the other hand, again, where these factors of peaceful 
integration have not been strong enough to prevent warfare 
between the minor groups of some larger unity, there, as a rule, 
no further consolidation has been called forth. According to 
Mooney, one of the main causes of the destruction of the Chero- 
kee was internal wars, which prevented the various communi- 
ties of the nation from uniting against the common foe, the 
League of the Iroquois. ° The disaster was the more natural 
and the demonstrative value of the occurrence the more obvious, 
as we are expressly told of this famous league that it was estab- 
lished in order to abolish war between the tribes composing their 
nation, and therefore not merely to consolidate their power 
against external enemies, but also to strengthen its general 
bonds of internal union. * Of an Indian tribe living on the 
south coast of Lake Superior, Jones states that a quarrel be- 
tween members of two families ended in a murder. Subsequently 
»the friends of the murdered killed the murderer, and so they 
continued to kill one family after another till the whole tribe 


1 See supra, p. 42 sqq. 

2 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 170. 

3 Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee; in 19:th Ann. Report Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 15. 

% Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 60 sg. 


124 B.XIllı 
were nearly destroyed». ' Similarly, owing to an instance of 
blood-revenge, when »fathers fought sons, and brothers contend- 
ed with brothers», once an Omaha community was scattered. ° 
No greater coherence has been established among the various 
sub-divisions of the Jeveros ® and Zaparos, * two large Indian 
tribes in the Valley of the Amazons, as these minor groups »are 
constantiy at war with each other». On the other hand, bonds 
of marriage united the various tribes of the Uaupes, prevent- 
ing them from waging war against each other. ® Speaking 
of the Dinka, Schweinfurth ® states that as regards numbers, 
mode of life and customs, »they have all the material for na- 
tional unity but where they fail is that their tribes not only 
make war upon each other, but submit to be enlisted as the 
instruments of treachery by intruders from outside. Similar 
facts have been observed among other native peoples in Africa 
also, where integration has been rendered impossible by wars 
between various groups of the same people. ° 

These instances show that if the bonds of consanguinity, 
common worship, and other peaceful ties have not been strong 
enough to prevent groups from waging war upon each other, a 
further union has often been rendered impossible. Thus, not 
the occurrence of wars, but the absence of them, has been the 
main condition for a more advanced social integration between 
neighbouring communities which have reached a somewhat 
higher level of social development; and the same thing must be 
true at lower levels of culture. 


I Jones, The Ojebway Indians, p. 110. 

2 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Report 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 86. 

3? Markham, The Tribes of the Valley of the Amazons; in Journ. An- 
throp. Institute, 1910, p. 104. 

2 Op. cit. p. 134. 

5 Op. cit. p. 130. 

6 Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, vol. I, p. 167. 

° Lenz, Skizzen aus Westafrika, p. 91; — Kidd, Kafir Socialism, , 
pp. 38, 46. 


B. Xlllı 125 


Steinmetz ! is partly aware of this when he asserts that 


blood-revenge carried on within a tribe must necessarily have 
prevented integration. But why should the debarring influence 
of wars be restricted so as to have reference to blood-revenge 
only? Asa matter of fact, whatever may have been the charac- 
ter of warlike activity within a larger unit, it must have counter- 
acted the process of natural cohesion. It is also noteworthy 
that in all the instances quoted.by Spencer as examples of inte- 
gration brought about through wars, we meet with primary bonds 
of common descent or other ties of a peaceful character. * And 
when he lays down the rule that »it is only when joint action in 
war has become habitual that the cohesion is made permanent 
by a common political organization», ° even this simply means 
that no lasting integration is possible as long as internal wars 
take place. Moreover, owing to his militant conception of savage 
conditions, he lays undue stress upon the »compulsory co-opera- 
tion» in war, and fails to see the primary importance of all the 
peaceful ties which must call forth the cessation of internal 
ruptures before wars against external enemies can bring about 
any consolidating results. 

Among peoples who have already reached a comparatively 
high stage of civilization, a comparison between the peaceful 
factors of integration and that arising from war, leads to the 
same result. The ancient Greek city-states were constantly 
waging war upon each other, so that the only ties which kept 
them united were, as Herodotus puts it, »our common lan- 


I »Nicht nur war die Blutrache verderblich wenn bei der Auflösung 
der grösseren geschlechtsgenossenschaftlichen Verbände die einzelnen 
Familien und Geschlechter sie übernahmen, sondern sie war es schon auch 
im Anfange, da die festere Stammesorganisation sich noch nicht entwickelt 
hatte, und deshalb die Geschlechter die Blutrache betrieben.» — Steinmetz, 
Ethnologische Studien, vol. I, p. 391; vol. II, p. 130 sq. — See also /dem, 
Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 42. 

2 Spencer, Op. cit. vol. 11, part V., chap. 3 and passim. 

3 Op. cit, vol. II, p. 279. 


126 B. Xlllı 
guage, the altars and the sacrifices of which we all partake». ! 
Mommsen, and many other authors, * lay special stress on the 
part played by religion. Greece »owed to its religion», he says, 
»not merely its whole intellectual development, but also its 
national union so far as such an union was attained at all. ° 
As for the part of war, Fustel de Coulanges maintains that wars 
could not have brought about a further political integration. * 
Gomperz again, although he could not rid himself of a »sneaking 
doubt whether a Hellas blessed with a perpetual peace, united 
in a confederacy or possibly a single State, would ever have 
achieved so much in art and science as did that divided Hellas 
whose powers were traced», readily admits that these powers 
»were at the same time all too soon exhausted by the incessant 
competition of war». Accordingly, referring to the common race, 
religion, and games, he concludes that what these factors of na- 
tional unity really effected was a »toning down of the extreme 
brutalities of warfare,. ®° Grote points out that the incoher- 
ence of the Greek States was first and above all due to the — 
from this point of view — unfavourable geographical conditions, 
secondly to the political ideas of their thinkers, and lastly to 
the incapacity for political coalescence ® which »did not preclude 
a powerful and extensive sympathy between the inhabitants of 
all the separate cities». Moreover, this sympathy implied a 
»constant tendency to fraternise for numerous purposes, social, 


I Herodotus, History, VIII, 144. 

® Grote, History of Greece, vol. II, pp. 23 sq., 163—180, 430 sq., 511. — 
— Titiman, Darstellung der griechischen Staatsverfassungen, pp. 668— 740; 
— as for religious unions only, see p. 740 sqq.; — Risley, Law of War, p. 
42; — Hcarn, The Aryan Household, p. 260; — Gomperz, Greek Thinkers, 
vol. II, p. 22; — Curtius, Griechische Geschichte, vol. 1, pp. 434—-520; 
cf. p. 52 sqq. 

3 Momnsen, History of Rome, vol. I, p. 227. 

4 Fustel de Coulanges, La cite antique, p. 259. — See also Novico:v, 
La critique du darwinisme social, p. 297. 

5 Gomperz, Greek Thinkers, vol. II, p. 22. 

6 E. g. Thucydides, History of Peloponnesian War, V, 77. 


B. Xlllı 127 


religious, recreative, intellectual, and aestheticab. ' From this 
it appears that the integration of the ancient Greek States was 
mainly due to common descent, common religion, and common 
peaceful interests, while anv further political organization was 
counteracted not by any lack of warlike activity, but by geogra- 
phic conditions and the political ideas of the people themselves. 
Speaking of these political ideas, Mommsen asserts that the 
most peculiar and best feature in the character of the Greek 
people »rendered it impossible for them to advance from national 
to political unity without at the same time exchanging their 
polity for despotism». ? — As for the early Romans, their early 
integration was founded on blood-relationship, conımon reli- 
gion, and subjection to a strong patria potestas. They learned 
to obey their fathers, and this, as Mommsen puts it, that they 
»may know how to obey the State. ° It was owing to these 
fundamental factors that the success of Roman policy was sec- 
ured, and not vice versa: it was not wars that brought ahout 
common descent, worship, and a strong paternal authority. * 


I Grote, History of Greece, vol. II. p, 162 sq. 

2 Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. I, p. 36. 

3 Op. cit. p. 37. 

4ı Speaking of the early Latin League Mommsen affırms: — »The feel- 
ing of fellowship based on community of descent and of language, not only 
pervaded the whole of them, but manifested itself in an important reli- 
gious and political institution — the perpetual League of the collective 
Latin cantons». Op. cit. vol. I, p. 49. — »We must now be content to 
realize the one great abiding fact that they possessed a common centre, to 
which they did not sacrifice their individual independence, but by means 
of which they cherished and increased the feeling of their belonging collec- 
tively to the same nation. By such a common possession the way was 
prepared for their advance from that cantonal individuality, with which 
the history of every people necessarily begins, to the national union with 
which the history of every people ends or at any rate ought to end.» Op. 
cit. p. 52. — (f. also Fustel de Coulanges, La cit# antique, pp. 66, 
119, 268, passim; — Hearn, The Aryan Household, p. 260. — Cf. Spencer, 
Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 378 sq., on early wars between the 
various clans. 


128 B. XIllı 


Even the authors who lay most stress on the extremely war- 
like character of the earlv Germans cannot denyv the primary 
importance of peaceful factors in their primitive integration. 
Thus, with reference to the ties of blood-relationship, Dahn points 
out that it brought about the union of Suevians, !" Alemans, ° 
Franks, Frisians, Saxonians, ® Goths * and the other German 
peoples. ° Closely connected with consanguinity was common wor- 
ship. ® In fact, there can be no better testimony to the consol- 
idating value of these factors than the survival of clan ties till 
comparatively recent times. Thus, clans continued to exist 
among the Goths after the conquest of Italy.“ Among the 
Frarnks the clan bonds were so strong as late as the time of the 
Carlovingians that the authorities repeatedly had to enforce the 
supremacy of the State over the interests of the clans;® this was 


no — 


I Dahn, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. VII, part I, p. 3sqq.— Common 
worship, administration of justice, and common descent united them into 
one people, p. 6 sa. 

2 Op. it. vol. VII, part I, p. 9. — Integration was caused by »1:0 nähere 
Verwandschaft und Annahme gemeinsamer Abstammung von göttlichen 
Ahnen; 2:0 Nachbarschaft». — Op. cit. vol. IX, part. I, p. 2 sq. 

3 Op. cit. vol. VII, p. 9. 

3 Op. ecit. vol. III, p. 4 sq.;— Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. 1, 
p. 251 sa. 

5 Dahn, Op. eit. vol. I, p. 4 sqq.; — Idem, Die Germanen, p. 13 sqq., 
passim. 

See for further particulars, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. VII, part 
I, p. 9; cf. p. 11.— Of the Suevians he maintains: — »Blutverwandschaft, 
nicht Nachbarschaft ist die älteste Grundlage dieses Verbandes» (= Völker- 
schaft). — Op. cit. vol. VII, part I, p. 4. 

® Tacitus points out that the federation of the Suevian communities 
was based simply on common Wworship, i. e. without any common war 
leader. — Germania, 39. 

° Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, p. 251 sq.; — Dahn, Die 
Könige der Germanen, vol. III, p. 4 sqgq. 

B Dahn, Op. cit. vol. VII, part I,p. 300. — »So stark ist immernoch der 
Sippeverband dass wiederholt gewarnt wird um ihrerwillen die Pflichten 
gegen den Stat zu verletzen». — Op. cit. vol. VIII, part II, p. 236. 


B. XIllı 129 


the case among the Bavarians also; ' while among the Germans 
inhabiting Ditmarch the clan system was prevalent even in the 
sixteenth century. ° 

Besides consanguinity, economic causes greatly facilitated 
the further development of early German integration. Thus, 
according to Dahn, the German tribes became sedentary during 
the period from 50 B. C. to 100 A.D.* Subsequently, the pri- 
meval forests, which until then had separated different com- 
munities and tribes from each other, gradually disappeared, 
neighbouring communities came into constant contact with 
each other, and spontaneous amalgamation took place. * As 
soon, however, as the soil could no longer sustain a rapidly in- 
creasing population, the epoch of the great migrations began. In 
fact, Dahn asserts that these were called forth by economic causes 
only, and not, as many authors assume, ° byany political aims. ® 

Lamprecht gives, broadly speaking, a similar account. 
In accordance with his hypothesis of the extremely warlike 
character of the earliest Germans, he argues that a great change 
took place during the first three centuries A. D., when they 
became sedentarv. ‘* These new economic conditions were not 


ı Dahn, Op. cit. vol. IX, part II, p. 179. 

2 Nützsch, Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, vol. I, p. 67. 

® Dahn, Ursachen der Völkerwanderung, p. 289; cf. p. 292 sq.; — Idem, 
Die Germanen vor der Völkerwanderung, pp. 402, 415. 

% Dahn, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. I, p. 35; vol. VII, part I, p. 
18 sqq.; — Idem, Gesellschaft und Stat, p. 470; — Idem, Die Germanen vor 
der Völkerwanderung, p. 425 sgq. 

5 Dahn, Ursachen der Völkerwanderung, p. 293; — Idem, Die Ger- 
manen vor der Völkerwanderung, p. 415 syq. 

6 »Nur solch» (= economic)», nicht politische und verfassungs- 
rechtliche Aenderungen sind es, welche in letzter Instanz die grossartige 
Erscheinung erklären die wir mit vielmissbrauchtem Namen \Völkerwan- 
derung nennen.» — Gesellschaft und Stat, p. 470; — /dem, Die Gerinanen 
vor der Völkerwanderung, p. 416 sg. 

° „Das kameradschaftlich-kriegerische Element der Frühzeit trat 
zurück, in den Vordergrund schob sich der wirtschaftliche Verband der 
Genossen.» — Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, p. 273. 


130 B.Xl111lı 


merely most favourable for a further integration which led to 
the tribal organization ', but the new occupation of the people 
even directly checked warlike enterprises. * Hence, summing 
up, Lamprecht asserts that the tribal organization was brought 
about much more through the new modes of economic life among 
the peoples themselves, than through the wars waged between 
them and the Romans. ® Thus the conclusion holds good of 
the early Germans also, that only a secondary importance can 
be ascribed to the consolidating value of wars. Co-operation in 
war took place because of common descent, local proximity, 
common worship and the like. * “And when their political condi- 
tions changed again and they became subjects of feudal States, 
the bonds of common descent as well as economic causes still 
made their influence felt in a degree too little noticed by many 
admirers of the alleged constructive value of war and of war 
only. ° = 

The history of the early Gauls also provides an instructive 
instance. Mommsen remarks that the military alliances be- 
tween their various communities were of the loosest kind; the 
rivalry for the hegemony made a breach in every league. Inter- 
nal ruptures of this character thus directly counteracted any 
final political organization. »The vietory of one competitor 


1 Op. eit. vol. I, p. 273 sqq. 

2 „Jetzt war das Volk sesshaft geworden ... der Volksfriede auch 
nach aussen ward zum obersten Zweck und Gut des Staates... Der neue 
Beruf begann immer stärkere Theile der alten kriegerischen Kraft an sich 
zu ziehen und zu friedlichem Schaffen zu veranlassen» — Op. cit. vol. I, p. 
276. 

3 „Weit weniger durch den Gegensatz zu Rom, weit mehr durch den 
Uebergang zur Sesshaftigheit ist sie »(the formation of the tribes)» geschaffen 
worden. Sie ist die eigentliche naturwirtschaftliche Staats- und Lebens- 
form unseres Volkes. In den Anfängen eines wahrhaft nationalen Acker- 
baus entsteht sie; politisch wichtig, ja ausschlagend bleibt sie bis zum Aus- 
gang der frankischen Kaiser.» — Op. cit. vol. I, p. 277. 

1 As for the early Scandinavians, see Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. 
Il, pp. 24, 36, 44 sqgq. 

°5 Lamprecht, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 148; vol. III, p. 10 sqgq. 


B. XllLı 131 


still left his opponent in possession of political existence, and 
it always remained open to him, even though he had submitted 
to clientship, subsequently to renew the struggle. '" Hence, 
instead of politically uniting the entire nation, »the rivalry of 
the Averni and Haedui, with its repetitions on a smaller and 
smaller scale, destroyed the Celtic people. * On the other hand, 
common descent and common religion called forth all the per- 
manent forms of a larger integration.” Amidst the greatest 
political ruptures, the Gauls were strongly centralised in respect 
of priestly rule, or, as Mommsen puts it: —»The Gauls were not far 
removed from an ecclesiastical State with its pope and counceils, 
its immunities, interdicts, and spiritual court». Nay, the poli- 
tical aims of the Druids went so far that they claimed the right 
of deciding even on war and peace. * 

Among the Celtic clans in Scotland we meet with the 
same trait as was observed above among the early Germans. 
Thus, in 1587 an Act was passed »for the quiting and keeping in 
obedience of the disordered subjects inhabitants of the Borders, 
Highlands and Isle». To the Act were added two rolls, in 
one of which it was pointed out that the disobedience öf the 
clans was due to the power of their own chiefs, »on whom they 
depend ofttimes against the will of their landlords». ° As late as 
about the year 1730, a close observer ofthe Highlanders wrote: — 
»The ordinary Highlanders esteem it the most supreme degree of 
virtue to love their chief and pay him a blind obedience, al- 
though it be in opposition to the government, the laws of the 
kingdom, or even the law of God». ® And this strong power 
of the chiefs, moreover, was »not supported by interests»; on the 
contrary, it was due to them »as lineally descended from the 


1 Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. V, p. 25. 

2 Op. cit. p. 26. 

3 Fustel de Coulanges, Institutions politiques, p. 7, passim. 

i Mommsen, Op. cit. p. 23 sq. 

5 Mitchell, History of the Highlands, p. 296. 

8 Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. III, p. 328; — Mitchell, Op. cit. p. 297. 


132 B. XIIllı 


old patriarchs or fathers of the familie». " On the other hand 
internal feuds prevented a further integration. Even as late 
as in 1689, the victories of Montrose proved fruitless when the 
revolting Highlanders suddenly allowed local jealousieg to break 
up their army. »The Gordons left him», Lord Macaulay writes, 
»because they fancied that he neglected them for the MacDonalds. 
The MacDonalds left him because they wanted to plunder the 
Campbells. The force which had once seemed sufficient to 
decide the fate of a kingdom melted away in a few days». * — 
As for the early Finns, wars waged between their various units 
not merely prevented the establishment of a further internal 
unity, but also greatly facilitated the aims of their more power- 
ful neighbours. ° 

In so far asour comparison between the consolidating valueo f 
wars on the one hand and of consanguinity, local proximity, and 
common religion and customs on the other hand, has been cor- 
rectit has proved that among peoples which have advanced to a 
comparatively high level of civilization the bonds of consan- 
guinity, local proximity and common worship and customs have 
been the primary factors of integration, and that it is owing to 
these that warlike co-operation has been rendered possible. 
This inference corroborates our corresponding conclusion about 
the lower races: among them also it is as the result of common 
descent, local proximity, and other similar peaceful factors of 
primary importance that warlike co-operation has taken place. 

Passing over from this comparison to a more detailed in- 
quiry into the consolidating results of war, it is obvious that even 
in the instances where war has brought about the union of cer- 
tain groups against a common foe, it does not follow that the 
consolidation has been lasting. For the sake of argument, let 
us suppose that there exist seven savage units — a, b, c, d, and 


1 Mitchell, Op. cit. p. 297 sa. 

2 Macaulay, History of England, vol. II, p. 338 sq. 

3 Wirkkunen, Länsisuom. kans. siv.-oloista, in Oma Maa, vol. I, p. 120; 
— Erich, Das Staatsrecht des Grossfürstentums Finnland, p. 1. 


B. XlIllı 133 


m, n, p. To-day the first group wages war upon the second. 
After some months or years, however, a, b, and p co-operate 
against m and n, and in the following years war may take place, 
not merely between a+c and m, but dand p may unite against b. 
Now it is obvious that from the point of view of integration 
such occasional combinations are almost valueless. Pritchard 
says of the Samoans that »the ties which in war unite rival 
chieftains of any given district are but slight, and the motives 
that incite to defection are equally so». * Speaking of the Mafulu 
mountain people in New Guinea, Mr. Williamson remarks that 
»sometimes two communities join together in opposition to a 
third one, but alliances of this sort are usually only of a tempo- 
rary character». * This is the more obvious as the same author 
points out in another connection that even in those instances 
where one or several Mafulu communities together were the 
object of an attack from the quite foreign peoples of Ambo or 
Kuni, »there would apparently be no thought of other Mafulu 
speaking communities, as such, coming to assist in repelling the 
attack». ® Of equally slight nature are the war alliances among 
the Jeveros * and Zaparos, ° two great and warlike tribes of 
the valley of the Amazon. No permanent integration has re- 
sulted from the occasional co-operation of their sub-divisions 
against common enemies. The history of ancient Greece provides 
many similar instances showing how the allies of to-day were the 
foes of to-morrow. Thus during the Peloponnesian War the 
Athenians were compelled to make peace with Sparta in order to 
prevent their allies from deserting and uniting with their foes. ® 


1 Pritchard, Polvnesian Reminiscences, p. 59. 

2 Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, p. 180. 

3 Op. cit. p. 82; cf. p. 84. — Similar partieulars are given by Dr. Nor- 
denskjöld with regard to the (C.horoti and Ashluslay Indians of South 
America. — Indianlif, p. 35. 

4 Markham, Tne Tribes of the Valley ofthe Amazons; in Journ. An- 
throp. Institute, 1910, p. 104. 

5 Op. cit. p. 134. 

6 Thucydides, History of Peloponnesian War, V, 14. 


134 B.X11llı 


The undue stress laid on the consolidating value of warfare 
is shown also by the fact that even when a more or less lasting 
cohesion has resulted from successful wars, it has not necessarily 
led to real integration. According to Turner,! wars brought 
about no lasting integration among the natives in Samoa be- 
cause subjugated groups soon regained strength enough to be- 
come independent anew. In his description of the kingdom of 
Ashantee, Beecham ° observes that it was »not so much one 
state placed immediately under one government, as an assem- 
blage of states owing a kind of feudal obedience to the sovereign 
of Ashante». With reference to the native empires in Africa 
in general, Casalis calls attention to another form of decentrali- 
zation. As soon as a powerful ruler has brought under his sway 
a number of neighbouring communities, his sons and heirs hasten 
to divide the empire and become independent chiefs, ® or the 
conquering State breaks down soon from other more or less 
similar causes. * In his description of the conquering States 
in Africa, as well as those of the Incas and the ancient Mexicans, 
Ratzel ® remarks that there is hardly any reason to attribute to 
them such names as empires. They are deficient in any firmly- 
established internal organization, and the bonds resulting me- 
rely from conquest are loose. 

Passing to still larger and better Baswn empires, we meet 
with similar facts. Of the Assyrian, Babylonian, Median, and 
Persian empires, Sir Henry Maine points out that »they were in 
the main tax-taking empires ... the monarchs at their head 
were constantly dethroning petty kings and even transplanting 
whole communities. But amid all this, it is clear that in the 
main they interfered but little with the everyday religious or 


I Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 290 sq. 

2 Beecham, Ashantee, pp. 86, 89 sq. 

3 Casalis, The Basutos, p. 212. 

4 Baumann, Durch Massailand, p. 236 sq. 

5 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 130; cf. pp. 625, 627. 


B.Xlllı 135 


civil life of the groups to which their subjects belonged.» ! 
Athens, he remarks, belonged to the same class of sovereignties. 
»The dominion of Athens over her subject cities and islands was 
clearly a tax-taking as distinguished from a legislating empire». ? 
So also the empires of Attila and Tamerlane »were not more 
organic than a number of wool bales under a hydraulic press or a 
mob of cattle under the charge of a drover». ° From the earliest 
ages until the British conquest, India was under the rule of 
comparatively powerful kings. Yet although they waged wars 
upon each other by means of armies for which young men were 
carried off from the village communities, they neither legislated 
nor established a centralized government, says Sir Henry Maine. 
sThe village communities were left to modify themselves sepa- 
rately in their own way». * The history of England provides 
another instructive instance. Speaking of the transient results 
of the wars carried on in England during the sixth and seventh 
centuries, Professor Oman asserts: — »The king of the vanquished 
tribe might for the nonce own himself his conqueror’s man 
and contract to pay him tribute, but there was nothing to 
prevent him from rebelling the moment that he felt strong 
enough. To make the conquest permanent, one of two things 
was needed — colonization of the district that had been sub- 
dued, or the establishment of garrisons in fortified places within 
it. But the English were never wont to colonize the lands of 
their own kinsmen, though they would settle readily enough 
on Welsh soil. — When the conqueror died, his empire died 
with him, and each subject state resumed its autonomy». ° 


1 Maine, The Early History of Institutions, p. 384. — Ratzel points 
out the same fact of Abyssinia, too. — Völkerkunde, vol. Il. p. 455. 

2 Maine, Op. cit. p. 385. 

3 Hearn, Aryan Household, p. 268. 

% Maine, Village Community, p. 159 sq. — See also ZLyall, Formation 
of Clans; in Fortnightly Review, vol. XXI, p. 117. 

5 Oman, History of the Art of War, p. 71. — Not very different was 
the case of the empire of Charlemagne. — XNitzsch, Geschichte des deut- 
schen Volkes, vol. I, p. 246. 


136 B.X111lı 


In short, even in many cases where wars have united different 
groups of people, the union has been loose and superficial. Rat- 
zel justlv describes that sort of military conquest in the words: — 
It is the multiplication of the cell to a cell-mass, instead of its 
growth into an organism. ' And even Gumplowicz admits that 
mere conquest does not bring about any lasting consolidation 
until all the peaceful ties of internal union have called forth a 
strong social consolidation. * In one special sense only do 
these particular instances indicate positive integration, vIz. 
territorial occupation. As was observed above, however, it is 
only among more advanced peoples that wars are waged with 
such an object in view, whereas the wars of more primitive 
communities are mainly carried on as acts of revenge, or they 
aim at some other ends, but not essentially at a permanent occu- 
pation of lands and subjection of peoples. It is therefore not 
wholly in agreement with the facts to argue that primitive war- 
fare would bring about integration even in this respect. If, 
as we have just seen, more advanced peoples have failed in these 
efforts, lacking as their »empires» have been in internal strength 
and the fusion of the various elements, there is no reason what- 
ever to ascribe greater results to wars fought between quite 
primitive communities. On the contrary, it is just because the 
more primitive savages, as a rule, do not carry on wars of con- 
quest, that their warfare often brings about, instead of integra- 
tion, dissolution of the units existing among them. Thus of the 
Hawaii and the Sandwich Islands, Ellis ® states that wars among 
those natives did not result in any effective establishment of 
political organizations, rather the reverse. So also, speaking 
of the Melanesian peoples, Meinicke * asserts that wars have 
caused among them more disunion than real integration. Of the 
wars waged between the natives in East Africa, Falkenhorst 


Am nn LI ne nn mn nn 


I Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 130. 

? Gumplowiez, Geschichte der Staatstheorien, p. 416. 
3 Ellis, Hawaii, p. 116. 

% Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Ozeans, vol. I, p. 68. 


B. Xlllı 137 


points out that far from causing »the foundation of States» they 
resulted in the destruction even of the existing forms of social 
integration through natural growth on the basis of consanguineal 
bonds. !' Contrary to the theory that common danger unites the 
members of the same community, we read ofthe Abipones that, 
as soon a8 communities were informed of an approaching enemy, 
many families fled to other caciques or chiefs in order to escape 
the danger. ® Speaking of the North American Indians in ge- 
neral, Hunter observes that wars among them, unlike those 
between civilized nations, simply prevented the consolidation 
of neighbouring units. The vanquished, in order to avert entire 
destruction, »are obliged to flee from their possessions, and are 
frequently dispersed into different tribes or bands, which being 
prevented from reuniting by the interposition of their enemies, 
connect themselves with other nations or seek safe retreats and 
maintain their independenc. ® The same fact is observed by 
another author also, Lewis Morgan *, and Mr. Mooney ® remarks 
that not until different clans or tribes were almost entirely 
destroyed by wars did the remnants unite in order to escape 
complete extermination. 

In fact, if the great number of writers who stress the 
consolidating value of primitive warfare would pay proper atten- 
tion also to all those numerous instances where warfare has thus 
directly resulted in the more or less complete destruction, or 
in the breaking up of existing primitive units, they would be 


1 »Von Staatengründungen finden wir hier keine Spur, aber selbst 
die Gesamtheit der sesshaften Stämme erlangt keine Bedeutung; der ewige 
Krieg hat dieselben aufgerieben und erst eine längere Friedensepoche wird 
den am besten beanlagten und unternehmendsten Völkern die Möglichkeit 
einer neuen politischen Entwicklung gewähren». — Schwarze Fürsten, vol. 
Il, p. 65, passim. 

Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 105 sq. 
Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes, p. 189 sq. 
Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 57. 

5 Mooney, The Siouan Tribes, p. 8 sq., passim; — /dem, Myths of 

the Cherokee; in 19:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 15. 


[ u Zu 72 


138 B.XIll ı 


more cautious of constructing such ingenious systems of primi- 
tive integration on the basis of savage warfare. They would 
admit, more than they now do, that statements such as the fol- 
lowing one made by Miss Fletcher and Mr. La Flesche in speaking 
of Omaha integration are true of many other primitive commu- 
nities. Pointing out »the disintegrating tendencies of aggressive 
warfare», these authors observe: — »The old Omaha men have 
earnestly sought to impress upon the writers, that peace and 
order within the tribe were of prime importance; without these 
it was declared neither the people nor the tribe as an organiza- 
tion could exist. War was secondary; its true function was 
protective — to guard the people from outside enemies. ! 
Moreover this »peace and order» was based on bonds of common 
descent, common religion, and on all the various forms of peace- 
ful mutual aid, as well as on the rule of a peace chieftainship 
and not on that of the ablest war leader. And how could it 
indeed be otherwise? Unorganized skirmishes taking place 
occasionally, or small private war expeditions — how could 
they bring about greater consolidation than ties of common 
descent, worship, and all the various forms of peaceful co-ope- 
ration acting continuously and fostering an IneTeaeing sense of 
sociability? 

Moreover, besides these factors of primitive integration, 
all of which depend on man himself, there is still a paramount 
factor more or less ignored by the writers to whom savage condi- 
tions appear above all in the light of incessant warfare and 
bloodshed. It is the nature and the possibility of obtaining 
sufficient quantities of food. Speaking of the Omaha, Kansas, 
Ponka, and Osage, and the efforts of these Indians of North 
America to maintain their tribal unities, Miss Fletcher and Mr. 
La Flesche state that the environment of these tribes did not 
foster sedentary habits »such as would have tended toward a 
close political union; therefore the nature of the country in 


. Fleicher and. La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 402; cf. p. 200 sg. 


B. Xlllı 139 


which these cognates dwelt added to rather than lessened the 
danger of disintegration». ' Similarly Scouler observes that 
the slow progress of amalgamation among the Indian tribes 
east of the Rocky Mountains was chiefly due to economic condi- 
tions. »The necessity of preserving the full extent oftheir hunt- 
ing ground caused repulsion, not union. * Economic causes 
have likewise made their influence felt in the process of integra- 
tion among other savage communities. Where such conditions 
have not been favourable, no wars nor destruction of human 
lives could ever have procured food supplies required to sustain 
larger units. The only actions which in such circumstances 
would tend to preserve the race must have sprung from within 
the groups, they must have taken the form of a peaceful co- 
operation for mutual benefit in a struggle against nature, far 
more than that of fighting against human foes. Thus even from 
this point. of view, the attributing of a primary value to war as 
a cause of the social integration of rude savages must be consi- 
dered not to correspond with the facts. 

Our inquiry into primitive integration has thus resulted in 
views opposed to those held by authors who believe wars to 
have been the origin of primitive social integration. In one 
point only are these two opposing theories in full agreement: 
primitive integration has been called forth by the necessity for 
the preservation and further development of the human race. 
But while the authors who support the warlike view argue that 
this preservation could be achieved only by means of co-ope- 
ration against external enemies, our inference has been the oppo- 
site. Firstly, there is no evidence to the effect that primitive 
conditions in general are, or ever have been, so warlike as has 
often been assumed. Secondly, there is every reason to believe 
that the extension of the primitive family bonds has been due 
not only to economic conditions but also to altruistic sentiments 


1 Fletcher and La Flesche, Op. cit. p. 198. 
2 Scouler, Indian Tribes, N-W. Coast of America; in Journ. Ethnol. 
Soc. vol. I, p. 229. 


140 Ä B. X11llı 


which led to the formation of larger social units by means of 
natural growth and cohesion as well as through adhesion. Within 
these communities a multitude of new ties were established 
through marriage, common religion and customs, and so on. 
Moreover, as in virtue of these more or less permanent bonds of 
union the members of each community are accustomed to va- 
rious forms of mutual aid and permanent peaceful co-operation, 
so also occasional warlike co-operation for defence or offence 
was rendered possible. In short, the authors supporting the 
warlike theory of the origin of the State have made what is a 
mere secondary effect into a primary cause. That this has been 
their procedure will be still more obvious when we investigate 
in the following chapters the origin and primitive development 
of savage government. 


CHAPTER VI 


THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT 


Causes which originated social integration have at the 
same time originated authoritv and government. »Among 
lower races», says Westermarck, »every familv has its head, 
who exercises more or less authority over its members. In 
some instances, where the maternal system of descent prevails, 
a man’s children are in the power of the head of their mother’s 
family or of their maternal uncle; but this is by no means the 
rule even among people who reckon their kinship through fema- 
les only». ' Similarly Frazer observes that »mother right does 
not imply mother rule, rather the contrary». ? In his descrip- 
tion of the subjection of children Westermarck fully illustrates 
the röle of paternal authority among savages. ® Moreover, this 
authority of the head of the family is, as a rule, extended so as 
to cover the wife or wives also. ? 

In close connection with the paternal authority is that of 
old age in general. Speaking of the \Veddas, Dr. Seligmann 


1 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, p. 597 sq.; — Idem, The History 
of Human Marriage, pp. 15, 19, 40 saq. 

2 Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. Il, p. 132. 
Die Formen der Familie, pp. 62 sq., 75. 

3 Westermark, History of Human Marriage, pp. #1, 542, chap. X — 
Idem, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, chap. XXV. 

4 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, chap. XXVI. 


See also Grosse 


142 B. XIIlı 


observes that terms of respect were used in addressing the aged; 
thus »although sıya or mutta really mean father or grandfather, 
these words might be used as terms of addressing any old man». 
Similarly any old woman might be called kiriamma (grand- 
mother) or atta. ! Of the natives of Torres Straits we read that 
great deference is shown to the old men, whose opinion or deci- 
sion is generally accepted »immediately and without question». ? 
Among the Kurnai »age was held in reverence and a man’s 
authority increased with year». ® This is the case among other 
Australian aborigines also. * Among the natives of New Guinea 
considerable respect is shown tothe aged.° Regard for old people 


is found also among the natives of Tonga, ® Formosa, ° the 
Ainu, ® the Bataks ? of Sumatra, the aborigines of Bengal, '° 

I Seligmann, The Veddas, p. 70. 

2 Reports of the Cambridge Exp. to Torres Straits, vol. V, p. 263 sq. 

3 Howitt, The Native Tribes of S-E. Australia, p. 317. 

4 Op. eit. pp. 301 sqq., 307, 320 sqq.; — Wyatt, Adelaideand Encounter 
Bay Tribes; in Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 168; — Schür- 
mann, Tribes of Port Lincoln; in Woods, Op. cit. p. 226; — Gason, Manners 
and Customs of the Dieyerie; in Woods, Op. cit. p. 263; — Spencer and Güllen, 
Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 20 sq.; — Jidem, Native Tribes of 
Central Australia, p. 10; — /idem, Across Australia, vol. Il,p. 262 sq.; — Ma- 
thews, Australian Tribes; in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, vol. XXX VIII, p. 943. 

9 Seligmann, The Melanesians, pp. 134, 457; — Krieger, Neu Guinea, 
pp. 317,329, 421. 

6 „Wiewohl auch bey disen Leute keine höher ist als der andere, ja 
auch in ihrer Sprache es keine Namen gibt dardurch Herr oder Knechte 
kondte auss gedruckt werden, so thun sie doch auff ihre Weise einander 
grosse Ehrbietung an, und dass nicht in Ansehen einiger Würde, Stand 
oder Reichtumb, sondern nur des Alters...» — Hulsius, Eine Beschrei- 
bung der zweyen Insulen Formosa und Japan, p. 40. 

? Pilsudski, Der Schamanismus bei den Ainu; in Globus, 1909, vol. 
XCV, p. 72. 

8 Burton and Ward, Journey into the Batak Country; in Trans. 
Asiatic Soc. vol. I, p. 513. 

9 Lewin, Hill Tracts of Chittagong, p. 102; — Hodson, The »Genna» 
among the Tribes of Assam; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1906, p. 101. 

10 Erskine, Islands of the Western Pacific, p. 233; — Mariner, The 
Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. II, p. 155. 


B. Xlllı 143 


and among many if not most of the native communities in Af- 
rica. * Similarly, the Eskimo ? and the North American In- 
dians are stated to have had a great deference for the aged. ? 
This is the more remarkable as children among the latter peo- 
'ples are not trained to obedience. * Of the Zapotecs in Southern 
Mexico, Bancroft states that »in a village not distant from the 
city of Zayaca, whenever an aged man, the son of one of their 
ancient lords, was seen by the natives out walking... they 
uncovered their heads, kissed his hands... with much ten- 
derness calling him daade (father) and remaining uncovered 
until he was lost to sight». ®° Great respect is likewise shown 
to old women among the Mexican Indians. ® The Patagonians 
pay »respect to old people, ” and among the Fuegians »in each 
family the word of an old man is accepted as law by the young 
people; they never dispute his authority. ® Similar customs 
were prevalent among other natives of South America. ? 


1 Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien, pp. 474 sq., 477 sq.; — Casatı, 
Ten Years in Equatoria, vol. I, p. 186; — O’Sullivan, Dinka Laws and 
Customs; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1910, pp. 171, 177, — Baumann, 
Durch Massailand, p. 188; — Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, p. 460; 
— Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa, vol. I, p. 265. 

2 Nelson, Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 304; — Murdoch, Point Barrow Expedition; in 9:th Ann. Rept. 
p. 427. 

3 Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes, p. 281; — 
Hennepin, Discovery ofa Vast Country in America, vol. II, pp. 103 sqq., 130 
sqq.; — Carver, Travels through the Interior of North America, p. 243; — 
Jones, The Ojebway Indians, p. 68. — Fleicher and La Flesche, The Omaha 
Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 325 sq., 335. — Cf. also Deniker, 
Les races et peuples de la Terre, p. 294; — Lönborg, Klan och Klanhöfding; 
in Ymer, 1909, p. 401. 

* Hennepin, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 129; — Jones, Op. cit. p. 68. 

5 Bancroft, The Native Races of Pacific States, vol. I, p. 665. 

6 Heller, Reisen in Mexico, p. 66. 

? King and Fitzroy, Voyages of the »Adventure and »Beagle, vol. 
Il, p. 172. 

8 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 179. 

9 d’Orbigny, L’Homme Americain, vol. I, pp. 370, 373, 378; vol. II, 
pp. 222, 317 sq., 340; — Nordenskjöld, Indianlif, pp. 31, 58 sq., passim. 


444 B.XI1lı 


But the authority of old people is not confined merely to 
living individuals; they are obeyed and feared after their death 
also. Even then they »demand obedience and are anxious that 
the rules they laid down while alive should be followed by the 
survivors». ! Moreover, they are conceived »as capable of acting 
upon the living, of conferring upon them benefits, or at all 
events of inflicting upon them harm». ? In the first case they 
become guardians of their descendants. ? As each Vedda com- 
munity, * Dr. Seligmann writes, consists of a small number of 
families, who are usually related both by blood and marriage, 
the yaku ® of the recent dead, called collectively Nae Yaku, are 
supposed to stand towards the surviving members of the group 
»in the light of friends and relatives, who, if well treated, will 
continue to show lovingkindness to their survivors, and only if 
neglected will show disgust and anger by witbdrawing their 
assistance, or becoming even actively hostiles. But only import- 
ant men, and those who during life had the power of calling 
and becoming possessed by the yaku, became yaku after death. ® 
If the survivors were doubtful about the lot of one newly dead, 
they prayed for his assistance when setting out hunting, and 
if much game was killed, the deceased was considered to have 
become a yaku »ready and willing to help his friends and rela- 
tive». ” Through the dugganawa ® the yaku declares if he 
approves the offerings presented to him, promises to assist his 
kinsfolk in hunting, and often states the direction in which the 
next hunting party should go. ® Similarly the natives of New 


1 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 519. 
2 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 528 sq. 

3 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 529. 

1 Seligmann, The Veddas, p. 127. 

B 


Yaku means the spirit of a deceased person. — Op. cit. p. 125. 
6 Op. cit. p. 127. 
° Loc. cit. 
8 Dugganıwa or shaman. — Op. cit. p. 128. 


® Op.cit.p. 128;— see also pp. 141 sqq., 162 sqq., 202 sqq., and chapters 
VII and VIII in general. 


B. Xlllı 145 


Guinea frequently ask the advice of their ancestors in hunting, 
fishing, wars, and in every other important matter.’ Of the 
SdAkomon Islanders, Codrington observes that »a man in danger 
may call upon his father, his grandfather, or his uncle; his near- 
ness of kin is sufficient ground for itv.” As for the Fijians, 
they believe that as a father has taken care of his family when 
alive, so also he continues to keep watch over the welfare of the 
survivors. ? Similar views prevailed e. g. among the natives 
of the New Hebrides * and the Maori.° The Irayos in the 
Philippines considered the crops to belong to the Anitos, or the 
souls of their ancestors. ® The belief prevailed among the Ka- 
firs that everything that happened to them was sent by their 
ancestors; hence »the memory of an old man’s personality would 
pervade all associations of the kraal in which he lived; .. they 
would consider», Mr. Kidd affirms, »that he sent the fine weather 
or the good crops». * This is the case also with the Basutos, ® 
the Bawenda, ? the natives inhabiting the region of the Zam- 
besi !° as well as those of the Oil River. '' The Mordvins '” ask 
the dead ancestors to give them »a long life, to increase their 
prosperity, to give a good harvest, increase of cattle, ete».'? 


1 Krieger, Neu Guinea, p. 403. 

® Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 125; cf. p. 145 sıqaq. 

3 Thomson, The Fijians, p. 57 sq; — Seeman, Fiji and its Inhabitants, 
p. 271. 

4 Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 88. 

5 Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the Maori, p. 210. 

6 Semper, Die Philippinen, p. 56. 

* Kidd, The Essential Kafır, p. 79; cf. p. 80. 

8 Casalis, The Basutos, p. 248. 

9 Gottschling, The Bawenda; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, p. 1905, 
p. 380. 

19 Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. LIII, pp. 103, 109. 

1 Kingsley, West African Studies, pp. 112 sq., 147 sq., 

12 Abercromby, Pre- and Proto-historic Finns, vol. I, p. 178. 
| 13 As for the Votiaks, see Wichmann, Tietoja votjaakkien mytolo- 
giiasta; in Suomi, ser. III, vol. VI, pp. 16, 29, 45. 


10 


146 | B. XlIl ı 


Of the Finns proper Waronen ! remarks that according to 
their earlier beliefs the dead relatives were looked upon in 
some cases as protectors of their former homes; and the same 
holds good of the early Aryans. ? 

According to Westermarck, however, »the dead are more 
commonly regarded as enemies than friend». ? The malevol- 
ence of the dead is thus not restrieted to strangers only. * In 
fact, speaking generally, whether survivors have paid reverence 
to dead kindred because of their supposed benevolence or out 
of dread of their anger, or on’ both grounds, as the case of the 
Veddas proves, or whether for other reasons, there are abundant 
instances of a reverent and obedient attitude of the living toward 
their dead, not merely among savages of a lower type, but also 
among peoples who have a comparatively high degree of civili- 
zation. Thus in addition to the instances referred to above, 
such a relation is observed to prevail or to have prevailed also 
in Samoa, 5 Tahiti, ® the New Hebrides, ° New Caledonia, ® 
and in many other native groups in Polynesia and Melanesia, ? 


m [u 


1 Waronen, Vainajainpalvelus muinaisilla suomalaisilla, pp. 97, 123, 
passim; — Abercromby, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 156 sq. 

2 Hearn, The Aryan Household, pp. 39, 41, 47, passim. 

3 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, p. 532; — Karsten, Origin 
of Worship, p. 115 sq.;— Brinton, Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 71; — 
Tylor, Primitive Culture, p. 111 saq. 

4 See ce. ge. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. I, p. 334 sq.; — Thomson, 
Savage Islands, p. 94, — Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, p. 18; — Seligmann, The 
Veddas, p. 127; — Boas, The Central Eskimo; in 6:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 591; — Lumbholtz, Unknown Mexico, vol. I, p. 380 sq.; — Casalıs, 
The Basutos, p. 249; — Waronen, Op. cit. p. 16 sqq., passim; — Wich- 
mann, Op. cit. p. 45; — Landtman, Origin of Priesthood, p. 50. 

5 Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, pp. 239, 336; — /dem, Samoa, 
p. 306; — Featherman, Social History ofthe Races of Mankind, vol. II, p. 158. 

6 Ellis, Op. eit. vol. II, p. 208. 

? Turner, Samoa, pp. 318 sq., 326, 334; — Idem, Nineteen Years in 
Polynesia, p. 88. 

8 Featherman, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 91. 

® Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Ozeans, vol. I, p. 243; vol. II, pp. 
116, 375, passim. 


B. X11l ı 147 


among the Ainu in Sakhalin, ! and the Manobo ? of the Phi- 
lippines, the Toradja ? in Celebes, the Battaks * in Sumatra, 
as well as among the natives of Bengal. ° The ancient Chinese 
rulers on going forth regularly announced the fact in the temple 
of their ancestors. On their return they likewise proceeded to 
the temple in order to give information. »For as filial children 
they could not bear to consider their parents as dead; wherefore 
they informed them of their departure and presented themselves 
to them on their return.» ® Nay, even at the present day, an- 
cestor-worship is one of the corner-stones of the Chinese social 
and political life. ° This is true of Japan also. 8 — According 
to Dr. Dorsey, the Indians of North America have no forms of 
ancestor-worship. ? Yet this does not exclude regard for the 
dead. Speaking of the installation of a Ponka chief, Dorsey 
himself says that the chief was told as follows: — »Your father 
was a chief, your elder brother was a chief, and your grandfather 
wasa chief. May they continue to look directly down on you». !” 
To his account of a direct relationship between dead ancestors 


1 Pilsudski, Op. cit.; in Globus, 1909, vol. XCV, p. 72. 

2 Semper, Op. cit. p. 61. 

3 Sarasın, Celebes, vol. II, pp. 123, 130. 

4 Burton and Ward, Op. cit.; in Trans. Asiatic Soc., vol. I, p. 502. 

5 Barbe, Hill Tribes of Chittagong; in Journ. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, 
vol. XIV, part I, p. 383; — Hodgson, The Kocch, Bodo and Dhimal; in 
Op. cit. vol. XVIII, part II, p. 727; — Hodson, The »Genna»; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute,1906, p. 101; — Lewin, Chittagong, pp. 69, 98, 114; — 
Shakespear, Kuki-Lushai Clans; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1909, p. 376. 


6 Medhurst, Ancient China, p. 23; — Chavannes, Les Memoires histo- 
riques de Se-Ma-Ts’ien, vol. IV, pp. 21, 27, 193, 470; vol. V., pp-87, 239, 
390 sq., 406. 


? Milne, La vie reelle en Chine, p. 208 sqq.; — Smith, Chinese Character- 
istics, pp. 172, 184 sq.; — Parker, China, p. 274 sq. 

8 Murray, Japan, passim; — Conybeare, Ancestor-Worship; in En- 
cyclopadia Britannica, vol. I, p. 945. 

9 Dorsey, Study of Siouan Cults; in 41:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 371. 

10 Op. cit. p. 421. 


148 B. XIllı 


and their survivors, other instances more or less to the same 
effect can be added. ' And if we take other peoples, we meet 
with the same custom. This holds good of the natives of 
Africa ? as well as of the primitive Aryan peoples. ? 

As for the duty of carrying out the ceremonies bound up 
with the relation between the living and the dead, they devolve 
upon the heads of the families, or upon the heads of larger units 
of kindred. In Samoa the father of the family was the high 
priest. The natives of New Caledonia »have no professional 
priests; the chief of the village or the oldest man of the family 
performs all ceremonial acts, and addresses the invocations to the 
spirits of the dead». * Among the Ainu in Sakhalin, old men 
make all the offerings to departed ancestors. ® On the heads 
of the family devolved the duties towards the ancestral spirits, 
says Ellis, of the natives of Madagascar. ® Similarly, Miss Kings- 
ley states of the Negroes in the Calabar and Mpongwe districts 
that »the father of the house is the true priest of the family». ° 
The oldest man who is »directly descended from the ancestor of 


1 Powell, Wyandot Government; in I:st Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 
LVII; — Yarrow, The Study of the Mortuarv Customs of the North Ame- 
rican Indians; in 1:st Ann. Rept. p. 98 sq.;— McGee, Siouan Indians; in 
15:th Ann. Rept. p. 178; — Bancroft, The Native Races of the Paci- 
fic States, vol. Il, p. 800 sq.; — Fewkes, Tusayan Ceremonies; in 19:th Ann. 
Rept. pp. 965, 1006. 

‘2 Cole, The Wagogo; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1902, p. 334; — 
Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. Il, pp. 555, 587, 677; — Living- 
stone, Missionary Travels, p. 605; — Kingsley, West African Studies, pp. 
131 sq., 147 sq., 160, 170; — Steinmetz, Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 297 sq., pas- 
sim; — Ellis, Madagascar, vol. I, pp. 362, 364, 397. 

3 Hearn, The Aryan Household, pp. 118, 122, 126, passim; — Fustel 
de Coulanges, La cite antique, pp. 18, 35, 102, 107,177 sq., passım; — Grote, 
History of Greece, vol. II, p. 432. 

4 Featherman, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 91. 

5 Pilsudski, Der Schamanismus bei den Ainu; in Globus, vol. XCV, 
1909, p. 72. 

6 Ellis, Madagascar, vol. I, pp. 362, 397. 

” West African Studies, p. 160. — As for Ashantee, see Beecham, As- 
hantee, p. 194. 


B. Xlllı 449 


the clan» performed the offerings among’ the Votiaks, ! and a 


similar custom prevailed among the early Finns ?, as well as 
among the ancient Aryans. ? 

In short, just as religion has strengthened the ties of integra- 
tion, so it has brought about submission to the authority of the 
dead. At the same time it has also strengthened the paternal 
authority and that of old age in general. * What Pilsudski 5 
says of the Ainu holds certainly good of other primitive peoples 
also: the best intermediators between the living and the dead 
are the old people who stand already with one foot in the grave 
and soon will entirely pass over to the other world where the 
departed ancestors dwell. Similarly, Messrs. Spencer and 
Gillen 6 state of the native of Australia that, as he grows 
older, he takes an increasing share in matters of a sacred and 
secret nature, until at last this side of life is occupied far more 
by these matters than by anything else. »They are all connected 
with the great ancestor of the tribe, and he is firmly convinced 
that when it comes to his turn to die his spirit part will finally 
return to his old alcheringa home, where he will be in communion 
with them ....» Moreover, old people do not derive their great 
authority merely from their connection with the spirit world; 
even their own curses are feared. 


I Abercromby, The Pre- and Proto-Historic Finns, vol. I, p. 165; — 
Wichmann, Tietoja votjaakkien mytologiiasta, in Suomi, ser. Ill., vol. 
VI. pp. 21, 40. 

2 Woaronen, Op. cit. p. 47. 

3 Hearn, Op. cit. p. 126, passim. 

For further particulars see e. g. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. 
Il, p. 208; — Marshall, The Todas, p. 71; — Barbe, Hill Tribes of Chitta- 
gong; in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. XIV, part. II, p. 383; — Hodson, 
The Naga Trihes, p. 70; — Parker, China, p. 274 sq. 

4 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. Ill, p. 53, passim; — Vaccaro, 
Les bases sociologiques du Droit et de V’Etat, pp. 225, 233. 

5 Pilsudski, Op. cit. p. 72. 

6 Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 
33 Sq. 

° Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, p. 622 syq. 


150 B. XlIlı 


On the other hand the influence of religion is in this respect 
not restrieted to kinship only. On the contrary, as Dr. Landt- 
man observes, nature-worship cannot have been »ruled by any 
regard for family tie». * Hence a priesthood which is more or 
less independent of the regard for the dead must derive its sway 
over its community from other sources than those derived from 
kinship. 2 Be it, however, as it may with regard to the origins 
of priesthood, the fact remains that, speaking generally, savage 
magicians and priests have everywhere a considerable influence, 
not merely in cases relating to their own profession but also in 
all important matters of any kind. ? Speaking of the Indians of 
British Columbia, Mayne observes that »the most influential 
men in a tribe are the medicine-men». * Among the Fuegians 
great respect is shown to the wizards. ® Similarly of the Veddas 
we read that among them a shaman exerts a great deal of in- 
fluence over his neighbours, who all recognize that he is 
more or less in constant communication with the spirits. ® This 
is the case with the Australian natives ? and many other primitive 
peoples. $® Speaking of the Druids of ancient Scotland, Andrew 


1 Landtman, Origin of Priesthood, p. 53. 

2 Op. cit. passim. 

3 Op. eit. p. 18; — See also Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. III, 
part, VI; — Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, p. 563. 

4 Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia, p. 260; — see also Sproat, 
Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, p. 167 sq.; — Hooper, Tuski, pp. 317, 
320. 


5 Snow, Wild Tribes of Tierra del Fuego; in Trans. Ethnol. Soc. 
vol. I, p. 264. 

6 Seligmann, The Veddas, p. 41; cf. p. 86. 

T Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-Eastern Australia, p. 301; — 
Jung, Weltteil Australien, p. 140; quoted by Steinmetz, Ethnologische Stu- 
dien, vol. II, p. 40. 

8 Martius, Unter den Ureinwohnern Brasiliens, p. 31; — Nordenskjöld, 
Indianlif, p. 31; — Turner, Ethnology of the Ungava District; in 11:th 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 199; — Bourke, The Medicine Man of the Apache; 
in 9:th Ann. Rept. p. 505; — Russel, The Pima Indians, in 26:th Ann. Rept. 
p. 256; — Swanion, The Tlingit Indians; in 26:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 466, passim; — Rochefort, Iles Antilles, p. 359 sq.; — Baumann, Durch 


B. XlIlı 151 


Lang asserts that judging by the analogy of similar medicinc- 
men in various rTaces, »they may have exercised a good deal of 
political authority», " while the political influence of the priests 
was almost absolute among the early Gauls ?, and considerable 
also among the early Germans. ? 

Subordination under striet authority is called forth likewise 
by the functions of the secret societies. As the authors who 
stress the constructive value of savage warfare pass in more 
or less complete silence over the integrating value of secret 
societies, they are bound to depreciate their great influence on 
the nature of primitive authority. * Yet when they are set side 
by side, the permanent rule of secret societies is undoubtedly 
in many instances of far greater importance than the occasional 
subordination of volunteers to the command of a war leader. 

There is in savage life yet another authority, over-ruling all 
of those just mentioned; this is custom. »A custom», says Wester- 
marck, »in the strict sense of the word, is not merely the habit 
of a certain circle of men, but at the same time involves a moral 
rule. There is a close connection between these two characte- 
ristics of custom, its habitualness and its obligatoriness.. What- 
ever be the foundation for a certain practice, and however trivial 
it may be, the unreflecting mind has a tendency to disapprove 
of any deviation from it for the simple reason that such a devia- 
tion is unusuab. ® In the omnipotence of customs is another 
solution to the question of the authority of old men. They are 
acquainted with the habits of the forefathers, ® and in many 


Massailand, p. 187; — Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria, vol. I, rp. 133, 304, 
passim; — Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, pp. 839, 851, 883, 
passim; — Williams and Calwert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 227. 

1 Lang, A History of Scotland, vol. I, p. 24. 

2 Mommsen, The History of Rome, vol. V, p. 25 sqq. 

3 Wilser, Die Germanen, p. 111. 

4 Webster, Op. cit. pp. 60, 74, and passim. 

5 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. I, p. 159; — Bagehot, Physics 
and Politics, p. 150 sqaq. 

6 Spencer and Gillen, Across Australia, vol. II, p. 410; — J/idem, 
The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 11; — Casalis, The Basutos, pp. 


152 B.X1llı 


instances these in turn are supposed strictly to demand that 
no deviation from their own customs should take place; ! nay, 
savage gods in general are often maintained to be the guardians 
of customs. ? 

One special group of primitive customs are those pertaining 
to the various forms of peaceful co-operation and mutual aid 
in general. The daily performance of acts for the common 
benefit, the strict observance, too, of rules as to strangers, and 
the following out of ether customs must certainly foster a sense 
of obedience. Indeed, is it not directly on this permanent habit 
of subordination to rules for the peaceful benefit of the com- 
munity that unorganized savage warfare mainly bases its own 
methods? Bearing in mind the inference above made with 
regard to the character of savage warfare, and remembering 
that there are many savage communities entirely unused to a 
subordination to warlike command, and that, from the point of 
view of integration, co-operation in peace is, asa rule, the source 
of co-operation in war, we must certainly conclude that in the 
case of primitive authority, too, the permanent habit of subordi- 
nation to the rules set by customs in all the various forms of 
peaceful co-operation, is of far greater value than an occasional 
submission to a war leadership. This econclusion will presently 
find further support. 


The authority of the heads of savage families and of elders 
‘in general prevails as a rule inall the departments of ordi- 
narv life, z.e. , in those matters also which are properly called 
political. Yet, however equally the rule mav be shared by them, 


228, 254; — Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 95; — Fletcher and La 
Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 335, 
passim; — Murdorh, Ethnol. Results of Point Barrow Exp.; in 9:th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 427; — Pilsudski, Op. cit. p. 72; — Maine, Village 
Communities, pp. 69, 111, 116 sq.; — Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. 
I, p. 283; — Spencer, Principles of Sociologv, vol. II, part IV. 

I Westermarck, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 519 sqq. 

2 Op. cit. vol. I], pp. 670, 728. 


B. Xlllı 153 


their influence is not always of equal importance. Giddings 
observes that all animals exhibit an uncritical wonder at unusual 
displays of power or brilliancy, and express their deference to 
those who are admired or feared. ' This is the case with the 
human race also; even thelowest men are aware of the difference 
in personal power between their superior and inferior fellows. 
Hence in the couneil of elders certain members gain reputation 
in a greater degree than others, and as soon as this takes place 
we meet with the first traces of a special chieftainship. 

Some authors have denied that the Australian aborigines 
have chiefs, * other statements bear testimony to the opposite 
effect. Thus, speaking generally of these natives, Mathews 
observes that every local division of a tribe, no matter how few 
its members, has a leader who is recognized as such on account 
of his age or other special qualities. Moreover, if a number of 
local groups coalesce and constitute a larger unit, these several 
leaders or headmen not only retain their »patriarchal position» 
among their own people, but by common consent they super- 
intend all the affairs of the entire unit. Yet if some other men pos- 
sess magical powers, or ifthey are noted warriors or men of fluent 
speech or able song-makers, they might »by force of character 
become also headmen». ? With regard to particular communi- 
ties, the following quotations will throw light upon the matter. ? 
»Throughout Australia and Torres Strait», Macgillivray ob- 
serves, »the existence of chieftainship, either hereditary or ac- 
quired, has in no instance of which I am aware been clearly 
proved; yet in each community there are certain individuals 


1 Giddings, Elements of Sociology, p. 247. 

2 Quoted by Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, 
pp. 46, 48n. | ; 

3 Mathews, Australian Tribes; in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, vol. 
XXXVII, p. 942 sqaq. 

t Steinmetz asserts that the most advanced chieftainship is to be 
met with in the South-East part of the continent, less in Centraland South- 
ern Australia, and least in Western regions. — Studien zur ersten Ent- 
wicklung der Strafe, vol. Il, p. 41. 


154 B. XlIlı 


who exercise an influence over the others... These so-called 
chiefs are generally elderly men, who from prowess in war, force 
of character, or acknowledged sagacity, are allowed to take the 
lead in everything relating to the triber. Moreover, in Torres 
Strait such people, says the same author, are generally wealthy 
men, owners of several wives, etc. According to Messrs. 
Spencer amd Gillen, there is no one among the central tribes to 
whom the term of chief or head of the tribe could be properly 
applied, yet the elder men who are the heads of the local groups 
superintend all the matters relating to the great ceremonial 
gatherings. * They also take charge ofthe sacred store-house, 
which is their most important duty. * These chiefs, among 
the Arunta called alatunja, call together the elder men to settle 
all the civil and criminal matters, and their own opinion carries 
an amount of weight which is dependent on their reputation. 
Moreover, in some instances at least »the post is one which within 
certain limits is hereditary, passing from father to son». * Yet 
when large numbers of the tribe gather together, some of the 
oldest men are of little if any account, whereas others »not so 
old as they were, but more learned in ancient lore and skil- 
led in matters of magic were those, who settled everything». ? 
Among some of these groups the alatunja was at the same time 
the sole medicine man; in others special men had charge of these 
duties. ® On the other hand, when small expeditions are sent 
to revenge the death of one of the members of the community, 
an able relative of the dead acts as the leader. ° Of the natives 


1 Macgillivray, Voyage of »Rattlesnake», vol. II, p. 27 sq.: cf. also p. 
8, and vol. I, pp. 148, 151; — Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to 
Torres Straits, vol. V, p. 265: cf. pp. 263 sqq., 273, 276. 

2 Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 
20 sqq.; — ZIidem, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 10 sq., 16; 
cf. p. 280; — /idem, Across Australia, vol. I, p. 232 sq.; vol. II, p. 256. 

3 The Northern Tribes, p. 28; — The Native Tribes, p. 11; cf. p. 154. 

4 The Native Tribes, p. 10. 

5 Op. cit. p. 12. 

6 Op. cit. p. 16. 

° Across Australia, vol. II, p. 293; — The Northern Tribes, p. 25 sq. 


B. Xlllı 4155 


of Port Lincoln, Schürmann asserts that they have no chiefs or 
any acknowledged superior authority. Considerable deference 
is, however, shown to old men, this being due partly to »the 
respect which superior age and experience inspire, but it is at 
the same time »greatly increased and kept up by the supersti- 
tious awe of certain mysterious rites known only to the grown-up 
men». ! Similarly, »it is remarkable», says Wyatt, of the Ade- 
laide and Encounter Bay natives, »that none of the tribes appear 
to be under a chief». Yet some influence is exercised by the old 
men and especially by those among them possessing superior 
physical strength and courage, as also »by those who practise 
charms». * Among the Narrinyeri, says Taplin, each tribe has 
its chief, who is »the leader in war and whose person is carefullv 
guarded in the battle by the warriors of his clan». On the other 
hand, the chieftainship is not hereditary, but elective. Owing 
to this, other able men also can be elected; thus once one of the 
chiefs »was not the most warlike or athletic, but was chosen by 
his trib®, Taplin remarks, »for his wisdom, moderation, and 
good temper». Besides, whatever may be the capacity of a war- 
like chief, »the most real authority exercised by the chief and 
his supporters is enforced by means of witcheraft». ® In his 
description of the tribes of South-East Australia, Howitt ob- 
serves that a man of persuasive eloquence, a skilful and brave 
fighting man and a powerful medicine man, was once the chief 
among the Dieri, * while, according to Gason, their chiefs are, as 
a rule, »natives of influence.” In the Tongaranga tribe of the 
Itehumundi nation authority is exercised by the headnman and 
the elders, who manage all the affairs, such as »the allotment 


1 Schürmann, The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln; in Woods, Na- 
tive Tribes of South Australia, p. 226. 

2 Wyatt, The Adelaide and Encounter Bay Aboriginal Tribes; in Woods, 
Op. cit. p. 168. 

3 Taplin, The Narrinyeri; in Woods, Op. cit. p. 32. 

4 Howitt, The Native Tribes of S. E. Australia, p. 297 sq. 

5 Gason, The Manners and Customs of the Dieyerie Tribe; in Woods, 
Op. cit. p. .263. 


156 B. Xlllı 
of wives, ceremonies for making rain, and such like. ' Among 
the Wümbaio, a chief must have age, personal prowess, talents 
as a leader, and a clever tongue. A magician would not necessa- 
rily be a headman on account of his skill, although that might 
happen. * The oldest man of the tribe among the Theddara 
was recognized as chief, yet whenever an attack was planned 
the ablest warrior acted, as a rule, as leader. * In the Ngarigo 
and Wolgol tribes, the headman combined the office with that 
of medicine-man, while some old men were war leaders. * Among 
the Southern tribes of the Kamilaroi the position of the two 
or three headmen of the tribal divisions was one of influence and 
authority depending above all upon the valour of the individual. 
Thus a distinguished warrior or orator would become a chief, 
and his son, if valiant, would possibly succeed him. »The oldest 
headman would be the chief or principal man in the council of 
elders. He could carry a measure by his own voice, asthe Kami- 
loroi», says Howitt, »have great respect for age». ° In the South- 
ern Wiradjuri a headman »is always a medicine-man». More- 
over, the office was hereditary, for ason would succeed to it if he 
possessed any oratorical or other eminent ability. ® As for the 
Wakelbura tribe, the strongest and best fighting men were 
»listened to» in a debate, and the aged men had also some little 
authority. ° Similarly in the Bigambui tribe, the headman was 
the best warrior. ® Among all the Kulin tribes, the old men 
govern their tribe, vet some of them, called Ngurungaeta, are 
more influential than the others. »If aman was sensible, spoke 
straight, and did harm to no one, people would listen to him 
and obey him. Such a man would certainly become a Ngurun- 


I Howitt, Op. cit. p. 301. 
2 Loc. cit. 

3 Op. eit. p. 302. 

I Loc. cit. 

5 


Op. eit. p. 302 sq. 
6 Op. cit. p. 303. 
* loc. ecit. 
8 Op. cit. p. 304. 


B. XIllı 157 


gaeta, if his father was one before him». ! Moreover, able war- 
riors or orators could also ascend from the leadership of a local 
group to that of an entire tribe.” In the Yerakla-mining tribe 
the medicine-men are headmen.? This is the case also among 
the Yin tribe, although in order to be fitted for his office the 
chief, called Gommera, must be also aged, able to speak several 
dialects, a good fighting man, and above all able to perform 
»those feats of magic which the Gommeras exhibit at the initia- 
tion ceremonies». * Among the Geawel-gol the best warrior 
would be recognized as »principal adviser», and he would have 
authority by consent of the elders. Moreover, if his son, too, 
proved to be an able warrior, he might succeed his father in the 
leadership; otherwise a medicine-man might act as chief. In 
any case, however, this leader is only a primus inter pares and 
liable to be set aside by the old men, if his directions are disap- 
proved of.? As for the Kurnai, Howitt observes that »a man’s 
authority increased with years»; yet in one case at least this 
tribe had two chiefs: one was a great warrior, the other less so, 
»but he was also a great ınedicine-man». ® Similar statements, 
broadly speaking, are given as regards the natives in other parts 
of Australia as well. ’ 

Owing to the fact that the authors quoted by him have not 
always been fully reliable, Steinmetz sums up his inquiry into 
the character of chieftainship among these natives as follows: — 
The medicine-man is the most influential man in his tribe, 
though possibly the best hunter and warrior may compete with 
him in this respect;® while \Vheeler asserts that »there seems 
A Op. cit. p. 307. 

? Op. cit. p. 308. 
3 Op. eit. p. 313. 
4 Op. cit. p. 314. 
5 Op. eit. p. 316. 

6 Op. cit. p. 317. | 

? Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, p. 45; — Wheeler, The 
Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 50 sq. 


8 »Der Zauberer ist die bedeutendste Person im Stamme, höchstens 
concurrirt mit ihm der beste Jäger und Krieger». — Steinmetz, Studien zur 


158 B. Xlll ı 


to be a strong local organization under headmen throughout 
Australia, the only difference being that in the central area the 
headmen are primarily totemic». ! 

In his description of the Wagawaga and Tubetube in New 
Guinea, Dr. Seligmann points out that they had no proper tribal 
or clan chiefs; certain men were, however, recognized as impor- 
tant. These were oldish men and their importance had not 
come to them irom their maternal uncles, but was largely due 
to the prominent part they took in the feasts. »The fact that 
such men would readily be credited with some knowledge of 
magic would increase their reputation and cause their opinions 
to carry weight in the councils of the old men». Moreover, they 
were usually rich men. On the other hand, »there were no war 
chiefs, but merely leaders of individual war parties». Most of 
the wars were simply acts of revenge. »Accordingly a close kins- 
man of the deceased was appointed chief... and however well 
he conducted operations, it was only an aealgent that could 
again make him a leader of a war party». ? 

According to Messrs Sarasin, the Toala, the Troglodytes in 
Celebes, have a chief called Balisao, whose office is hereditary. 
A woman can become chief also, though in this case her husband 
has charge of the duties, which consist in settling small disputes 
and controlling the strictly monogamous matrimonial conditions 
and matters of property. ? No wars are waged.* Together 
with Balisao, the eldest male member of the community or Ada 
makes the offerings in order to secure material prosperity to the 
people. ® The so-called Lower Nagas have no chiefs, says Dalton. 
They appoint a spokesman, who has »the reputation of superior 


ersten Entwicklung der Strafe, vol. H, p. 40; quoting Jung, Weltteil 
Australien, p. 140. 

i Wheeler, Op. cit. p. 50. — See also Thomas, Natives of Australia, 
p. 143 sq. 

2 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 453. 

3 Sarasin, Reisen auf Celebes, vol. II, p. 276. 

t Op. ecit. vol. Il, p. 277. 

° Op. eit. vol. II, p. 290. 


B. Xlllı 159 


wisdom, or perhaps, more frequently, the influence of wealth». ! 
Of the Veddas Dr. Seligmann states that »there is no system of 
hereditary chieftainship».” Each group has its senior; 3 in one 
instance we read that »the most intelligent man... obviously 
ruled the community by force of character, coupled with the fact 
that he was a shaman». * According to other observers, a Vedda 
clan is governed by the eldest or most intelligent member; he 
has the charge of the division of food, he settles disputes, and 
he also represents the community when strangers are met. 
Hence, Messrs. Sarasin remark, we find here the first traces of 
government. ® 

According to Nelson, the Alaskan Eskimo have no recognized 
chiefs except such as gain a certain influence through »wisdom, 
age, wealth, or shamanism». The old men are listened to with 
respect and among these again there are usually one or more in 
each village who by their knowledge of the traditions, customs 
and rites connected with the festivals, are deferred to and act 
as »chief advisers of the community». In some cases such head- 
men may be succeeded by their sons if these have the necessary 
qualities.”° On the other hand, neither did they have any 
recognized war leaders; »each fought as he pleased with the 


I Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 42. 
2 Seligmann, The Veddas, p. 62. 
3 Op. cit. p. 38. 
3 Op. cit. p. 86. 
5 Sarasin, Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher Forschungen auf Ceylon, 
III, p. 486; cf. p. 482. 
6 „Wir sehen bei den Weddas nur die ersten Spuren einer Regierung, 
indem Alter, verbunden mit Intelligenz ein gewisses Ansehen mit sich 
bringt, mit welch letzterem indessen keine Vorrechte sich verbinden; es 
ist Ansehen vorhanden, aber keine Macht». — Op. cit. vol. III, p. 486; 
cf. p. 468. | 

* Nelson, Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Eth- 
nol. p. 304. — For the Eskimo in general, see e. g. Bancroft, The Native 
Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 65; — Murdoch, Ethnographical 
Results of the Point Barrow Expedition; in 9:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
pp. 42, 427; — Rink, The Eskimo Tribes, pp. 24, 26; cf. p. 16. 


u 


vol. 


160 B. XIIlı 


exception that some of the older men had general supervision 
and control of the expeditions. ' Speaking. of the medicine- 
man among the Ten’a Indians, Mr. Jette states: — »For these 
tribes he is the nearest approach to a chief, a priest, and a phy- 
sician: to a chief because he practically forms and models the 
public opinion, the only rule among the Ten’a, to a priest be- 
cause he acts as the intermediary between the visible and the 
invisible world, to a physician, because his power enables him 
to cast away devils by which diseases are caused». * An old 
Omaha legend tells of the origin of an established government 
among them as follows: — The people said, »let us appoint men 
who shall preserve order». Accordingly they selected »the wisest, 
the most thoughtful, generous and kind», and these consulted 
together and agreed upon a council of seven who should govern 
the people.” On the other hand, we read of the Navaho Indians 
that »up to a comparatively recent period they have existed 
principally by warand plunder>; * yet they are without chiefs 
in the ordinary meaning of the term, although there are men 
who occupy prominent positions and exercise a kind of semi- 
authority, »chiefs by courtesy as it were» says Mindeleff. ° 
Wealth, however, gives »additional influence» to their class of 
aristoeracy. ® Ofthe neolithic Guyaki in Paraguay, Vogt states 
that they had a chief who was their priest, too. Thus, when the 
people were assembled, he ascended a high tree, and turning his 
eves towards the sky, he prayed, especially in times of scareity 
and when starting out tohunting.‘ The Fuegian elans have some 


1 Nelson, Op. cit. p. 329. 

* Jette, On the Medicine-Man of the Ten’a; in Journ. Anthrop. Insti- 
tute, 1907, p. 163 sq. 

3 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 74. 
. * Mindeleff, Navaho Houses; in 17:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 502. 

> Op. eit. p. 486. 

6 Davis, El Gringo, p. 413; cf. p. 408. 
‚ ..? Vogt, Ethnographie der Guayaki Indianer; in Zeitschrift für Ethno- 
logie, 1902, p. 37. 


B. XIH ı 161 
sort of chiefs; ! on the other hand in wars, »the restraint and 
direction of their elders, advised as they are by the doctors, is 
sufficient».” Among the Patagonians chiefs were richer than 
the other people? and were the leaders in war. * According to 
Krapf, the Wakamba have no firmly established government 
whatever. »Wealth, a ready flow of language, an imposing 
personal appearance, and above all, the reputation of being a 
magician and rain-maker, are the surest means by which a 
Mkamba can attain power and importance and secure the obe- 
dience of his countrymen. ® Among the Wassandani and 
Wanege in East Africa the magicians and rain-makers are the 
sole chiefs, ® while among the Hottentots »usuallv the person 
of greatest property is considered to be the chief». ? 
Moreover, the constant rise of new communities also calls 
forth new rulers. Thus, to quote some instances, an Eskimo 
may form a group and become as a matter of course its leader; 
but he has to provide for his group if he does not wish to see 
the people scattered.® An able man among the Ba-Yanzi in 
South-Western Congo »will often leave his village and set up as 
a petty chief on his own account». 9? Uganda is said to have 
originated through the success of a hunter in gathering around 
him Negroes, who finally invited him to become their chief. 


1 Darwin, The Descent of Man, vol. I, p. 167; — Westermarck, History 
of Human Marriage, p. 44 saq. 

2 King and Fitzroy, Vovages of the »Adventure and »Beagle, vol. 
II, p. 179. 

3 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 152. 

4 Op. cit. vol. II, pp. 159, 164. 

5 Krapf, Travels and Missionary Labours in East Africa, p. 355. 

6 Baumann, Durch Massailand, p. 193. 

” Thomson, Travels in Southern Africa, vol. Il, p. 30. 

8 Nelson, Eskimo about Bering Strait; in 18:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Eth- 
nol. p. 303. 

9 Torday and Joyce, Ethnology of the S. W. Congo; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1907, p. 139. See also p. 146. 

10 Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, p. 679 sq. 


11 


162 B. Xlllı 


The instances quoted throw some light upon the first begin- 
nings of a chieftainship beyond the simple authority of elders. 
In some cases the eldest male member of the group was seen 
to be the leader; in others magicians, able orators, or the boldest 
warriors have won the sway over their people; in some again, 
wealth as such has dominated. On the whole, which of these 
various forms of rudimentary chieftainship has succeeded in be- 
coming the most prevalent amongst savages? There is, of course, 
foremost the theory that owing to the incessant state of savage 
warfare the rule of the boldest warriors has become the normal 
type of savage chieftainship. ! As soon, however, as it becomes 
evident that the warlike character of savage life has been greatly 
exaggerated and, further, that too much stress has been laid on 
the integrating value of primitive wars, there seems to be no 
sufficient reason to assume that wars could constitute so uni- 
versal a phenomenon that protection against human foes is the 
main form of help which primitive communities require of their 
leaders, so that the war leaders gradually get an increasing sway 
over them. On the contrary, the fact observed above, that 
the war leader is, in some instances at least, the nearest 
relative seeking for revenge, shows at once that the more savage 
warfare consists of mere acts of revenge, the less does it tend to 
the rise of a firmly-established chieftainship. This inference is 
also corroborated bv the fact that peaceful communities must 
also be held to have a tendency to obtain a more settled form 
of government than that simply of the rule of elderly men. 
Frazer, on the other hand, in stronglv opposing »the idea that 
the first king was simply the strongest and bravest man of his 
tribes, ? has been inclined, at least to some extent, ? to the view 
that magicians as the most intelligent men in the group have 
been the earliest chiefs.* »Thus so far as the public profession 
of magic affected the constitution of savage society, it tended 


1 See infra, chap. 1. 

2 Frazer, The History of Earlv Kingship, p. 36. 

3 Fraser, The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. I, pp. 332 
sqq, 420 sqq. — I/dem. Early Kingship, pp. 82. 


iin. en — 


B. Xlllı 163 


to place the control of affairs in the hands of the ablest man: 
it shifted the balance of power from the many to the one: it 
substituted a monarchy for a democracy, or rather for an oli- 
garchy of old mem. ! According to the hypothesis of Webster, 
»probably the earliest ruler is often only the highest in the secret 
society; his power derived from his association with it and his 
orders executed by it». ° 

As far, however, as the instances just quoted yield any 
guidance, it seems dilficult in this way to lay down a clearly- 
defined principle for the origin of primitive chieftainship. The 
occurrence of some magicians as chiels does not explain the 
hold of certain able warriors, nor on the other hand does the 
authority of men skilled in ancient lore and sacred ceremonies 
give an immediate explanation of the great authority wielded 
by wealthy men. Thus an answer to the question, how the 
permanent chieftainship arose, must be wide enough not only 
to include all the various forms of the most primitive chieltain- 
ship just mentioned, but to cover likewise causes constant enough 
to bring about tlıe emergence of a permanent chieltainship from 
these various tendencies to an advance on the mere rule of elders. 

At the first glance the difference between the various forms 
of the first appearance of a special chieftainship nıay seem to be 
considerable. Yet it is more superficial than real. It is cer- 
tainly true that the rule of the elders changes in the examples 
pari passu with the passing of the generations. The oldest we 
found were in some instances superseded by vyounger members 
who were more skilled in the ancient lore and the important 
ceremonies, while warriors might be succeeded by magicians. 
Yet behind all the cases there is to be found a leading principle. 


1 Frazer, Early Kingship, p. 8%. 

Frazer’s view that e. e. in Africa (Golden Bough, vol. I,p. 246 sqq.), 
besides priestly chiefs, war leaders are to be met with in {he same commu- 
nities has been anticipated, e. g. vv Bastian. See for instance »Die 
deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste, vol. Il, p. 230, and »Dir 
Culturländer des Alten America,» passim. 

2 Webster, Secret Societies, p. 108; cf. pp. 93, 10%, passim. 


164 B. Xlilı 


The men who rise in influence above the other elders are thought 
to work for the benefit of their communities more successfully 
than the others; if not able or willing to do that, they will in turn 
lose their hold over the people. If, now, the life of savage men is not 
so entirely occupied by warlike activities as to call forth a lasting 
predominance of the strongest war leaders, there must be sone 
other more constant features which appear to them, whether 
warlike or not, as more important, and therefore enable skilful 
individuals permanently to display their usefulness to the com- 
munities. 

Contrary to the view that early integration was generally 
caused by co-operation in war, it was observed in the previous 
chapter that the main condition of primitive consolidation was 
the possibility of getting food. It must consequently be one of the 
main efforts of the men who have influence over their people, to 
procure those quantities of food the group required in order 
not to be compelled to scatter or to perish. Hence, as it was 
also noticed above, the men who successfully provided for their 
people in life were still thought after death to take care of those 
they left behind. If this is the case with individuals in general, 
it cannot be less true of those who have acted in their lifetime 
as the leaders of their communities. Speaking of the Maori, 
Shortland ' observes that the Atua, or the spirits ofthe depart- 
ed chiefs, had a special care for the prosperity of their survivors. 
Of the Nyanza, to the South of Lake Nyanza, we read that their 
departed chief is thought still to hold »a directing influence on 
the well-being of the trib».” And the Ponka believe that the 
chiefs, »although long dead, are still living and still exercise a 
care over the people and seek to promote their welfare; so we 
make the offering of food, the support of our life, in recognition 
of them as still our chiefs and caring for us. ? On the other 


1 Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the Maori, p. 210. 

® Stannus, Tribes of British Central Africa; in Journ. Anthrop. In- 
stitute, 1910, p. 300. 

3 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 310. 


B. XliIlı 165 


hand, as was also observed above, !' the dead are in many, if 
not most of the cases, regarded as malevolent towards the living, 
and must accordingly be appeased. Be this as it may, the rela- 
tion of primitive peoples to their spiritual world, generally speak- 
ing, is ofthe greatest importance to them; their welfare depends 
upon the attitude of the unseen powers. Moreover, this holds 
good of all savage communities, whether warlike or peaceful, 
and it is ever in evidence. 

If this be the case, we have, perhaps, the key to the various 
forms of rudimentary chieftainship. When the duty of attend- 
ing and appeasing the unseen powers was, as regards the fa- 
mily, incumbent on the head, why, in the circle of the elders, 
should not the men more able than their fellows, similarly believe 
themselves to be responsible for a benevolent attitude of the 
spirit world towards their people thatit may send them that well- 
being in material and other respects which the community has 
need of? And if this be the case with the relation of men to 
he spirits they believe in, it is not less true with regard to savag e 
belief in other supernatural powers. The savage belief in the 
supernatural is not limited to the conviction that their dead 
ancestors send to them, for instance, favourable weather to 
ripen their crops, or that they otherwise care for their material 
welfare; they firmly believe that by nıeans of magie also, man 
can influence his welfare. Everywhere magicians are thought 
to bring about favourable weather, cause fruit and crops to 
ripen, and help the hunter and the fisherman; * why should the 


1 Supra p. 146. 

2 Seligmann, The Veddas, pp. 34, 128, 202 sq., 237, 273 sqq., 283: — 
Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 285, pas- 
sim; — Howitt, The Native Tribes of S. E. Australia, p. 394 sq.; — Siebert, 
Sagen und Sitten der Dieri; in Globus, vol. XCVII, 1910, p. 55; — Codring- 
ton, The Melanesians, pp. 192, 200 sq.; — Turner, Nineteen Years in Poly- 
nesia, p. 89; — /dem, Samoa, p. 345; — MeClintock, The Old North Trail, 
p. 320 sq.;— Lumbholtz, Unknown Mexico, vol. I, pp. 225, 311, 323, 331, 
353, 432, 519, 552; vol. II, pp. 7 sq., 10, 18, 189; — Dobrizhoffer, The Abipo- 
nes, vol. II, p. 67; — Kidd, The Essential Kafır, pp. 102 sq.: 115 sq., 155, 


166 B. Xlllı 


magician, when also a chief, not make use of this skill? And 
again, il savages pay great respect to the men who, bv means 
of the supernatural, procure what they want for their welfare, 
is it not self-evident that the abundance of some individuals, when 
liberally distributed, similarly fosters a sense of dependence and 
obedience? To the savage mind the important thing is not to 
know in what form he obtains his livelihood, but the fact that 
he does indeed obtain it. This, too, is why every person, wheth- 
er a chief or not, enjoys a high reputation who is successful in 
getting food. »Rain-making, savs Grant, of the natives of 
South Africa, »is a greater power in the eves of natives than that 
of the assegaw.! Speaking of the Indians of North America, 
Powell states that he was »the most valuable person in the com- 
munity who supplied it with the most of its necessities. For 
this reason the successful hunter or fisherman was always held 


169; — Krapf, Travels, pp. 170, 252; — Gottschling, The Bawenda; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute, 1905, p. 379 sq.; — Garbutt, Native Witchcraft; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute, 1909, pp. 547 sq., 550; — Hobley, Kavirondo; ın Geo- 
graphical Journal, 1898, vol. XII, p. 368. 

Of the influence of strangers on the weather, two instances may be 
quoted. Of the visit ofM.iFallieres to Algeria in April, 1911, a telegram to 
the Times states: — »It is a curious fact that wherever the President pro- 
ceeds, his arrival is heralded by rainstorms. During the course of a railway 
journey yesterday, a halt was made at Sidi-bu-Ali... A number of Arabs 
informed the President that they were very glad to see him because he was 
wearing green spurs. This remark caused much astonishment, and the 
natives proceeded to explain that visitors were divided into two classes 
— those who wore green spurs and those who wore red ones. The former, 
according to the popular superstition, brought with them the rain, which 
was so beneficial to the crops, while the latter were looked upon with ap- 
prehension because of the drought which followed upon their visit.» — The 
Times, April, 22:nd, 1911. 

Westermarck gives similar information as regards the natives in Mo- 
rocco. — The Moral Ideas, vol. I, p. 582. 

With regard to the belief of the Moors in the influence of magic in 
- general on crops and the weather, see IWrstermarck, Geremonies and Beliefs 
connected with Agriculture in Morocco, passım. 

I Grant, Magato and his Tribe; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1905, 
p. 267. 


B. XIllı 167 


high in honour, and the woman who gathered great store of 
seeds, fruits or roots, or who cultivated a good cornfield, was 
one who commanded the respect and received the highest ap- 
probation ofthe people». ' Owingtothis tendency to appreciate 
the social value of material activity, we meet also among sava- 
ges with hunting, industrial, or other similar chiefs.® On the other 
hand, it is worthyv of remark that even the success of wealthv 
people may be ascribed more to their supposed skill in magic 
than to their industry and thrift. ? 

The instances quoted above show that the rank of chieftain- 
ship had, insome cases at least, atendency to become hereditary 
if the successor proved to be an able man. And when once this 
had started, whether in the paternal or maternal line of descent, * 
the process was certainly likely to go further, along with the 
gradual growth in the framework of social organization. When 
a dead chief was supposed still to have control over the fate 
of the living, and when on the nearest relative there devolved 
the duty of making offerings to him, would it not be most likely 
to be through him that the ghost of the important ancestor was 
prepared to act for the benefit of the whole community? And 
when a magician or a wealthy man took care of his familv in 
other respects, why should not his rank, his skill or wealth.be 
inherited by an able relative? For the purpose of illustration, 
instances may be quoted. In his description of the Fijian system 


I Powell, Indian Linguistic Families; in 7:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 35. 

2 Von der Decken, Reisen, vol. II, p. 105; — Merker, Die Masai, p. 
236; — Lenz, Wanderungen in Afrika, p. 201; — Williams and Calvert, 
Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 71; — Erskine, Islands of the Western Pa- 
cific, pp. 167, 177, 181, 189; — Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, p. 
551, vol. II, p. 195; Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. passim; — Kane, Wanderings, pp. 309, 311; — 
Dunn, History of Oregon, p. 312; — Bancroft, The Native Races of the 
Pacific States, vol. I, p. 565. 

3 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 453. 

4 See supra, p. 141 sq.; — cf. also Giddings, Elements of Sociology, p. 
254 sqq. 


168 B. Xlllı 


of hereditary rule, Mr. Thomson states: — »Generations came and 
went; the tribe had increased from tens to hundreds, but still 
the eldest son of the eldest, who carried in his veins the blood 
of the common ancestor ... was venerated as the head of the 
tribe. The ancestor was not forgotten, but he was now trans- 
lated into Ka-lou-vu (ti. e. Root God). »His descendant, the 
tribal chief, is set within the pale of tabu, his will may not be 
disobeyed ... without incurring the wrath of the unseen». ! 
A similar statement is made by Mr. Kidd about the natives of 
South Africa: all the tribes are divided into clans, each of which 
consists of a group of families. Accordingly,a paramount chief 
has to »watch for the interests of the entire tribe; the petty 
chiefs have to watch the interests of the various clans; the head- 
men have to watch the interests of their respective groups of 
families, and the father has to watch the interests of his family.» 
Moreover, in some of the tribes the chief is still assisted by and 
responsible to the council of elders, in others he may already be 
an absolute tyrant.”? To these instances a host of others more 
or less to the same effect could be added; in fact, a consider- 
able number of them will be presented in the following chapters. 

On the other hand, too much stress must not be laid upon 
the importance of hereditary rights in the primitive chieftain- 
ship, as they by no means always reach such strength as not to 
be disregarded without much difficulty if peculiar circumstances 
demand it. Above all, the nearest heir must be an able man, 


i Thomson, The Fijians, p. 58 saq. 

2 Kidd, Kafıir Socialism, p. >. 

® For further particulars, see Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, 
pp. 280, 284; — Featherman, Social History of the Races of Mankind, vol. 
II, pp. 89 sqq., 155 sq., passim; — Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien, p. 
232 sıq.; — Northcote, The Nilotic Kavirondo; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1907, p. 59 sq.; — Featherman, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 8, passim; — Pauthier, Chine, 
p. 135; — Dahn, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. I, p. 25, passim; — Free- 
man, English Constitution, p. 9 sqq.;— Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. III, pp. 
140, 328; — Mitchell, History of the Highlands, p. 295; — Spencer, Prin- 
eiples of Sociology, vol. II, p. 343; vol. III, p. 423 sq. 


B. BIIIı 169 


otherwise some other relative may be elected, ' or some »pre- 
tender» or »reformer» may succeed in becoming chief. As will 
be seen later, * this can be done, especially by individuals more 
intelligent and able than the rest of the people, by magicians, 
warriors, or wealthy men, in short by such men in general as 
were noticed to have special influence in the rudimentary coun- 
cil of the elders. Nor is, indeed, the establishment of a heredi- 
tary chieftainship of vital importance to primitive rule That 
savage communities recognize a permanent rule, is the para- 
mount point in our investigation, not the rights of certain fa- 
milies to the supreme authority. 

How far these various inferences, made on the basis of the 
instances quoted above which throw light upon the primitive 
chieftainship as just emerging from the rudimentary authority 
of elders, are in accordance with further facts, will be seen pre- 
sently, when we come to those instances in which an already 
firmly-established chieftainship is to be met with. If in this 
case the holders of a permanent chieftainship are found to be 
responsible for the general welfare of their communities, that 
is, are seen worshipping and appeasing the invisible powers in 
order to keep their own people from supernatural danger, as 
well as giving them the power, through various means, natural 
or supernatural, to obtain their livelihood, then the main duty 
of the savage chieftainship has certainly been to preserve their 
communities rather in the general struggle for life than in a mere 
struggle against foes. Then also the character of these duties 
is in and by itself a definite answer to the question of the origin 
of primitive chieftainship. 


1 Maine, The Early History of Institutions, p. 117; — Freeman, 
English Constitution, vol. I, p. 29; — Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. III, p. 
328; and ınfra, chapters VII, VIII. 

2 See infra, chapter VII. 


CHAPTER VI 


THE CHARACTER OF PRIMITIVE CHIEFTAINSHIP 


Corresponding to the distinetion between a more primitive 
and a more advanced form of savage warfare, a distinction must 
also be made between an earlier form of savage chieftainship 
and a later one existing among those more advanced communi- 
ties which wage wars for the purpose of booty and conquest. 
As the investigation into savage warfare was restricted in the 
previous chapters to the earlier and more rude forms of savage 
warfare, so also in the following chapters attention will be 
paid only to instances of the said primitive chieftainship and 
to such others where traces of the earlier stage are still to be 
seen. 

Messrs. McKenney and Hall give the following account of 
tribal government among the North American Indians in gene- 
ral: — »Each tribe had two descriptions of officers, performing 
different duties, and acting independent of one another. The 
village or peace chiefs directed the civil concerns of the govern- 
ment. They were usually hereditary or elected from particular 
families. Among some of the tribes the descent was in the 
direct line from father to son; among others it was in the col- 
lateral line from the uncle to nephew ... Women were some- 
times but not often eligible to authority ... The rank of 
these chiefs was fixed and generally one of them was the ac- 
knowledged head of the tribe, and the others were his counsel- 


B. Xlllı 171 


lors ... These chiefs adjusted any disputes existing among 
the individuals or families of the tribe; assigned to all their 
proper hunting districets; received and transmitted messages 
from and to other tribes; conducted and controlled their great 
feasts and religious festivals, and concluded peace». ! Moreover, 
they had an elective war captain or war chief and »in the seleec- 
tion of these warriors the accident of birth had no influence», 
but only the real capacity and prowess of the warriors.? It seems, : 
however, as has been pointed out by Dr. Elander, ? that the 
division in question was characteristic of the clan rather than 
the tribe — a confusion which occurs in the following statements 
as well. Among the Sauks, the position of peace chief was here- 
ditary, while that of war chief was elective. * The former was 
»nominally the first man in the trib. He presided at the coun- 
cils, all matters of importance were carried out in his name, and 
he was »saluted by the patriarchal title of Father. ® In his 
description of the political organization of the Ojibwav, or 
Chippeway Indians, Mr. Jones ® states that the office of civil 
chieftainship »is hereditary, but not always conferred on the 
eldest son. When a vacancy occurs, the surviving chiefs and 
principal men meet in council, and then select the most suitable 
person out of the family. The eldest son has the first considera- 
tion; but if he is deficient in any of the qualifications which 
they consider necessary, they select the next best qualified». ‘ 
Further, »the office of war chief is not hereditary, but the tribe 
in couneil confer this honour on those who have distinguished 
themselves by braverv and wisdom. Such chiefs always take 
the lead in their wars, while the civil chiefs manage their general 


1 McKenney and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes of North America, 
vol. III, p. 10. 

2 Loc. eit. 

3 The Chief of the Indian Clan in North America, pp. 24, 38. 

4 McKenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 71; vol. II, pp. 55, 68, 229. 

> Op. cit. vol. II, p. 67. 

6 Jones, The Ojebway Indians, p. 107. 

“ Op. eit. p. 108. 


172 B. Xlllı 


matters at home. Finally, »the civil chiefs, who in general 
inherit their chieftainship by descent, are not expected to go to 
the field of action. They seldom, however, neglect a good oppor- 
tunity of displaying their wisdom, skill and bravery, and often 
accompany their people and engage in the conflictv. But even 
in this case the elected war chief acts as the real leader. ! 
This division of the chieftainship among the Ojibway is observed 
bv Messrs. McKenney and Hall also. * The same order of things 
seems to have prevailed among the Menomini, ? the Issati, the 
Nadouessians,* the Hurons, and also the Delaware Indians. ° 
When the Senecas, the Onondagos, the Kayugas, the Oneidas, 
and the Mohawks founded the League of the Iroquois, which 
the Tuscaroras also joined, the civil government devolved on 
fifty hereditary sachems. ® No one sachem could go out to war 
in his official capacity as a civil ruler. If disposed to take the 
war-path »he laid aside his civil office for the time being and 
became a common warrior». ‘° Moreover, the Iroquois had no 
distinct class of war chiefs raised up and set apart to command 
in time of war. This again was due to the fact that »all military 
operations were left entirely to private enterprise and to the 
systems of voluntary service, the sachems seeking rather to 
repress and restrain than to encourage the martial ardor of the 
people». $ There is hardly any doubt that, previous to the estab- 
lishment of the league, the various units already had a civil 
government; because it seems absurd to suppose that these 


I Op. cit. p. 130. 
2 McKenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 177. 
3 Hoffman, The Menomini Indians; in 14:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 43 sq. 
4 Hennepin, Discovery of a Vast Country in America, vol. I, pp. 157 
sq., 167, 175; vol. II, p. 7%. 
5 Carver, Travels through the Interior of North America, p. 257; — 
Bastian, Die Culturländer des Alten America. vol. 1, p. 652 n 1; cf.p.668 n 4. 
6 Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 62 sa. 
° Op. cit. p. 72. 
8 Op. cit. pp. 72, 339. 


B. XIllı 173 


fierce warriors would have consented to abolish an earlier mili- 
tary chieftainship in favour of a new civil form of government. ! 
Morgan describes these units as divided into tribes, but here 
again it seems that these smaller components really were clans 
and that the league was subsequently founded by six tribes. 
In this case, it follows as a matter of course that the fifty sachems 
were simply so many clan chiefs, on whom devolved, as we have 
already seen, all the duties of peace chiefs. * Later on, however, 
pari passu with the increasing military activity, permanent 
leaders were required, and consequently two hereditary »sup- 
reme military chieftaincies» were established, both of which 
belonged to the Wolf and Turtle »tribes» of the Senecas. ? 
According to Mr. Mooney, * the governmental authority 
among the Cherokee Indians was vested in a hereditary peace 
chieftainship, whereas the war chief was elected. Moreover, 
their old peace chief, Yonaguska, at any rate, who died in 1839, 
was at the same time their high priest. ® Other authors, like 
McKenney and Hall,® maintain that the peace chief could carry 
on blood-revenge. As to the Creek Indians, ° we meet among 
them with the same division, yet the hereditary peace chief is 
reported to have acted occasionallv as war leader also. Their 
principal leader was called »Great Sun. Their government 
»unlike the pure democraties.... was strong and even despo- 
tio. The »Great Sun» was an »object of reverence and almost 
veneration, this being due to the fact that the sun was the great 
object of religious adoration». ®° In his description of the Semi- 


I Op. eit. p. 101 n. 

2 Op. cit. p. 7%, — Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. III, p. 
7 sq.; — Elander, Op. cit. p. 33 saq. 

3 Morgan, Op. cit. p. 73. 

4 Myths of the Cherokee; in 19:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 162 sq.; 
— cf. McKenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. T, p. 185. 

5 Mooney, Loc. cit. 

6 McKenney and Hall, Op. eit. vol. II, p. 223. 

T Gatschet, The Creek Indians, pp. 159, 169 sq. 

8 McKenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. III, p. 41; cf. also vol. I, p. 14 sq. 
and vol. II, p. 68. 


174 B. Xlllı 


noli, who belonged to the same Creek nation, Mr. Gatschet ' 
writes: — »The executive officer of each town is the miko or 
chief, formerly called »king by the whites. His duty is to 
superintend all public and domestie concerns ... When the 
miko dies the next of kin in the maternal line succeeds him, 
usually his nephew, if he is fit for the office... The council 
appoints the great warriors». ? According to MacCauley, ? the 
hereditary chief is also the chief medicine-man of the commu- 
nity. Similarly, the Fox, or Musquakee, * and the Pawnee ° 
Indians had their ordinary peace chiefs. Speaking of the social 
organization of the Kiowa, Mooney ® affirms that their six 
groups »are not clans or gentes (social), based on marriage regu- 
lations, but sub-tribes (political), each division having had 
originally its own chief of the tribe, with certain peculiarities 
of dialect and sometimes its special "medicine’ or religious cere- 
moniab. The tribal government was committed to the care of 
a head chief, together with the petty chiefs of the groups and 
war leaders. ° According to Dr. Dorsey, among the Omaha 
»civil and religious government are scarcely differentiated, but 
military government is almost entirely so. ® In civil affairs 
the chiefs exereise legislative, executive, and judicial functions. ° 
As there is no distinct order of priests, some of the religious func- 
tions are performed by the regular chiefs, others by the keepers 


1 Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, p. 156. 
2 Op. cit. pp. 157, 159; cf. p. 168 sq.; — McKenney and Hall, Op. cit. 


vol. II, p. 189. 
3 MacCauley, The Seminole Indians; in 5:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 508 sa. 


2 MeKenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 113. 

> Op. eit. vol. II, p. 163. 

6 Mooney, Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians; in 17:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 228. " 

° Op. eit. p. 233. 

8 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 356; 
cf. p. 363. 

9’ Op. cit. p. 216. 


B. XlIlı 175 


of the sacred pipes. ' On the other hand, these chiefs, »being 
the civil and religious leaders of the people, cannot serve as 
captains or even as subordinate officers of a war party. Nor 
can they join such a party unless it be a large one. ? Yet the 
peace negotiations were concluded by them. ? Other observers, 
Miss Fletcher, and Mr. La Flesche, an Omaha himself, givethe 
following particulars: The Omaha had earlier a hereditary chief- 
tainship until a council of seven was appointed to take charge 
of all the matters pertaining to the tribe; two of these seven 
chiefs were of the highest rank. * Moreover, »upon the 40” ga 
gens) devolved the leadership in the tribe, and the »gens» itself 
was divided into two »subgentes. The one of these was the 
keeper of the »Sacred Pole, which was allied to Thunder and 
the supernatural powers and symbolized the authority of the 
chiefs — an authority believed to be derived from Wuko" da» 
(the Great Spirit). To the other subdivision were committed 
the physical welfare of the tribe and the control of private war 
expeditions, which disturbed the tranquillity ofthe commun- 
ity.’ As for the leadership of these war parties, it devolved 
on the originator of them. ® »It was only in defensive warfare 
that a chief of the Council of Seven could go to wars; ‘ hence they 
did not take part in any of the ceremonies on the eve of private 
warfare. ® Once only in the history of the tribe was an indivi- 
dual charged with the supreme authority of the entire tribe 
during a war of revenge. But in this case also the temporary 
leader was at the same time the offended person, and moreover 


1 Op. cit. pp. 356, 363. 

2 Op. cit. pp. 217, 368. — Cf. also /dem, Siouan Sociology; in 15:th 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 214. 

3 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology, p. 217; cf. p. 368. 

i Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Ethnol. p. 208; cf. pp. 212, 59%. 

5 Op. cit. p. 15%; cf. pp. 142, 19% sq. 

6 Op. cit. p. 431 sq., passim. 

T Op. cit. p. 425. See also p. 211. 

8 Op. cit. p. 434; cf. p. 431. 


176 B.Xlllı 


in this exceptional case »had received authority from a sacred 
pack». ! Similarly among the Dakota, ? the peace chiefs go- 
verned all civil and religious matters, and only in exceptional 
cases could they lead in war; while among the Ponka° and Kansas? 
the leadership in war devolved on elected chiefs, the permanent 
rule on peace chiefs. With regard to the other tribes of the 
Siouan, ? among the Saponi ® the chief added to his dignity the 
sacred character of a medicine-man, and thus the chief was a 
priest as well as a king. ° A hereditary chief of the Teton 
tribe, as described by Messrs. McKenney and Hall, had never 
been distinguished either in war or as a hunter. ° Similarly 
among the Winnebagois the peace chieftaincy was hereditary. ” 
A like form of chieftainship prevailed among the Iowa !° also. 
According to Mr. Dorsey, among the Osage Indians »headmen 
of the gentes are a sort of priests». " 

When we turn to the tribes living still further West and 
North, there is much reason to believe that this same division 
existed among the Shoshone or Snake'* and the Utah Indians ? 
also. Thus the Occineechi, or Oakinackens, had two chiefs, »the 
one having charge of their hunting and agriculture, the other 
leading in war», says Mr. Mooney. '* Another observer, Ross, !? 


1 Op. eit. p. 407. 
Dorsey, Siouan Sociology; in 15:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 214, 


[0 


222. 
3 Op. cit. p. 222. 
* Op. eit. p. 232. 
5 McKenney and Hall, Op. eit. vol. I, p. 61 sq.; vol. IIT, p. 34. 
86 Mooney, Siouan Tribes, p. 39. 
” Op. eit. p. 40. 
8 McKenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 51. 
9 Op. cit. vol. Ill, p. 39. 


w Op. cit. vol. II, p. 59. 

11 Dorsey, War Custonis; in American Naturalist, vol. XVIII, p. 117. 

12 Dorsey, A Study of Siouan Cults; in 11:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Etlıno!. 
p. 375. 

13 Bancroft, The Native Tribes of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 435. 

14 Mooney, Op. cit. p. 5%. 

15 Ross, Adventures, p. 293. 


B. Xl1lı 177 


states that the village chief »is the head of the tribe ... and 
holds his office by lineal descent: the latter (the war-leader) is 
elective and chosen by the voice or whim of the majority of the 
people». Moreover, the peace chiefs were at the same time en- 
trusted with priestly duties.' On the tribal chief of the Black- 
feet devolved the duty of conducting the solemn »Sun dances>; ? 
this was due to the belief that he derived his origin from the 
sun, accordingly he called the sun »my father». ® Thus, here 
again we meet with the hereditary principle in connection with 
priestiy duties. * According to Cox, among the Flathead In- 
dians, the principal chief of the tribe inherits his position, while 
as war captain is elected »that warrior in whom the greatest 
portion of wisdom, strength and bravery are combined. The 
election takes place every year; and it sometimes happens that 
the general in one campaign becomes a private in the next. 
This ”war chief’, as they term him, has no authority whatever 
when at home, and is equally amenable as any of the tribe to 
the hereditary chief». ° Mr. Dunn adds of the peace chief that 
he »is generally at the same time priest». ® Thus, he assembles 
them to prayer, in which they all join in an occasional.chorus. 
»He then exhorts them to good conduct. These customs were 
adopted before the arrival of Christian teachers among them». ' 
The same sort of political organization was established among 
the Kootanais Indians. $ According to the careful observations 


I Ross, Op. cit. pp. 96, 288 sq.; — I/dem, Fur Hunters, vol. 11, p. 9. 

2 McClintock, Old North Trail, pp. 286 sq., 296; cf. p. 506. 

3 Op. cit. p. 32. 

4 Op. cit. pp. 20, 31, 77 sq., 92, 96, 104. 

5 Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River, vol. I, p. 241; — Dunn, 
History of Oregon, p. 311 sq.; see also p. 98; — Kane, Wanderings, p. 175. 

6 Dunn, Op. cit. p. 315. 

? Scouler, The Indian Tribes, N.-W'. Coast of America; in Journ. Eth- 
nol. Soc. vol. I, p. 247. 

8 Ross, Fur Hunters, vol. II, p. 172 sq. —Cf. also as to the Indians in- 
habiting the lands north of the sources of the Mississippi, McAenney and 
Hall, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 59. 


12 


178 B. Xlllı 


made by Mr. Speck in 1904—5 and 1908, the Yuchi Indians 
have, besides matriarchal clan divisions, also two different 
societies, viz. the Chief and the Warrior Society." »The main 
recognized function of the Chief Society is to manage the govern- 
mental affairs of the town so that peace is preserved. They are 
above all conservative in everything. If anything, the chiefs 
hold themselves above the warriors in general esteem. They 
are the thinkers, the speakers, the dignified superiors of the 
town». ? Similarly, »in all affairs the Chief Society takes prece- 
dence. * Moreover, the tribe is divided into three towns, in 
each of which the town chief »is one of the shamans who retains 
the knowledge of the plants and rituals, * whereas the town of 
the tribal chief is, on account also of his religious duties, the 
centre of religious and political activity». ® The peace chief 
fixes the day for the beginning of the harvest, ® and he conducts 
all the festivities of the tribe. ° The entire Warrior Society 
could start for a war expedition, although war parties, asarule, 
consisted ofa few warriors only. ® According to Bancroft, a chief 
of the Haidah Indians »seems to be the principal sorcerer and 
indeed to possess little authority save from his connection with 
the preterhuman powers». 9 On the other hand, war expedi- 
tions were headed by elected captains. ” This division of the 
sacerdotal peace chieftaincy and the office of elective war lead- 
ers seems to have been common among all the Nootka.'' Thus, 


1 Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians, p. 74. 

2 Op. eit. p. 76. 

®» Op. eit. p. 77. | 

* Op. cit. pp. 132, 135. 

5 Op. cit. p. 83. 

86 Op. cit. p. 114. 

° Op. eit. pp. 119, 122. 

8 Op. cit. p. 84. 

9 Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 150. 

10 Sproat, Scenes and Studies, pp. 28, 187. 

1 Bancroft, Op. eit. vol. I, p. 193 sq.; — Dunn, History of Oregon, p. 
253 Sq. 


B. XlIlı 179 


of the Ahts in Vancouver Island, Sproat states that the here- 
ditary chief »never joins an embassy nor leads an expedition in 
war». ' This function is left to the war chiefs, who are »as a rule 
chosen for their special fitness ... and not at all on account of 
their rank». ? 

Among the Pueblos, says Bancroft, »an organized system of 
government existed at the time of Coronato’s expedition through 
their country; Castaneda, speaking of the province of Tiguex, 
says that the villages were governed by a council of old men». 
A somewhat similar system prevails among these people at the 
present time; each village selecting its own chief and a council. ? 
Among the Moquis, the chieftainship is hereditary and the chief 
is assisted by a council. * Another account gives the following 
information: — »Among the Hopi or Moqui Indians, one of the 
principal branches of the Pueblo people, the governing body is 
composed of a council of hereditary clan-elders and chiefs of 
the religious fraternities. Of these officials one is a speaker- 
chief and another a war-chief; but there has never been a sup- 
reme chief among the Hopi. Each village has its own hereditary 
chief, who directs certain communal works». ® In his descrip- 
tion of the Pueblos living in New Mexico, Davis states that 
they elected a peace chief and a war leader. Of the influence 
of the latter the same author writes: — »In the piping time of 
peace he is a mere nobody and has neither power nor dignity of 
office wherewith to console himselß. ® Among the Sia, and 
likewise among the other Pueblos, Mrs. Mathilda Coxe Steven- 
son observes that the tı’ämoni, by virtue of his priestly office, 
is ex-officio chief executive and legislator. ° He takes part in 


1 Sproat, Op. cit. p. 114. 

2 Op. cit. p. 115 sa. 

3 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 546. 

"4 Op. cit. vol. I. p. 547. 

5 Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, vol. I, p. 565; 
quoted by Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. III, p. 206. 

6 Davıs, El Gringo, p. 143. 

? Coxe Stevenson, The Sia; in 11:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 16. 


180 B. XIllı 


war expeditions in virtue of his priestly functions, while the war 
chief acts as the real leader.  According to the same author, 
»the government of Zuni is hierarchicab. The supreme power 
is vested in the Rain priesthood and Bow priesthood; the former 
elects and dismisses the civil chiefs. * The so-called shaman, or 
maleokami, of the Huichol Indians is their actual chief, on whom 
the duty devolves of fixing the dates for all the feasts and reli- 
gious observances in accordance with communications he is 
supposed to receive direct from the gods themselves. $_Simi- 
larly, among the Tarahumare Indians the actual chief makes a 
speech during communal or tribal festivals: — »Listen to me! 
because I am going to give you my words, to present to you the 
words which the one Above bids me to tell you». ? 

Of the chieftainship in ancient Mexico and Peru there is in- 
formation practically to the same effect. Previous to the arrival 
of the Spaniards, Nicaragua was divided into small provinces, 
each of which was inhabited by communities having languages 
of their own. They were governed by huehues or old men, who 
were elected by the people, whereas these rulers themselves 
elected a war leader. This offieial, Mr. Bancroft adds, »they 
had no hesitation in putting to death when he exhibited any 
svmptoms of insubordination or acquired a power over the 
army which seemed dangerous to the public good». ° On the 
other hand, in the provinces of Chicuimula, Nietlan was a great 
religious centre; there the political power was also vested in a 
sacerdotal hierarchy hereditary in one family. In fact, this form 
of political organization seems to have been the most common 


I Op. eit. p. 18. 

2 Core Stevenson, The Zuni Indians; in 23:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 289. 

3 Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico, vol. II, p. 151. The chief is elected, 
but how the author does not describe. 

4 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 348. At private festivals the shaman is the ora- 
tor, but at communal or tribal festivals the chief announces the will of the 
deities. 

> Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. II, pp. 645, 740 sq. 


B. Xlllı 181 


among the Maya nation. Thus all the more or less mythical 
founders of the early Maya civilization were at the same time 
secular kings and high priests, and this state of things went on 
till the arrival of the Conquistadores.! »In Yucatan the Itzas 
at Chichen were ruled in the earlier times by a theocratic govern- 
ment, and later the high priest of the empire ... became king 
of the Izamal, which became the sacred city, the headquarters 
of ecclesiastical dignitariess.* Similarly, the Zapotecs were 
entirely under the sway of the political power of their sacerdotal 
rulers, yet the people were much attached to this order of things. ? 
Yopaa, one of their principal cities, was ruled absolutely by a 
pontiff, in whom the Zapotec monarchs had a powerful rival. 
»It is impossible» says Bancroft, »to over-estimate the reverence 
in which this spiritual king was held». * The principal dignity 
was hereditary in one family. ®° Speaking of the so-called Isth- 
mian Indians in general, the same author observes that they had 
hereditary chiefs, but that at the commencement of a campaign 
special war leaders were »nominated by the head of the tribe to 
lead the men in battle and conduct the operations. ® Other, 
authors give similar particulars. Thus, the Chibchas were ear- 
lier ruled by a priest-king, whereas a special »erown general» 
acted as the commander of the army. ‘ This was the case also 
with regard to the early political organization of other neigh- 
bouring commur.ities. ° Cholula preserved the character of a 
temple town and a priestly form of government till the arrival 
of the Conquistadores. ? According, to Clavigero, Chiapan was 


I Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 648. 

2 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 647. 

3 Op. ecit. vol. I, p. 669. 

3 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 142. 

5 Op. cit. vol. II, p.143. 

6 Op. eit. vol. I, p. 753; cf. pp. 764, 769 sq. 

° Bastian, Die Culturländer des Alten America, vol. I, p. 396; vol. II, 
pp. 192, 196. 

8 Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 302, 305; vol. II, p. 396 sq., passim. 

9 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 627. 


182 B. XIIlı 


not governed by a king but by two military chiefs, elected bv 
priests. Thus they remained until they were subjected by the 
last kings of Mexico. ! 

When after the death of Acamapitzin, the first king of Mexico, 
the noblemen elected his son Huitzilihuitl as his successor, the 
new ruler was addressed by one of the electors in the following 
words: — »Remember that we are under the protection of the 
great god Huitzilopochtli, whose image you are and whose place 
you fill. The dignity, to which you have been raised by him, 
should serve, not as an excuse for indolence and effeminacy, 
but as a spur to exertion». ® He was succeeded in 1409 by his 
brother Chimolpopoca and, says Clavigero, »from thence it 
became the established law to make the election of one of the 
brothers of the deceased king and on failure of brothers of one 
of his grandsons». ? Accordingly, his successor was his brother 
Itzcoatl, who for thirty years had been the chief of the army. ? 
Indeed, after the death of Chimalpopoca the custom prevailed 
of electing no one to the throne who had not first been the com- 
mander of the army. ° Yet the king was not the more regarded 
as the military ruler of the State; on the contrary, he was above 
all a priestly sovereign on whom devolved the celebration of the 
most solemn sacrifices to their gods. ® Thus the successor of 


1 Clavigero, History of Mexico, vol. I, p. 106 sq. 

2 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 131. 

3 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 138. 

4 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 156. 

5 Montezuma I. was succeeded by his cousin Axayacatl, the com- 
mander of the army. His successor was his brother Titzoc who also had 
been the supreme chief of the army. — Clavigero, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 183, 
187, 197, 200. 

6 Clavigero, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 301, 310; — Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. II, 
p. 322. Speaking of the election of Huitzilihuitl, Bastian observes: — »In- 
dess bewahrte die Königswürde einen vorwiegend priesterlichen Character 
oder vielmehr eines Friedensfürsten indem neben dem König Huitzilihuitl 
noch im Besonderen ein Kriegsfürst ernannt würde in Itzcoatk. — Op. 
cit. vol. I, p. 625; cf. p. 396. — See also Acosta, History of the Indies, 
vol. I, p. 488 sqq. 


B. Xlllı 183 


Itzcoatl, his cousin Montezuma Il. became as king the high priest 
of Huitzilopochtli, ' and as for Montezuma II. »he was likewise 
priest and revered for his gravity, his circumspection, and his 
religion». ® In fact, such was the honour in which the religious 
side of the kingship was held that the kings »were each made 
pontiff before the royal crown was placed upon their head». ? 
It is thus evident that the so-called chief priest was merely a 
vicar of the ordinary king, who continued till the arrival of the 
Spaniards to perform all the most important sacrifices. * This 
feature of the Mexican kingship can be traced back not merely 
to Huitzilihuitl. Even in still earlier ages the tribal chiefs were 
at the same time priests, ? and when we are told that the later 
kings were much feared even by the priesthood »on account of 
their supernatural power», ® there is much reason to believe that 
this fear was likewise a survival from still earlier ages and a 
tribal organization. 

In his description on the political institutions of the Incas, 
d’Orbigny remarks: — »Le gouvernement monarchique des 
Incas etait de tous peut-etre le plus solidement etabli, puisque, 
les chefs hereditaires ... reunissaient le pouvoir religieux au 
pouvoir civil, obtenant & la fois l’adoration et l’obeissance des 
peuples qui leur furent soumis; aussi leur autorite etait-elle sans 
limitess. ? Moreover, the Inca derived his power from the sun 
— a feature to be met with among the civil and religious chiefs 
of the North American Indians. ® According to the same author, 


1 Bastian, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 625 sq. 

2 Clavigero, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 207. 

3 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 201. 

* Op. cit. vol. II, p. 202. 

6 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 625; — cf. Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. II, 
pp. 139, 143. 

6 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. Il, p. 648. 

? d’Orbigny, L’Homme Americain, vol. I, pp. 224 sq., 297. 

8 Bastian, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 477, 484, 539 sq.; vol. II, p. 132. — See 
also Garcilasso de la Vega, The. Royal Commentaries, vol. II, p. 155 sq.; 
— Acosta, History of the Indies, vol. I, pp. 411, 426 sqq. 


184 B. XIII ı 


the chiefs of the ten tribes of the Chiquitos »cumulaient les fonc- 
tions de medecins, de sorciers, et par consequent, joignaient 
a leurs fonctions politiques des fonctions religieuses qui leur 
donnaient la preponderance. ° Among the Chaco Indians ?, 
and similarly among the Moxos, there was a comparatively 
clearly marked difference between the medicine chiefs and the 
war leaders. ® The council of elders, among the Charruas *, 
elected war leaders; this was the case, too, with the Toba.? — 
The Tricimas living along the left bank of the Amazon from 
Toreto to Japura are divided into hordes each of them »having 
a chief and a medicine man or priest of their superstition». ® It 
seems likely that this is simply the common division — a war 
leader and an ordinary secular and religious chief. Atany rate 
this division prevailed among the Macamecrams. ? Among the 
Bororo ® and Aueti” the chief is at the same time their sorcerer. 
The Araucanians are divided into clans having hereditary chiefs, 
Toqui or Ulmen, »who exercise a species of patriarchal autho- 
rity». 1° Moreover, several Toguis together form a special »Coun- 
cil of Peace to which under circumstances is entrusted the ge- 
neral supervision of the nation». The Council is in turn presided 
over by one of the chiefs, who consequently, as the »Grand 
Togui», is the highest officer of the State. '! Assoon, however, 
as hostilities are resolved upon, this council of the hereditary 
chiefs becomes powerless, and the authority is left to a special 


1 d’Orbigny, Op. eit. vol. I, p. 227; vol. II, pp. 140, 168. 
Op. eit. vol. II, p. 139. 
Op. cit. vol. II, p. 214. 
Op. cit. vol. II, p. 90. 
Op. eit. vol. II, p. 101. 
6 Orton, The Andes and Amazon, p. 320. 
° Martius, Unter den Ureinwohnern Brasiliens, p. 16. 
8 Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Braziliens, p. 515. 
9 Op. eit. p. 344 saq. 
10 Smith, The Araucanians, p. 241; — Latcham, Ethnology of the 
Araucanos; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1909, p. 355. 
1 Smith, Op. cit. p. 242. 


De = u 3: Zu 2. 


B.XIllı 185 


war leader elected among the ablest men of the entire nation. ! 
When the war is ended, the »Council of Peace« once more becomes, 
supreme and the Grand Togui is once again the head of the 
government. 

As regards the character of primitive chieftainship in West- 
ern Africa, Beecham states that, in the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century, the Ashantee kings, when entering upon war 
expeditions, were employed in »religious preparations during a 
period of several weeks. Not only in the capital, but at several 
other places, the king presented fetish offerings in furtherance 
of the undertaking». ® Among the Efik and Ekoi tribes, »medi- 
cines were the property of, or controlled by, the chiefs».* The 
government of the Mandingo Negroes »was originally of a patri- 
archal character; the oldest member of the clan was both civil 
and religious head of the community», ® and a general council 
discussed all matters of importance. The form of their govern- 
ment, therefore, was above all a peace-organization, although 
at an earlier time they were frequently engaged in war either 
for offensive or defensive purposes. ® In the Eggarah country 
the chieftainship was hereditary in the female line, * whereas 
temporary leaders were entrusted with the command of war 
expeditions.® According to Hecquard the Banjar Negroes »sont 
gouvernes par un chef qui, etant ala fois roi et grand-prätre, a 
de tres-grands privileges». ” Among the Peulhs in Gambia the 


I Molina, History of Chili, vol. II, p. 68 sq.; — Bastian, Die Cultur- 
länder des Alten America, vol. I, p. 22; cf. p. 640; — Smith, Op. cit.p. 243; 
— Latcham, Op. cit. p. 355; — d’Orbigny, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 404. 

2 Smith, Op. cit. p. 244; — Molina, Op. cit. p. 69. 

3 Beecham, Ashantee and the Gold Coast, p. 207. 

4 Parkinson, A Note on the Efik and Ekoi Tribes; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1907, p. 266. 

° Featherman, Social History of the Races of Mankind, vol. I, p. 306. 

6 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 307. 

° Allen and Thomson, The Expedition to the River Niger, vol. I, p. 
325. 

8 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 326. 

® Hecquard, Voyage sur la cöte et dans l’interieur de l’Afrique Occi- 
dentale, p. 113. 


186 B. Xlllı 


political organization was theocratic. »Malgr&e leur fierte guer- 
riere, ils subissaient l’influence des marabouts, qu’ils charge- 
rent de tous les soins du gouvernement». ! Similarly, describ- 
ing these institutions in Futa Djallon, Hecquard states: — 
»L’almami, & la fois roi et grand-prätre, juge toutes les affaires 
en dernier ressort». He presides over the meetings of the old 
men, who decide all matters of importance. Thus, »l’almami ne 
peut faire la guerre, car le conseil a le droit de lui refuser des 
hommes et des subsides». * On the other hand, in Bondu, »l’al- 
mami est ä la fois chef de la religion et de l’Etat; seulement ce 
prince est absolu et rögne affranchi de tout contröle». ® Besides, 
these chiefs have a council of elders to settle the matters toge- 
ther with themselves. * As for war, »il est rare que ces chefs se 
fassent ä la guerre», ? they appoint special war leaders. ® Speak- 
ing of the Cross River Negroes, Mr. Partridge asserts that among 
them the magicians and the chiefs are the officiating priests at 
religious ceremonies; ? hence the chiefs are looked upon as semi- 
divine persons vested with magic influence. ® Lenz observes 
that among the warlike Fans the chief of a village or of a group 
of villages is at the same time the Oganga, and he is thus, the 
author remarks, a priestly king. ?® This holds good also of the 
Ininga Negroes. !° In earlier times Angoy was governed by 
women-chiefs, who at the same time performed religious cere- 
monies. '! In Ondonga, according to the Finnish missionary 


1 Hecquard, Op. cit. p. 314. 

2 Op. cit. p. 317; cf. p. 359. 

3 Op. cit. p. 389. 

* Op. eit. pp. 113 sq., 380. 

5 Op. cit. p. 187. 

6 Op. eit. p. 188. 

? Partridge, Cross River Natives, p. 294. 

8 Op. cit. pp. 315, 318, 322. 

9 Lenz, Skizzen aus Westafrika, p. 87. 

10 Op. cit. p. 204. 

1 Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste, vol. I, p. 
217, cf. p. 250; see also vol. II, pp. 23, 40, passim. 


B. XIIl ı 187 


Mr. Rautanen, the chief appointed special war leaders to con- 
duct the operations. The Ba-Yaka of the Congo Free State 
are ruled by a hereditary chief whose power is absolute, and who 
at the same time is the principal magician. * Similarly among 
the Ba-Yanzi, the great chiefs are, as a rule, the head fetish- 
men. ? Messrs. Torday and Joyce point out that one of them 
was »considered the greatest magician in the country». * 
According to Mr. Kidd, ? the Kafirs have hereditary chiefs 
vested with great magical power. Speaking of the Basutos, 
Casalis states that they had some chiefs who had attained their 
dignity »by force of arms, but the greater number are the de- 
scendants of those families of the tribes who claim the right of 
primogeniture». Moreover, these peoples had »an almost super- 
stitious respect for their sovereigns». © On the other hand, 
special men were entrusted with the command of the fighting 
forces. ° Among the Wadoe ® the wizards are village chiefs. 
Similarly among the Wagogo and Wetumba, »offices of priest 
and chief are united in the same person». ? In his description 
of the social organization of the Masai, Dr. Thomson states that 
they are divided into »about twelve principal clans or sub-tribes 
and numerous smaller tribes. The head of the tribe, who is 
called !ybon, is above all a medicine-man. »The efficacy of 
the /ybon, or medicine-man, lies not in any innate ability of his 


1 Steinmetz, Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 336. 

2 Torday and Joyce, Ethnography of the Ba-Yaka; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1906, p. 51. 

3 Torday and Joyce, On the Ethnology of S. W. Congo; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute, 1907, p. 139; cf. p. 141. 

4 Op. cit. p. 140. 

5 Kidd, The Essential Kafır, pp. 13, 307; — cf. McLean, Kafır Laws, 
p. 23; — Garbutt, Native Witchcraft; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1909, 
pp. 535, 541, 548. 

6 Casalis, The Basutos, p. 214. 

° Op. cit. p. 222. 

8 Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. LIV, p. 361: cf. p. 359. 

9 Cole, The Wagogo; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1902, p. 338. 


188 B. XllIı 


own, but in his power of intercession with Ngai, who works 
through him and imparts magical virtues to various objects». ! 
On the other hand, warfare is conducted by »an elder» or »a senior 
warrior» * or »el oinok», ? because the hereditary head * of the 
tribe is not any more than his nearest relatives, allowed to take 
part in active hostilities. ® With regard to the fact that this 
form of the political organization of the Masai is merely of a 
late growth, whilst they formerly were governed by an ol airo- 
hani, ® it should be noticed that the change cannot have been a 
considerable one, as their organization has still those features 
which are characteristic of the chieftainship among the natives 
of Africa in general. “ The change must have been limited to 
the substitution of Kidonoi and his successors for the old ruling 
family, and the means by which this trick was carried out was 
simply the clever whim of Kidonoi in declaring himself to be 
the chosen of the Lord. A similar political organization was 
prevalent among the Nandi, says Captain Vandeleur. ® The 
government of the Karaguahs is an absolute despotism. The 


1 Thomson, Masai Land, p. 260. — Captain Merker observes of the 
Masai chiefs: — »Despotismus und Grausamkeit, wie wir sie bei alten Neger- 
Herrschern finden, ist ihm fremd. Er ist weniger ein Regierender als 
vielmehr ein Nationalheiliger oder ein Patriarch, von seiner geheiligten 
Person spricht das Volk in scheuer Ehrfurcht und kein Unberufener wagt 
es, dem Gewaltigen unter die Augen zu treten». — Die Masai, p. 18. — 
Similarly, Mr. Baumann affırms :— »der oberste Laibon, gewissermassen ein 
Masai Papst». — Durch Masailand, p. 164. --Cf. Hinde, Last of the Masai, 
p- 22; — Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, p. 830; — Vande- 
leur, Campaigning on the Upper Nile, p. 109. 

2 Hinde, Last of the Masai, p. 58; — Thomson, Op. cit. p. 254. 
Johnston, Op. cit. Il, p. 810; — Jlerker, Op. cil. p. 86. 

Merker, Op. cit. pp. 19, 274. 
5 Op. ecit. p. 18. 

6 Op. cit. p. 273; —cf. Johnston, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 834 sq. 

° In addition to the quotations above made, cf. also Kallenberg, Auf 
dem Kriegspfad gegen die Massai, p. 93 sq. 

8 Vandeleur, Campaigning on the Upper Nile, p. 117; — cf. Johns- 
ton, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 882 sq. 


B. Xlllı 189 


chief is not only the ruler of his people; he practises also the 
magic arts. Among the Vataturu the rank of witch-doctor is 
hereditary; the chiefs, above all the Sagiro, whom all the Wata- 
turu recognize as their masters, »are nothing else than High- 
Priest». *° On the other hand, among the Wafiumi the witch- 
doctor decides when warfare is to be entered upon, and he also 
acts as the leader of the enterprise. * Speaking of other peoples 
related to the Masai, the Wambugwe and Warangi, Baumann 
maintains that the original form of government among them 
was »the family republic» as it still exists in the distriet of Wab- 
wa. The prodigious (ungeheure) power of the witch-doctors, 
as well as the hereditary character of their rank enable them 
easily to become petty rulers or chiefs. * Yet the power of the 
chief is largely limited by the council of elders which has to 
give its consent in most matters.” Asto the Avemba, the king 
generally acted as intermediary between his people and the 
local guardian spirits milungu; he sent sacrifices and praved 
to the spirits of his ancestors on their behalf, »though he left 
the management of the ritual to the priest». ® Among the Ba- 
hima, ‘ Acholi, ® and Kikuyu, ° chiefs were generally medicinc- 
men. 

Describing the Sandeh Negroes, Schweinfurth writes: — 
»Notwithstanding the general warlike spirit displayed by the 
Niam-niam, it is a verv singular fact that the chieftains very 
rarely lead their own people into actual engagement». They are 
accustomed to lie concealed in anxious suspense in order to be 


I Featherman, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 118. 
2 Baumann, Durch Massailand, p. 173. 
3 Op. cit. p. 179. 
4 Op. cit. p. 187. 
5 Op. cit. p. 188. 
6 Sheane, Avemba Religion and Superstitious Observances; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute, 1906, p. 154. 
? Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, p. 6322. 
8 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 779. 
9 Tate, Further Notes on the Kikuyu Tribe; in Journ. Anthrop. Insti- 
tute, 1904, p. 263. 


190 B. Xlilı 


ready at once to run away with their wives and treasures if the 
war expedition happens to prove disastrous. " Among the 
Galla the chiefs who bear the title of keyn, heütsh, lubo, or 
mooty, are elected, * yet on them devolves the duty of perform- 
ing sacrifices.® As regards the Bageshu inhabiting the re- 
gions of Mount Elgon, the chiefs of the clans perform the sacri- 
fices and ceremonies in connection with the initiation festivities.° 
Similarly the warlike Latookas,? Wakamba, ® and Wanyoro 
are ruled by chiefs who profess to be initiated into the secret 
arts of sorcery and magic. Hence, in speaking of the political 
organization of the natives over the whole of East and part of 
West Africa, Sir H. H. Johnston writes with reference to the 
Bantu word Ba-fumo as follows: — »This is a very interesting 
point. The singular of this word would be 'mu-fumo’. This is a 
widespread word all through East Africa, from Zanzibar and 
the opposite coast land down to the Zambezi and across the 
southern half of Africa to parts of the Congo and Angola. It is 
perhaps the most widely-spread Bantu word, meaning ’chief”. 
Some have thought that this word was connected with a root 
meaning ’spear’ in some Bantu languages; but it would seem 
from survival in such an archaic dialect as Kavirondo that the 
original meaning of the word was ’medicine man’ just as the 
big chiefs among the Masai are also the great medicine men». ® 


1 Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, vol. II, p. 22; — Featherman, 
Op. ecit. vol. I, p. 25. 

2 Faetherman, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 782. 

3 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 784. »The lubo who conduct the sacrifices and 
prayers act also as augurs and soothsayers». According to Jerome Lobo, 
who visited the Galla people in 1622, the title of the chief was /ubo. — 
Lobo, A Voyage to Abvyssinia, p. 11. 

1 Roscoe, Notes on the Bageshu; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1909, 
pp. 185 sq., 194. 

5 Featherman, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 82. 

6 Op. cit. p. 85. 

” Op. cit. p. 111. 

8 Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, p. 750. — Bastian is of 
the same opinion that »das alle primitiven Staatsverhältnisse durchwaltende 


B. Xlllı 191 


This character of chieftainship is to be found among many 
Mohammedan communities also. Among the Kabyls, the villa- 
ges are governed by the thedjemäith or djemäa, and the meet- 
ings of this village assembly are presided over by l’amin or the 
elected chief ' of the community, who belongs to one of the 
most influential families. His duties are above all those of a 
peace chief. »Il prend les mesures necessaires a sa sürete, sur- 
veille ses inter&ts, prevoit ses besoins, maintient l’ordre, et fait 
rentrer dans la bonne voie ceux qui voudraient s’en &carter». ? 
As regards warfare, he is the leader of his own men, ° whereas 
the war leader of the tribe vest un fonctionnaire nomme& pendant 
la guerre par les notables». * Similarly, »l’amin de la confede- 
ration est nomme dans les mä&mes eirconstances».®° Thus only 
the office of village chiefs is permanent. ® — In his description 
of the political organization of the inhabitants of Madagascar 
previous to the French rule, Ellis states that »the king of Mada- 
gascar in addition to his other dignities and responsibilities is 
high-priest of the realm». ?. According to an old story this order 
of thing was due to the fact that »a king of ancient. times, observ- 
ing the influence obtained by masters of families in consequence 
of their acting as their own priests and consecrating their own 


Priesterkönigthum stand auch in ganz Afrika in Kraft». — Bastian, Die 
deutsche Expedition an der Loango- Küste, vol. II, p. 230. — Cı. also Ratszel, 
Völkerkunde, vol. II, p. 166, passim; — Steinmetz, Rechtsverhältnisse, 
pp. 42, 117, 167, no distinction between peace chief and war leader; as to 
the division, see passim; — Roscoe, Baganda, pp. 134, 186, passim; — ıSpeke, 
Discovery of the Sources of the Nile, pp. 146, 168, 180 sq., 197, 213, 218, 
226, 279, 289, 298, 335, 349, 351, 392, 407, 418, 426, 450; — Jost, Afrika- 
nische Jurisprudenz, vol. I, p. 277 sqq.; — Paulitschke, Ethnographie 
Nordost-Afrikas, pp. 241, 256. 

I Hanoteau and Letourneux, La Kabylie, vol. II, p. 7. 

2 Op. cit. p. 26. 

3 Op. cit. p. 27. 

* Op. cit. p. 68. 

5 Op. cit. p. 69. 

6 Op. cit. pp. 28—33. 

° Ellis, Madagascar, vol. I, p. 359. 


192 B. XIll ı 


household gods, adopted the idea of consecrating an idol for 
the people, calling them his family and children». ! 

As regards chieftainship among the Maori, the descriptions 
given by our authorities differ somewhat from one another. 
Thus speaking of the ruling families of the Maori, Mr. Hammond * 
states: — »The eldest brother of the oldest families ranked as 
Tumu whakarae or king. * The younger brother, if suitable by 
force and intelligence, took the position of arıkı or priest, and it 
generally prevailed that the son succeeded to the father’s posi- 
tion». In another description the same author maintains: — »Tumu 
whakarae was the person of highest rank, the ruler and supreme 
head of the tribe. He never moved from home and was always 
well guarded». Further, »the arıkı came next in rank and was 
usually of the same reigning family as the Tumu whakarae, often 
the second son in the family, and to this official was entrust.ed 
the sacred lore of the tribe. * According to Dieffenbach ® and 
Colenso ® the ariki * was a tribal chief »the first-born (male or 
female) by the eldest branch; the lineal heir or heires». On the 
other hand, Mr. S. Percy Smith observes that the arıki or first- 
born son in some exalted line of descent »was a priest besides 


1 Ellis, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 397. 

2 Hammond, Atua Maori; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 90. 

® In the Maori language Tumu means »a chief or principal person; 
the master of the territory». In the other Polynesian languages it means 
origin, root, source, etc. In Hawaian language it is »applied to chiefs be- 
cause they nourished or fed men». In Mangareva language it means father 
etc. — See Tregear, Comparative Dictionary, p. 551 sq. 

4 Hammond, The Tohunga Maori; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XVII, 
p. 1695. ö 

5 Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand, vol. II, p. 112. 

6 Colenso, Maori Races; in Trans. New Zealand Institute, vol. I, p. 21. 

° »4riki, a first-born, male or female, in a family of note; hence chief; 
priest.. A leader.. A title of the chief in the Wharekura (temple); 
next in dignity after the high-priest». — »Wharekura = a kind of college 
or school in wich the sons of priest chiefs (arıkı) were anciently taught.. 
The Wharekura appears sometimes to have been used as a council chamber 
or hall of parliament, where the chiefs of tribes assembled». — Tregear, 
Op. eit. p. 613, 


B. Xlllı 193 


being the hereditary chief of his clan». He had peculiar powers, 
and accordingly on him devolved certain religious duties which 
none other could perform. »It is true, Mr. Smith adds, »that 
the ariki might not be a man of wisdom or an able leader, but 
nevertheless he did not thereby lose his high position in the 
tribe. The priestly character of this chieftainship is shown also 
by the fact that the »first-born daughter of a long line of chiefs 
called a tapaıru (sometimes a marei-kura) alone could perform 
parts of certain ceremonies, and hence was she a priestes». ' 
Mr. Gudgeon affirms that the chiefs were simply »elevated by 
the voice of the tribe in a position of authority». ? Yet even he 
admits that »the ariki as the eldest born of the tribe is sacred 
and regarded almost as a god»; ? and in another connection: — »he 
was of old regarded almost as a god inasmuch as he represented 
all that there was of mana and sacredness of his tribe; he was 
the shrine of an hereditary Atua, the guardian spirit of the tribe, 
and could therefore at any time communicate with the tribal 
gods».* And Polack observes that among the most influential 
in a native assembly are those who »unite in their own persons 
the hereditary power of chieftainship and adoption of the priest- 
hood». 5 On the other hand, concerning the leader of war ex- 
peditions we read that he was »not necessarily an arıkı ...- 


I Smith, Tohunga Maori; in Trans. New Zealand Institute, vol. XX XII, 
p. 268. 

®2 Gudgeon, Maori Wars; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XVI, p. 34. 

3 Loc. cit.— e»ln the good olden days .. the tohunga was by far the 
most important man iin a Maori tribe, and this was especially the case when 
it happened that the same man combined the exalted rank as a chief with 
the priestly power and knowledge with which all fohungas were gifted. 
Given this combination of rank and knowledge, and such a man would be 
known as the Ariki, or supreme head of the triber. — Gudgeon, The Tohunga 
Maori; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XVI, p. 63; cf. p. 66. 

4 Gudgeon, Maori Religion; in Journ. Polvn. Soc. vol. XIV, p. 114; 
— Idem, Tipua Kura; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XV, p. 38. 

5 Polack, Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders, vol. I. p. 147; 
cf. vol. I, pp. 23 sqq., 40,59; vol. II, pp. 211, 245; — Shortland, Maori Religion, 
p. 27 sa. ; 


18 


194 B. XII ı 


although by his renown as a warrior he may have gained great 
influence over the tribe. * Similarly Mr. Elsdon Best observes: 
— »A chief endowed with great prestige in war, or with a sup- 
posed supernatural power — as the waka or medium of a war god 
— might become leader of the collected tribal divisions in war. 
But on the conclusion of the fighting his temporary authority 
over the whole tribe would end, or be much lessened». * This 
is the view of some other authors also. -Ordinarily the ariki 
were not war captains and they were not required, unless prompt- 
ed by their own inclination, tn join the war party. ? Hence, 
it was but rarely that the troops were commanded by their arıkı 
in person. * | 

From these statements it appears that the arikı, in some 
tribes at least, were the hereditary peace chiefs of the commu- 
nities, and that they were also priests and sacred personages, on 
account of their descent and their supposed connections with 
their ancestors. This is also corroborated by the tradition that 
when the Maori first arrived at New Zealand from their mythical 
native country Hawaiki, the leader was also their chief priest. ® 
At the same time, as we have seen, it did not devolve on the 
arıki in virtue of their position to act as war leaders; on the con- 
trary,it was persons who had distinguished themselves as great 


m nn nn m — 


l. Dieffenbach,. Travels in New Zealand, vol. II, p. 115. 

2 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XII, 
p. 40. 

3 Featherman, Op. cit. vol. Il, p. 198. 

3 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 203; — cf. also Dieffenbach, Tgavels, vol. II, p. 112; 
— Pakeha Moaori, Old New Zealand. p. 34. — Speaking of the Ngati-Porou 
tribe, Mr. Gudgeon asserts that their chief Te-Kania-Teikirou »was not a 
warrior, but nevertheless the greatest chief of New Zealand». — The Toa 
Taua; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. X11l, p. 238. 

5 Smith, Hawaiki; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 39. — See also 
Cowan, The Coming of Tainui; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIV, p. 96 sq.; 
— Smith, The Tohunga Maori; in Trans. New Zealand Institute, vol. 
XXXAII, p. 255 sq. 


B. XllJ ı 195 


warriors or priests, as representatives of war gods, that command- 
ed the war expeditions. ! 

In his description of the natives of Rarotonga, Mr.S. Percy 
Smith gives information from which it seems reasonable to 
conclude that their chiefs have since remote ages been at the 
same time religious rulerss. When Tangua came about 1250 
A. D. to Rarotonga from Tahiti, this chief proceeded at once to 
build many marae or enclosures for his gods, »to each of which 
he appointed guardians whose names are given, many of which 
are borne by the mataipos”? or chiefs at this day». * Similarly 
one of his contemporaries, Iro a son of Pou-ariki, was skilled in 
various sorts of magic, incantations, ceremonies, etc. all of which 
he learnt from his father. * The chieftainship had been heredi- 
tary within the Makea family since the thirteenth century, ® 
and at the present day the ruling ariki is still the chief pontiff. ® 
In early times the inhabitants of Niue had no other form of go- 
vernment than the rule of the chiefs of families. Later on how- 
ever — as Mr. S. Percy Smith thinks, through outside influence, 
probably through communications with Tonga or Samoa — 
the people acquired the institution of »kingship». One of the 
leading families was chosen by the whole of the people to become 
apatu-iki * or the chief of chiefs. ® On the apatu-iki devolved 
the duty of presiding over the fono or council of the minor 


1 This bi-partition of the Maori chieftainship has been likewise pointed 
out by Raizel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 266 sq. 

2 Smith, Arai-Te-Tonga; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 218. The 
arıkı means high chief; the mataipos minor chiefs. 

3 Op. cit. p. 36; cf. p. 38. 

4 Op. cit. p. 40 sg. 

5 Smith, History and Traditions of Rarotonga; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. 
vol. VIII, p. 61. 

6 Smith, Arai-Te-Tonga; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 219; — 
Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Ozeans, vol. Il, p. 147. 

? Smith, Niue Island and its People; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XI, 
p-. 170. 

8 Op. cit, p. 171. 


196 B. Xlllı 


chiefs ! and of performing certain religious functions. »I wit- 
nessed», says Mr. Smith, »an ancient custom in which the pre- 
sent king Tokia took part and acted in what may be called the 
chief priest’s office.” In the custody of the apatu-iki was also 
the sacred object which brought blessing upon the whole island.? 
As regards the leadership of war expeditions, the patu or family 
chiefs acted in this capacity in former days. * According to 
Mariner, the Tongans were ruled by a great divine chief or Tooi 
Tonga and a minor divine chief Veachi, both of whom were 
superior to the war captain.® In their prayers it was counted 
as a merit for the war chief to have been obedient to the sacer- 
dotal rulers. $ Gradually, however, this order of things changed. 
The war chieftainship, observes the French Admiral Jurien dela 
Graviere, was not established till comparatively late times, 
when wars became frequent. At the end of the eighteenth cen- 
tury the chiefs were already fighting each other, and finally 
after the death of the old Tooı Tonga, Finow junior, on becom- 
ing war chief about 1810, entirely abolished the sacerdotal 
rule.® Meinicke states that in Tahiti the chief priest elected 
the king. 9 According to other observers, Ellis! and Jurien 
de la Graviere, ! the chief was at the same time the chief priest. 
Thus the king of whom Meinicke speaks was certainly a mere 


1 Op. cit. p. 175. 

2 Op. cit. p. 198. 

3 Op. cit. p. 176. 

Op. cit. p. 178. 

> Mariner, The Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. I, p. 132; cf. also 
pp. 119, 130 sq., 195, 342; — Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition, vol. II, 
p: 288; — Meinicke, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 81. 

6 Mariner, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 96; vol. II, p. 213; — Featherman, Op. 
cit. vol. II, pp. 119, 128. 

? Jurien de la Graviere, Souvenirs d’un amiral, vol.”I, p. 186 sq. 

8 Mariner, Op. cit. vol. II, pp. 2sq., 81 sq., 144; — Erskine, The Islands 
of the Western Pacific, p. 126 sq. 

9 Meinicke, Op. eit. vol. II, p. 180. 

10 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. I, pp. 64, 79 sq. 

1 Jurien de la Graviere, Loc. cit. 


197 


war leader. In Samoa the chiefs were of old considered pecu- 
liarly sacred; in fact all the chiefs, whether heads of families or 
petty chiefs of villages or still higher chiefs, were priests in virtue 
of their office. ze Turner states thatin Tokelau Island the Tui 
Tokelau or king »was high priest as well,” and the same was 
the case, too, in the Humphrey Islands. ? In the Sandwich Is- 
lands the king »personating the god uttered the responses of the 
oracle», * and at the same time he also acted as commander of 
the army, or appointed some other person in his place. ® 
Taking the political organization of Mbau as a characte- 
ristic instance of the constitution of Fijian communities, Mr. 
Basil Thomson observes that first in rank was the Roko Tui 
A!bau, or sacred lord of Mbau, who never engaged personally in 
war.® Next in rank came the Vu-ni-Valu, or Root of War, 
or Skilled in War.” While the office of the former was based 
upon old patriarchal organization and hereditary succession, ® 
that of the latter was of comparatively late growth. ” Similar 
information about the government of the Fijians has been given 
by many other observers. '" As regards the Mountain tribes 


I Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, pp. 241, 342; — Idem, Samoa, 
p. 18 sqq.;— Pritchard, Polynesian Reminiscences, pp. 106, 1018, 110. — Mei- 
nicke writes: — »In jedem Dorfe war der oberste Häuptling Priester des 
Dorfgottes. — Op. cit. vol. II, p. 114. 

2 Turner, Samoa, pp. 268, 270 sq. 

3 Op. cit. p. 278. 

t Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. Il, p.%235; — see also pp. 206, 
208 sq., 217; — Jurien de la Graviere, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 186 sq. 

> Ellıs, Hawaii, p. 124. 

6 Thomson, The Fijians, p. 61. 

° Op. cit. p. 61; cf. p. 23. 

8 Op. cit. p. 57 sqq., 355 sq. 

9 Op. cit. pp. 60, 366. 

10 „The sacred king was called Roko Tui Bau (»The reverenced king 
of Bau»), who seems to have been connected by office with gods.... His 
person was peculiarly sacred. He never personally engaged in war ..... 
Next in rank was the more powerful, though somewhat less sacred, king 
called Na Vu-ni Valu (»The Root of Wan).... He was the commander 
in times of war, the great state executive officer in seasons of commotion, 


198 B. Xlllı 


of Vitu-levu, who are said not to make wars of conquest, the 
chief, to whom religious veneration also is paid, can issue no 
important orders without the consent of the elders. ' In Nateva 
Island the turanga levu was the »great chief», while furanga nı 
avalu was the »fighting chie. * In New Caledonia, although a 
firmly-established feudal system prevailed, the »hierarchical» 
chiefs did not take direct part in warlike activities, which were 
in the charge of special war leaders. ?* In his description of 
the Roro-speaking tribes in New Guinea, Dr. Seligmann states 
that each clan or local group of a clan has its headman or ovia 
itsipana, and next to him comes a second chief or ovia awarina, 
"who fulfils certain functions of his own and enforces the orders 
of the former chiefs. * Moreover, each community has one or 
more war chiefs, ovia ahuahu, »who were never clan chiefs (ovra 
itsipana) but on the other hand were generally, though perhaps 
not invariably, ovia awarina». In fact, the author adds, these 
latter were »so generally confused with ovia ahuahu that it is a 
question whether any ovia awarina was not formerly a potential 
or actual war chief». Yet these war chiefs must not be confused 
with the pa’ha war chiefs who are »experts in battle magic and 
who assure success in warm. ? The ovia ahuahu was merely 
»the organiser of his clan in war», and his authority on the battle- 
field was entirely subordinated to that of the paiha chief who 
was »responsible for the disposition of the whole force while in 
the presence of an enemy». As for these paiha chiefs, the same 
author proceeds, it must be noted that apart from their magical 
functions, »paiha chiefs are either ovia itsipana Or ovia awarına» 


and the prime minister of all the political departmentss. — Waterhouse, 
The king and People of Fiji, p. 14; — Seeman, Viti, p. 263; — Erskine, 
Op. cit. p. 246 sq.;— Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, pp. 
23 sqq., 219; — Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 267. 

I Erskine, Op. cit. p. 430. 
Loc. cit. 
Rochas, La Nouvelle Caledonie, pp. 207, 243 sq., 245. 
Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 216. . 
Op. cit. p. 217. 


ı$ m nm 


B. XllIı 199 


Moreover, the rank of ovia itsipana was hereditary, even in the 
female line. The latter office was not always hereditary. ! 
The Mekeo have hereditary clan chiefs (lopia fäa), hereditary 
war leaders (io lopia), and priestly war experts (faia lopia), who 
exercise their power »to give victory to the community». ° The 
hereditary peace chief (lopia fäa) »would not as a rule take any 
part in a fight, unless the battle were the result of a surprise 
attack at night». ? A more or less similar division of the func- 
tions of the chiefs is to be met with among other natives of 
New Guinea, t00.* Thus, e..g., the Mafulu mountain people 
have hereditary clan chiefs, but no special war chiefs. On the 
eve of battle »the leadership will generally fall upon someone 
who at the moment is regarded as a strong and wise fighter;; 
at any rate the permanent clan chiefs »are not war chiefs». ® 
According to Codrington, »a Florida Vunago (it. e. chief) »kept 
order in his place, directed the common operations and indus- 
tries, represented his people with strangers, presided at sacrilices, 
and led in war». ® On the other hand, at Saa the chief’s power 
was derived from his descent. He might be acquainted with magi- 
cal knowledge and supernatural beings, and was »in fact pretty 
sure to have them .... but no wealth or success in war could 
make a man a chief at Saa if not born of the chief’s family». 7 
As for other neighbouring communities, the power of the chiefs 
»lies entirely in the belief that they have communications with 


1 Op. cit. p. 218; cf. pp. 218 n, 220, 261, 295. 

2 Op. cit. p. 342; cf. p. 367. 

3 Op. cit. p. 344. — See also Seligmann and Strong, Anthropo-geogra- 
phical Investigations in New Guinea; in the Geographical Journal, vol. 
XXVIII, 1906, p. 233. 

4 Seligmann, The Melanesians, pp. 373, 456, 692, 697; — Meinicke, 
vol. I, p. 127 sqq.; — Dempfwolff, Aussterbende Naturvölker; in Zeitschrift 
für Ethnologie, 1904, p. 403; — Abel, Savage Life, pp. 37, 138. 

5 Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, p. 19 sqgq.; cf. pp. 114, 
125 sq., 144 sqq., 165 sq., 182. 

6 Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 47. 

” Op. cit. p. 50 saq. 


200 B. Xlllı 


supernatural ghosts, tindalo, and have the mana, whereby they 
are able to bring the power of the tindalo to bear». Moreover, 
thev may make their sons, nephews, or grandsons acquainted 
with this skill, and a hereditarv succession is thereby estab- 
lished. ' 

Speaking generally, there are abundant statements to the 
effect that all over the Southern Pacific native chiefs are above 
all peace chiefs vested with the duties of a civil and sacerdotal 
character, while war operations are led mainly by experts chosen 
by reason of their skill and force. ? | 

According to the Spanish missionaries, the aborigines of the 
Philippines were divided into clans having chiefs of their own. 
These chiefs, or ba-ganıs, performed religious functions and 
were the leaders of war expeditions. ? In Celebes the priestly 
duty devolved on the kabosenja or the chiefs * of the savage 
villages. Among the Dyaks of Borneo the Orang Kaya was the 
hereditary ? chief of the tribe. He made the offerings on behalf 
of his community; on the other hand, special leaders acted as the 
commanders of war parties. This is true not merely of the Sea 
Dyaks® as well as ofthe Land Dyaks,* but also of the 
nomadic Punans, whose tribal chiefs were similarly called Orang 
Kaya.® Moreover, certain communities at any rate, had also 
special trading chiefs who were anxious to prevent war.” Among 


1 Op. cit. p. 52; cf. pp. 120, 132. 

® For further particulars see e. g. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. 
II, pp. 431, 346 sq., 359, 486; — Jurien de la Graviere, Souvenirs d’un amiral, 
vol. I, p. 186 sq.; — Meinicke, Die Inseln des Stillen Ozeans, vol. I, p. 66; 
vol Il, pp. 117, 376, 381; — Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, pp. 267 sq., 270 sq., 
298, passim 

3 Semper, Die Philippinen, p. 62. 

4 Sarasin, Celebes, vol. I, pp. 227, 335; vol. II, p. 130; cf. p. 122. 

5 Boyle, Adventures, p. 218. 

6 Low, Sarawak, p. 183 sq.; cf. pp. 193, 209. 

° Op. eit. pp. 251 sq., 255, 288 sqq. 

8 Furness, Home-Life of Borneo Head-Hunters, p. 179 sq. 

9 Op. cit. p. 185. 


B. XIlIı 201 


also; ' they are assisted by the council of elders in all matters 
of importance. Although the villages generally constitute inde- 
pendent communities, vet the Bataks acknowledge the supre- 
macy of a single chief, who maintains no outer appearance of 
superior civil or military power. His supremacy is founded 
purely on supernatural considerations, hence his title Cartu- 
wah, or »invested with supernatural power.» * In his description 
of the wild tribes of the Malay peninsula, Mr. Skeat states that 
among the tribes which belong to the Semang, Sakai, and Jakun 
groups, »the chiefs of the tribe were often, if not always, medi- 
cine men or magicians, their power in this respect being greatly 
feareda.? As for the tribes in Selangor Pahang, and other 
parts of Negri Sembilan and of Sungei Ujong, these often have 
three different chiefs. The Batin, or the highest, is »respected 
bv the people as their head». The right of succession to the 
chieftainship »descends tothe eldest male child of the late chief’s 
sister». These tribes possess no idea of warfare, affırms Mr. 
Knocker, * and evidently therefore have no war captains. Even 
as late as the middle of the last century Siam was ruled by a 
superior and a minor king.” The latter was above all the mili- 


I Burton and Ward, Batak Country in the Interior of Sumatra; in 
Trans. R. Asiatic Soc. vol. I, p. 513. 

2 Op. cit. p. 512. 

3 Skeat, The Wild Tribes of the Malay Peninsula; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1902, p. 136. 

4 Knocker, The Aborigines in Sungei Ujong; in fan. Anthrop. Insti- 
tute, 1907, p. 293 sq. 

5 Although in China as wellasin Japan the government known to history 
owed its origin to causes characteristic of a later stage of political devel- 
opment, their leading traits were, however, largely influenced by those 
characteristics of primitive chieftainship with which we have been dealing 
in this chapter. Thus, ın China the Emperors were, since the most remote 
times, the spiritual rulers of the people, also performing all the most im- 
portant sacrifices to their tutelary gods.— Cf. Medhurst, Ancient China, 
pp. 128, 140, 176, 182 sq., 191, 211, 217, 222, 255 sqq., 301, 353, 371 sqq., 
378 sqq.; — Chavannes, Memoires historiques de Se-Ma-Ts’ien, vol. I, pp. 
37, 40, 138, 207 sqg.; vol. II, pp. 95 n, 514; vol. III. p. 205 sqq., passim. — 


202 B. XIll ı 


tary commander. This order of things had prevailed since 
remote ages. ' The clan chiefs of the Meitheis in Manipur »are 
priests and assume charge of the tribal worship, while the ARaja, 
the head of the whole confederacy, is the high priest of the 
country.” Next in rank to these chiefs is »the Senapati or 
commander-in-chiefr. ® Among the Kukis and Lushais, the clan 
chief is »looked upon with the greatest respect and almost super- 
stitious veneration.* He performs all the sacrifices; ® in fact, 
»he is much more a priest than a potentate.° Speaking of the 
Bodo and Dhimal tribes, Mr. Hodgson observes that »it is not 
improbable there was a time when the civil heads of the com- 
munity were likewise its ecclesiastical directors». ° There is 
much reason to believe that the political organization of the 
other neighbouring communities, such as the Santals, ® Khands, ” 


m nn 1 Ed a Le LU nn 


As for Tibet, see Waddell, On the origin of the Grand Lamas: in Journ. 
Asiatic. Soc. 1910, vol. I, p. 70 sqq. | 

Until the great revolution in 1868, the civil and sacerdotal duties 
in Japan were vested in the Dairi or Mikado, while the Shogun acted as 
military ruler. — Cf. »Japan. Eine Schilderung . .» pp. 20 sqq., 31, 35, 39, — 
Murray, Japan, pp. 126 sqq., 141 n, 148 sqq., 277, 429; — Quarterly 
Review, July, 1904, p. 269; — Cambridge Modern History, vol. XI, 
p. 824 sqq.; — Okuma, Fifty Years of New Japan, vol. II, p. 579. 

1 Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam, vol. I, p. 446. 

®2 Hodson, The Meitheis, p. 109; — Idem, The Native Tribes of Ma- 
nipur; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1901, p. 303 saq. 

3 Hodson, The Meitheis, p. 60. 

3 Stewart, Notes on the Northern Cachar; in Journ. Asiatic Soc. Ben- 
gal, 1855, vol. XXIV, p. 625. — »The Kuki chief is conspicuously the 
serular head of his village. — Hodson, Head-hunting among the Hill 
Tribes of Assam; in Folk-l.ore, vol. XX, p. 132 sq. 

5 Stewart, Loc. cit. — Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 45; — Shake- 
spear, The Kuki-Lushai Clans; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1909, p. 37%. 

6 Stewart, Op. cit. p. 620. 

° Hodgson, The Kocch, Bodo and Dhimal; in Journ. Asiatic Soc. 
Bengal, vol. XVIII, part Il, p. 721; — cf. Dalton, Op. cit. p. 85. 

8 Hunter, Rural Bengal, vol. I, p. 216 sq.; — Dalton, Op. ceit. p. 213. 

® Dalton, Op. eit. p. 295. 


B. XI ı 203 


Korwas, ! Karens, * Mundaris, ? Kumis, * Chukmas, ® and 


others® has been similar to those described above. 

A peculiar form of government exists among the inhabitants 
of the Chumbi Valley. According to Mr. Walsh, it has been in 
force »from time immemorial, and is probably of very great 
antiquity». ° The villages are governed by elected 7shopas, 
or village chiefs, while two elected Kongdus constitute the go- 
vernment of the entire community. These Kongdus, however, 
maintain that they hold their office by the direct will’of the 
local deity Yat Lha, who is supposed to have conducted the 
election. ® Their duties are civil and religious at the same 
time.? Among the Cohatars living in the Neilgherry Hills, 
the man who has charge of the temples and is the officiator at 
the festivals »is among themselves considered not only as their 
priest, but as their chief or head». '” As for the Todas, their 
government is based upon clan organization and the priestly 
management of all important matters. '! No war leaders 
are required, as the tribe does not carry on any wars. 

The earliest known political conditions in Chaldea show us 
the country divided into small States, each headed by a city 
made famous through the sanctuary or temple of the local 


1 Op. eit. p. 229. 

2 Op. cit. p. 116. 

3 Op. cit. pp. 165, 168. 

% Lewin, Hill Tracts of Chittagong, p. 91. 

> Op. cit. pp. 67, 69. 

6 Dalton, Op. cit. pp. 60, 159, 186, 247. See also Lewin, Op. cit. pp. 
37, 80, 84, 88, 9&, 96, 102; — Hodson, The Naga Tribes, pp. 73, 79. 

? Walsh, Elective' Government in Chumbi Valley; in Journ. Asiatic 
Soc. Bengal, 1906, p. 303. 

8 Op. cit. p. 304 saq. 

9 Op. cit. p. 306 saq. 

10 Harkness, Neilgherry Hills, p. 76. 

11 Rivers, The Todas, pp. 34 sqq.; 183, 203, 271 sq., 446 sq., 452, 50%, 
sq., 550. 356 sq., 643 sq., 679 sq.; — Harkness, Neilgherry Hills, pp. 17, 
20, 63 sq., 66; — Marshall, The Todas, pp. 17, 20, 42, 123, 136, 156, 234; 
— Shorti, Hill Tribes of the Neilgherries; in Trans. Ethnol. Soc., vol. VII, 
p. 241. 


204 B. Xlllı 


deity, and ruled by a patesi, a title which is thought to mean 
priest-king. ' Of a similar character was the early political orga- 
nization in Assyria also.” When the kingship was established 
among the Hebrews its duties were above all military, while the 
prophets or priestly rulers of the State carefully guarded their 
supreme privileges.? 

There seems to be little doubt that the early Greeks were 
ruled by chiefs who were charged with duties not different from 
those we have already found to be prevalent among other pri- 
mitive societies. Aristotle states that the oldest form of Greek 
kingship was purely patriarchal.* The kings were religious, 
civil, and military rulers at the same time. ° According to Grote® 
»the king is spoken of as constituted by Zeus the great judge of 
the society. He has received from Zeus the sceptre, and along 
with it the powers of command and sanction». Hence, as Fustel 
de Coulanges observes: * — »Ce ne fut donc pas la force qui fit 
les chefs et les rois dans ces anciennes cites. Il ne serait pas 
vrai de dire que le premier qui y fut roi fut un soldat heureux. 
L’autorite decoula du culte du foyer». * Thus, in Sparta, says 
Herodotus ®, the two hereditary kings made offerings to Zeus 
Lacedaimon and Zeus Uranius, and kept in memory prophecics 
and oracular answers. Moreover, they were judges in many 


I Ragosın, Chaldea, pp. 204, 235. 

?2 Ragozin, Assyria, pp. 2, 10, 15. 

3» Ragozin, Op. eit. p. 10, — Tacitus, History, V, 3, 8; — 1. Samuel, 
VIII, 20. 

* Grote justly remarks: — »The political condition which Grecian legend 
everywhere presents to us is in its principal feature strikingly different 
from that which had become universally prevalent among the Greeks in 
the time ofthe Peloponnesian warm. — History of Greece, vol. 11, p. 3. 

5 Aristotle, Politics, III. 14. 

6 Grote, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 15; cf. pp. 5, sq., 16. 

* Fustel de Coulanges, Laciteantique, p. 225; cf. pp. 204 sq., 228 sq. 

8 See also Tıttman, Darstellung der griechischen Staatsverfassungen, 
p. 83; — Frazer, Early History of Kingship, pp. 29, 34; — Letourneau, 
Evolution politique, p. 303. 

9 Herodotus, History, VI, 56 saq. 


B. XIIlı 205 


cases and presided at the assembly ofelders. Inwar they acted 
as leaders, ' yet their authority was, at any rate, based more 
upon divine and hereditary right than upon warlike activity. ” 
»Their pre-eminent lineage», Grote observes, »connected the 
entire State with a divine paternity», and through their monthlv 
sacrifices they ensured divine protection to the whole commu- 
nity. * In Athens, of the nine Archons, three were of a higher 
rank. The Archon Eponymos determined all disputes relative 
to the family, the gens and the phratry; he was the legal pro- 
tector of orphans and widows. The Archon Basıleus enjoyed 
authority in complaints respecting offences against religious 
sentiments and in cases of homicide. The Polemarch was the 
leader of the army and a judge in disputes between citizens and 
non-citizens. Moreover, each of these Archons had particular 
religious festivals assigned to him, which it was his duty to 
superintend. * Previous to the establishment of these nine 
Archons annually elected, Athens was ruled by one hereditary 
Archon, and still earlier by hereditary kings.® It is most prob- 
able that on these early kings devolved the same duties as were 
afterwards divided between the various Archons. Thus the 
kingship of Codrus and his predecessors was undoubtedly of the 


1 Thucydides, History of Peloponnesian War, II, 9, 48; IV, 2; V, 34, 
66, 75, VII, 19; — Spencer points out that »it was usual for the Greek king 
to delegate to his heir the duty of commanding his troops». — Principles 
of Sociology, vol. TI, p. 481. 

2 The Spartan kings merely directed the operations, while the definite 
decisions devolved on the people. — Thucydides, History of Peloponnesian 
War, I, 80, 87; V, 59, 60, 63, 66; against this VIII, 5; — cf. also Tittmann, 
Op. cit. p.$123. 

It is also noteworthy that the Spartan kings did not command the 
fleet, this duty being entrusted to special captains elected for the purpose 
for life. — Aristotle, Politics, 11, 9. 

$ Grote, Op. cit. vol. II, pp. 274, 38%; — cf. Fustel de Coulanges, Op. 
cit. p. 309. 

* Grote, Op. eit. vol. II, p. 448; — Tittmann, Op. eit. pp. 163, 232. 

5 Maine, Early History, p. 35; — Grote, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 42% sqq. 


206 B. XlIlı 


same patriarchal character ' as we have seen prevailing in so 
many primitive communities. ° 

According to Mommsen, in early Rome »the clans were quite 
neutralized and it exhibited an association not of clans but of 
eitizens». ® Yet the election of kings lay with the council of 
elders, on which, in the case of a vacancy, the interim kingship 
devolved. These elders again were clan chiefs and the interrex 
was one of them. * The office of king might lawfully be filled 
by any Roman who had come of age; noble descent and kinship 
with earlier rulers were, however, recommendations, but not 
necessary conditions. ® As for the duties of the king, he was 
the chief judge of the entire community; ® he commanded the 
army, but he could also charge another suitable person with 
this duty. ° Moreover, »he held intercourse with the gods of the 
community, whom he consulted and appeased (auspicia publica), 
and he nominated all the priests and priestesses».® As regards 
the real significance of this latter feature of early Roman king- 
ship, Mommsen observes that it would at any rate be a great 
error to regard the Roman constitution as a theocracy because 
»among the Italians the ideas of god and king never faded away 
into each other as they did in Egypt and the East». ° It should, 
however, be borne in mind that theocracy does not necessarily 
involve the idea that the ruler himself is considered to be a god. 
It is quite sufficient that he is supposed to derive his supreme 
power from divine sources, and from this point of view early 
Roman kingship had certainly a civil and religious rather than 
a warlike character. There is no information to the effect that 
1 Fustel de Coulanges, Op. cit. p. 224. 

2 For further particulars see Curtius, Griechische Geschichte, vol. 
I. p. 281: — Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, vol. I, pp. 41, 59, passim. 

3 Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. I, p. 30 sq. 

4 Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 83, 96 sq., 99 sq. 

5 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 84. — Cf. Fustel de Coulanges, La cit&antiqte, p. 475. 

6 Mommsen, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 82, 189 sq. 

“ Op. eit. vol. I, pp. 83, 91. 

8 

9 


Op. eit. vol. I, pp. 81, 220. 
Op. eit. vol. I, p. 84. 


B.Xlllı 207 


the early rulers were elected merely on account of their military 


renown;! on the contrary, as was shown above, other persons 


could also be entrusted with the leadership of the army, while 
Mommsen himself admits that the costume of the king »was 
the same as that of the supreme god; the chariot even in the 
city, where everyone else went on foot, the ivory sceptre with 
the eagle, the vermilion-painted face, the chaplet of oaken leaves. 
in gold, belonged alike to the Roman god and to the Roman 
king». * So also when the kings were replaced by consuls, a new 
office of rex sacrificulus and later on that of pontifex mazimus, 
were created, in order that »the gods might not miss their accus- 
tomed mediator». ? In fact, if even so late as during the rule 
of the Roman Emperors the office of pontifer maximus became 
again united to that of the Emperor, * how much more in 


ı Cf. Plutarch, Numa. — Illustrative in this respect is a comparison 
between Aristotle’s description of the character of the Spartan kingship 
and Numa’s remark as to the difference between a general and a king. 
According to the former, the kingly power with the Spartans was »chiefly 
that of a general), while Numa points out that Rome had far more need of 
a general than of a king. If the character of the kingship in these ancient 
States had been mainly warlike, no such distinction as these remarks indi- 
cate, could have been made. — Aristotle, Politics, III, 14; —- Plutarch, Nu- 
ma, 5. 

?2 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 83 sq. — »The highest of the priests was not merely 
inferior in rank to the king, but might not even give advice to him unasked. 
It was the province of the king to determine whether and when he would 
take an observation of bırds; the ’bird-seer’ simply stood beside him and 
interpreted to him, when necessary, the language of the messenger of hea- 
ven». — Op. cit. vol. I, p. 220. — See also Plutarch, Camillus, 7; — Livy, 
Hist. Libri, X, 7. 

3 Mommsen, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 316, 324. 

4 Op. cit. vol. IV, pp. 460, 491; vol. V, pp. 329, 331 333 sq., and 
passım. 

Barry derives the origin of Papal authority from the priestly kingship 
of Numa. »Theodosius gave up all pretence to be the High Priest of a 
heathen worship, and the title passed to the Bishops of Rome. — Barry, 
Papal Monarchy, p. 14.—Cf. also Scholz, Die Publizistik zur Zeit Philipp 
des Schönen, p. 143. 


208 B. XlIlı 


primitive times, when religion had its full sway over the people ' 


must the sacerdotal character have been predominant in the 
kingly office? * 

Speaking of the early Germans, Tacitus states that the chiefs 
»owe their election to the nobility of their birth; the generals are 
chosen for their valour. The power of the former is not arbitrary 
.or unlimited; the latter command more by warlike example than 
by their authority». ? According to Caesar, the civil duties of 
government devolved on the chiefs of the communities, while 
in time of war special war captains were elected.* In his careful 
investigation into the political organization of,.the early Germans, 
Dahn observes that the chiefs of the republican communities 
were elected on account of their nobility or wealth. ® Their 
duties consisted in making offerings to the gods, presiding over 
the assemblies of their community, and, perhaps, leading their 
own men on war expeditions; t:he highest war chief of an entire 
tribe, the Herzog, “ at any rate was, it is certain, elected. On 
the other hand, among the communities in which the chief- 
tainship was based upon an hereditary principle, the chiefs or 
kings were above all sacerdotal and civil rulers, ® while the war 
leaders were elected. ” Other authors give particulars more or 


I Cf. Lecky, History of European Morals, vol. I, p. 108 sq. 

2 Fustel de Coulanges, La cit&e antique, pp. 204 sq., 222, 228 sqq., 315 
sq.; — Frazer, Early History of Kingship, p. 250 sq. 

3 Tacitus, Germania, 7. 

% Caesar, De Bello Gallico, VI, 22, 23. 

5 According to Dahn, the republican form of earlv German govern- 
ment was due to the increase in the influence of the other families which 
constituted the community, when pari passu the old ruling family. lost 
its earlier power. — Die Könige der Germanen, vol. I, p. 31 n. 

6 Dahn, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 22. 

° Op. eit. vol. I, pp. 17, 22. 

8 Dahn, ‚Zur Geschichte des Statsbegriffs der Germanen, p. 537 sq.; 
— Idem, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. I, pp. 23, 26 sqq., 80 sqq-; 
passirm. 

® Dahn, Die Germanen. pp. 68, 86; — /dem, Die Könige der Germa- 
nen, vol. I, p. 23. 


B. Xlllı | 209 


less in conformity with these views. Thus Phillips!’ and H.Müller ° 
maintain that the early German chieftainship had above all a 
sacerdotal character. Lamprecht observes of the early here- 
ditary chieftainship that it was at its origin already combined 
with priestly duties, ? while Kauffmann not merely lays great 
stress upon this character of the chieftainship among the early 
Germans, but distincetly maintains the theory of the predomi- 
nance of their warlike duties to be an entirely wrong assumption. 
All warlike activities were, as a rule, foreign to the permanent 
chiefs, because elected war leaders were charged with the com- 
mand in such undertakings. * — In so far as it is possible in 
view of these different statements, to get a true view ofthe char- 
acter of early German chieftainship, there seems to be much 
reason to suppose that the chiefs obtained their position in 
virtue of descent from deified ancestors, ° and that, when wars 
were waged, the leadership was generally entrusted to the most 
suitable warrior within the community. This is the view also 


1 Phillips, Deutsche Geschichte, p. 103; — Erb- und Wahlrecht, pp. 
8, 10; quoted by Dahn, Op. cit. I, p. 27 n. 1. 

2 Müller, Lex Salica, p. 179 sq.; quoted by Dahn, Loc. cit. 

3 „Täuscht nicht alles so war die Verbindug von Königtum und Pries- 
tertum eine ursprüngliche... Ist dies der Fall, so... wäre sein Priester- 
tum ein durchaus originares, ein wesentlicher Bestandteil des Königtums 
überhaupt». — Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, p. 134 sqg. 

4 »Auf die militärischen Talente kam es nach der Auffassung der Ger- 
manen beim Könige nicht eben an, denn für ihre kriegerischen Unterneh- 
mungen pflegten sie einen besonderen Heerführer zu bestellemw. — Kauff- 
mann, Balder, p. 218 sq.; cf. p. 208, passim; — Idem, Altgermanische 
Religion; in Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, vol. XV, 1912, p. 618. — 
Cf. also Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, vol. I. pp. 29 sqq., 
34 sqq- 

> »Die Funktionen des Königs sind keine andern als die des Stammes- 
gottes, dessen Abkömmling im König sich darstellt». — Kauffmann, Balder, 
p- 218. — »It is certain that the Teutons of old held in honour nobilitas 
alongside of virtus, and at a later period as well attached great importance 
to descent from noble ancestors». — Chantepie de la Saussaye, The Religion 
of Teutons, p. 100; cf. p. 103. — See also Dahn, Die Germanen, p. 86; — 
Nitzsch, Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, vol. I, p. 73. 


1& 


210 -B. XII ı 


of Dr. Elander, " who has found many important points of 
resemblance between the peace chieftainship and war leadership 
of the North American Indians and those of the early Germans. 

Speaking of the early Anglo-Saxons, Freeman writes: — 
»Our own Old-English kings, like all other Teutonic kings, were 
anything but absolute rulers; the nation chose them*and could 
depose them ... Yet still the king, as the king, was felt to 
hold a rank differing in kind from the rank held by the highest 
of his subjects. Perhaps the distinction mainly consisted in a 
certain religious sentiment which attached to the person of the 
king and did not attach to the person of any inferior chief». * 
Of the early Scandinavians, Strinnholm observes that the king 
of Upsala was, by virtue of his divine descent, considered the 
most worthy to sacrifice for the whole nation, ? and even 
rulers as late as Dyggwe the Eighth and his successors derived 
their greatest authority from their sacerdotal duties.* In 
Norway it was the king or Jarl who conducted the sacrifices at 
the Thing, presided ai: the festive meal, and made the libations; ° 
while in Iceland »the godhi combined priestly and political func- 
tions.» ® | nn 

Among the ancient Gauls, the primitive chieftainship was to 
be met with during the Roman rule in the northern parts of the 
country only. The political unit was the clan and the chieftain- 


I Elander, The Chief of the Indian Clan in North America, p. 75 sq- 

2 Freeman, The Growth of the English Constitution, pp. 29, 31.— CI. 
also /dem, The History of the Norman Conquest, vol. I, pp. 78, 133 sq.; — 
Green, History of the English People, vol. I, p. 17; — Stubbs, Constitu- 
tional History of England, vol. I, p. 76, passim. 

3„Der Drott von der Upsala, als der von den Göttern abgestammte, wurde 
für den Würdigsten gehalten ihnen für das Glück und das Wohl des ganzen 
Volkes zu opfern, wesshalb er als der Opferpriester des ganzen Reiches den 
höchsten Opferdiensten vorstand». — Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. II, 
p. 37; cf. also pp. 18, 20. 

 »Noch immerwährend beruhte seine vornehmste Macht auf dem 
Grundsteine der Religion». — Strinnholm, Op. cit. vol. Il, p. 38. 

5 Chantepie de In Saussaye, The Religion of the Teutons, p. 366. 

6 Op. eit. p. 366 saq. 


B.XIllı 211 


ship was patriarchal with its council of the elders.' In the 
southern parts the rule of an elected »judgment-worker», or Vergo- 
bretus, had been substituted for the primitive form of govern- 
ment, while special war leaders were appointed in charge of the 
military duties. * This latter form of government, however, 
represents a more advanced form of government than that which 
is the subject of our inquiry. 

The ancient laws of Ireland do not give any clear descrip- 
tion of the political organization of the early Irish communiiies.? 
Yet nowhere do we meet with facts indicating that it was ori- 
ginally based upon military rule. On thecontrary, it islikely that 
the higher chiefs were occupied with civil and religious duties, 
whereas military command devolved on minor chiefs. Thus 
the king in ancient Erin was, »in Eastern fashion,» believed 
to be gifted with peculiar wisdom as a judge among his people; 
and it was a part of his duty, as well as one of the chief of his 
prerogatives, to give Jjudgment in any cases of difficulty brought 
before him. * So also, he had »a rigüıt of lighting up religion» ?, 
or »enacting the performance of specific religious dutiess. ® As 
regards war chiefs, Sir Henry Maine assumes that the tribal 
chief »was priest and judge as well as captain of the host». ? 


1 Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. V, p. 19; — Maine, Early History 
of the Institutions, p. 35. 

2 Fustel de Goulanges, Institutions de l’ancienne France, p. 8, passim; 
— Mommsen, Op. cit. vol. V, p. 21. — Cf. also Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 
I, 2, 9, 16, 30; II, 4 sq., 28; 111,17, 23; V, 5, 27, 54; VII, 28, 31 sqq., 36, 
55, 75; VIII, 21 sq. | 

3 Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. III, pref. p. XXV1. 

4 O’Curry, Lectures on the Manuscript Material of the Ancient Irish 
History, p. 43; — cf. Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. IV, p. 335; — Maine, 
Early History, p. 36; — Joyre, Social History of Ireland, vol. I, p. 92, 
passim. 

5 Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. IV, p. 335. 

6 Op. cit. vol. IV, pref., p. 203; cf. also vol. I, p. 15; vol. Il, pref., p. 6; 
and on IV, p. 51. 

? Maine, Op. cit. p. 35. 


212 B. XlIlı 


Yet the Ancient Laws of Ireland do not mention the war leader- 
ship among the duties of the kings. When several tribes co- 
operated, a »special king of companies» acted asthe commander, ' 
and when a single tribe carried on war, a minor, so-called flaith 
chief was the leader. * Among the Gaelic race in Scotland the 
original social unit appears to have been the tuath or tribe. ? 
The chief of the tuath was Righ or Ri, and the Toiseach or Toshach 
was the war leader. * The Ri or king »held that position not 
merely by election, but as the representative in the senior line 
of the common ancestor, and had a hereditary claim to their 
obedience». 5 His primary function was judicial. © Mr. Andrew 
Lang describes this early political organization as hierarchical. ‘ 
Later on a great change took place; ® the tuaths disappeared 
and were succeeded by the clans, ? which had been developed 
within the tribe. Ceann-cinnidh or Ceanncine was the hereditary 
clan chief, Ceanntighe was the chieftain or head of a familv, 
while a captain acted as the war leader of the clan. !° As for 
the political organization in ancient Wales, it was based on 
kinship, the chiefs deriving their authority from patriarchal 
sources and not directly from warlike superiority. On the whole, 


— — 


1 Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. IV, p. 331. 

? „There are four ’Jeis’ rights prescribed for ’flaith’ chiefs. The an- 
cient protection of the people (or territory) is his office in the territory, 
together with the office of leader or tanist-leader of the army, whichever 
office it may bes. — Op. cit. vol. IV, p. 321. 

3 Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. III, p. 136 sq. 

4 Lang, A History of Scotland, vol. I, p. 133; — Skene, Op. cit. vol. 
III, p. 62; — Dictionary of the Gaelic Language, vol. II, p. 210. 

5 Skene, Op. cit. vol. III, p. 140. 

6 Op. cit. vol. III, p. 141. 

? Lang, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 81. 

8 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 133. 

9 Skene, Op. eit. vol. III, p. 335 sqq. 

10 Mitchell, History of the Highlands and Gaelic Scotland, p. 296; — 
Skene, Op. cit. vol. III, p. 328; — Dictionary of the Gaelic Language, vol. 
I, pp. 20%—206. 


B. Xlllı 213 


it may have had a great resemblance to that prevalent in ancient 
Ireland previous to the wars of conquest. ! 

Among the ancient Finns,* as well as among the early 
Esthonians ® and Lapps, * the political organization was based 
upon kinship, the heads of the communities were charged with 
the general management of affairs and on them devolved at the 
same time the priestly functions also. ® It is probable, Koski- 
nen assumes, that elected leaders headed the war expeditions. ° 
Similarly, in the case of the Finno-Ugrian peoples in Northern 
Russia, the patriarchal character of their chieftainship has been 
pointed out by various authors. ' 

In many instances it has been seen that the eivil and sacer- 
dotal duties of the chieftainship in primitive communities have 
been vested in one person, who often obtained his office by 
hereditary right, while another person was elected to lead war 
expeditions. In other instances it was seen that one and the 
same chief was entrusted with all these functions. As’ regards 
these latter cases it remains to inquire into the causes why the 
civil and priestly rulers have also acted as war leaders. 

Authors who maintain that bravery is the sole quality which 
enables a savage to become a chief do not pay proper attention 
to the fact that primitive wars are not carried on merely by 
weapons and physical strength, but often by magic means also, 
and with the help of the unseen powers. In fact we scarcely meet 
1 Seebohm. The Tribal System in Wales, PP. XXXII sqq., 22 sqq., 
54, 61, 73 sq., 88 sqq., passim; — Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. III, pp. 
198 sq., 205 sqq. 

®2 Yrjö-Koskinen, Suomal. heimojen yhteisk.-järjestyksestä, p. 182 
sqq-, passim. 

3 Op. cit. p. 108 sqq. 

4 Op. cit. p. 84 sag. 

5 Op. cit. p. 81. 

6 Koskinen, Suomen kansan historia, p. 20 sq. 

° Castren, Nordiska Resor och Forskningar, vol. I, p. 298 sqq.; — 
Müller, Der Ugrische Volksstamm, vol. I, part II, p. 394, passim; — see 
also Yrjö-Koskinen, Op. cit. passim. — Pallas, Reise durch verschiedene 
Provinzen des Russischen Reiches, vol. II, p. 256, passim. 


214 B. XIll ı 


with any savage warfare in which superstitious customs do not 
play a considerable part. ' Hence, it follows that magicians and 
priests, or the chiefs themselves, often take part in warfare in 
order to display their skill in supernatural methods for the 
benefit of their own war party. Thus, speaking of the Maori, 
Mr. S. Percy Smith observes: —»I have said that Maori priests 
were warriors ... There are innumerable instances of priests 
leading their tribes in time of war, and I think this is a custom 
dating from very ancient days». ° Similarly, Mr. Eldson Best 
states that, according to Maori belief, the deified ancestors warned 
the seer in his sleep when the community was in danger. »Hence 
a seer was often both priest and fighting general of a tribe». ? 
Thus in 1864, when the Maori decided to fight the Pakeha (Euro- 
peans), a seer of this kind »was priest and prophet of the force 
and took prominent part in the fightin. He was a medium 
of the ancient and powerful war god Te Potuatini. * So also 
Te Hakae was the chief and priest of the fort as well as the seer 
and magician, who defended his fort by means of magic. ® These 
tohunga or priests and skilled artificers ® of the Maori were 
not alone in the discharge of these duties. 7? In some instances 


Le — a a a zz 


ı Holsti, Some Superstitious Customs in Primitive Warfare, passim; 
— sıpra, p. 56 sqq. 

2 Smith, Tohunga Maori; in Trans. New Zealand Institute, vol. 
XXXI, p. 258. 

3 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XT, p. 54; 
cf. p. 68; — Gudgeon, The Toa Taua; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIII, pp. 
245, 261. 

t Best, Op. cit. vol. XI, p. 60; cf. vol. XII, p. 66; vol. XIII, p. 76. 

5 Op. eit. vol. XII, p. 214. 

6 Tohunga means in Maori language »a skilled person .. a priest.. 
a wizard»; — Tregear, Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, p. 524. 

° For further particulars see Smith, Wars of the Northern against the 
Southern Tribes; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIII, pp. 39 sq., 48; — Idem, 
The Tohunga Maori; in Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, vol. 
XXXII, p. 256; — Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. 
vol. XII, p. 33 sqq.; — Hammond, Atua Maori; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. 
VII, p. 91 sqq. 


B. XIIlı | 215 


we read that they »were assisted by chief» ! when performing 
rites before the commencement of hostilities. Moreover, we saw 
above that on these ordinary chiefs devolved certain important 
functions of a priestly character. * Hence, as Gudgeon relates 
of some tribes, before proceeding on a war expedition, »all the 
zreat fighting men of the tribe were required to squat down in 
line while their Arıki would pass them in succession between his 
legs in order to ward off all possible misfortune from these va- 
luable men». ? When performing this he, the sacred Ariki, was 
certainly acting on behalf of the hereditary Aitua, the guardian 
spirit of the tribe, with whom he could communicate at any 
time. * Similarly, Mr. Best remarks that such a clan chief endow- 
ed with great prestige in war, or with a supernatural power — 
as for example the waka or medium of a war god — might easily 
become leader of the »collected tribal divisions in war. But on 
the conclusion of the fighting his temporary authority over the 
whole tribe would end or be much lessened». ® There are many 
other similar statements to the effect that Arıki, when acting 
as war leaders, used above all to perform rites in order to invoke 
supernatural aid or used to destroy the enemy by means of 
magic. ® 

2 See supra, p. 192 sa. 

3 Gudgeon, Mana Tangata; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIV, p. 64. 

4 Gudgeon, Tipua Kura; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XV, p. 38; — cf. 
Idem, Maori :Religion; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIV, p. 118; — /dem, 
The Toa Taua; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIII, p. 264; — Taylor, Te Ika 
a Maui, pp. 80, 93, 319, 322, 330. u, 

5 Best, Notes on the Art of War; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. val. XII, p. 40. 

6 Wheeler, Sociology of the Maori, I. Manuscript; — Hammond, Op. 
cit.; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 91 sq.; — Smith, Wars of the Northern 
against the Southern Tribes; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XIII, p. 48; — 
Polack, Manners and Customs, vol. I, p. 40; — Taylor, Te Ilka a Maui, pp. 
80, 93. 

»In those brave days of old», an old Maori told Mr. Best, »the gods of 
the Maori assisted them to overcome their foe». — Te Whanga; in Journ. 


Polyn. Soc. vol. X, pp. 161, 163. — Cf. also Best, Notes on the Art of War; 
in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XI, p. 54. 


216 B. XIllı 


We have thus seen that when elected war leaders are en- 
trusted with the command, this is not always due to their mar-. 
tial qualities, but very often also to their supernatural powers. 
Similarly, when the tribal or, more probably, the clan chiefs 
called Ariki, acted as war leaders, this was often at least due 
to their relationship with the gods whose assistance was required. 

Speaking of the taopu or village maiden in Samoa, Mr. S. 
Percy Smith observes that she is always of high birth, chosen 
for that reason and for her good looks. She »sometimes leads 
her clan on the battle field, where her person is sacred»; she 
represents the highest class of woman-chieftains. ' Here 
again we meet with war leaders who do not derive their power 
from military capacity. According to Inglis, in the New Heb- 
rides, »formerly the principal chiefs exercised the priestly rather 
than the kingly power, though both offices were frequently com- 
bined in the same person». * This undoubtedly means that the 
priestly rulers acted in many cases as war leaders also. It was 
observed above that the ovia ahuahu, or the war chiefs of Roro- 
speaking communities in New Guinea, were in a subordinate 
position, as the paiha, or experts in battle magic, had the supreme 
command, and asarule the ordinary chiefs, ovia itsipana, acted 
in this capacity. ® Similarly, among the Mekeo it devolves on 
the chiefs to lull the enemy into security by magic means in 
order to facilitate the nightly assault.* Among the aborigines 
in Torres Strait the war expedition started in two columns, »the 
head of each column being a noted warrior, each of whom car- 
ried a magical emblem.... which was supposed to give vietory»° 
The clan chiefs of the savage inhabitants of the Philippines, 


mm mn a 


Shortland observes that Maori wars were »always carried on under 
the supposed patronage of guardian spirits and in conformity with fixed 
laws». — Traditions and Superstitions, p. 230. 

1 Smith, Hawaiki; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VII, p. 161. 

® Inglıs, In the New Hebrides, p. 24. 

3 See supra, p. 198. 

% Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 346. 

® Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Sraits, vol. V, p. 299. 


B. Xlll ı 217 


when acting as war captains, carried sacred designs in order to 
ensure success. ! The chiefs of the wild tribes in the Malay 
Peninsula are supposed to be invested with the power of killing 
their enemies by magic. * According to Stewart °, the chief of 
the Kukies was »much more a priest than potentate», yet, Lewin* 
maintains, he acted as war leader also.? In Madagascar the high- 
est idol was brought with the war party whenever the sacred 
king acted also as the commander-in-chief. ® Among the Kafırs, 
yif the chief wishes to counteract the magic used against his 
nation by some rival tribe, he is bound to use his fullest know- 
ledge of magical practices to hinder the enemy and strengthen 
his own people. ” So also the chief who did not command the 
war party personally had to perform one of the last sacred cere- 
monies in order to raise the courage of the army and to make it 
vietorious. $® Speaking of the Sük and Turkana, Sir H. H. 
Johnston observes that among these peoples the medicine men 
are very often the chiefs or leaders of war parties by virtue of 
their power in occult arts. ”? The priestly chiefs of the Masai 
never took part in war expeditions; vet they gave orders and 
direeted the operations of the army in conformity with super- 


m m nn un 


I Semper, Die Philippinen, p. 62. 

® Skeat, Wild Tribes of the Malay; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1902, 
p. 136. 

3 Stewart, Notes on the Northern Cachar; in Journ. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, 
1855, vol. XXIV, p. 608. 

% Lewin, Chittagong, p. 100 sa. 

5 Speaking of the Lushai chiefs as war leaders, Mr. Shakespear remarks 
that he once asked a chief how many enemies he had killed. »On my ex- 
pressing surprise at his admitting that he killed none, he naively remarked, 
you see, we chiefs always go last, shouting "Forward, forward’, and by tlıe 
time I reached the village, the people had always run away.» — Shakespear, 
Lushei Kuki Clans, p. 59. 

6 Ellis, Madagascar, vol. I, p. 410. 

° Kidd, The Essential Kafir, p. 148. 

8 Op. cit. p. 307. 

9 Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. II, p. 851. 


218 B. Xlllı 


natural information; ' while among the Wafiumi the witch- 
doctor decides when warfare is to be entered upon, and he acts 
also as the leader of the enterprise. * Ofthe Ba-Huana we read 
that their chiefs have a special war couneil; in war their duty 
is to be ambassadors, and their persons are respected also by 
the enemy. * Among the Negroes of Gambia, the chief, when 
sending his warriors for an expedition under the command of 
captains, performs certain rites in order to encourage them. * 
Beecham states that in the beginning of the nineteenth century 
the Ashantee kings, when entering upon war expeditions, were 
employed »in religious preparations during a period of several 
weeks. Not only in the capital, but in several other places, the 
king presented fetish offerings in furtherance of the undertak- 
ing.» ® 

Of the Abipones, Dobrizhoffer writes: — »That they may not 
be deceived in their opinions they make one of their jugglers the 
ruler of the expedition. ® Thus they readily admitted that the 
Guaycunis were more formidable than they themselves, this 
being the case »not because they excel them in goodness of arms, 
strength of body, or courage of mind, but because they enter 
the fight attended by far more skilful jugglers».” Among the 
Sia and other Pueblos, the tiämoni, by virtue of his priestly 
office, is »ex-officio chief executive and legislator; the war priest 
(he and his vicar, being the earthly representatives of their war 

I Merker, Die Masai, pp. 18, 865; — Vandeleur, Campaigning on 
the Upper Nile, p. 134. 

Von der Decken observes that the Masai chief »mit seiner Zauberkunst 
die Feinde zurückschlägt und vernichtet».— Reisen, vol. II, p. 24; — Hinde, 
The Last of Masai, p. 23. 

2 Baumann, Durch Massailand, p. 179. 

3 Torday and Joyce, Ba-Huana; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1906, 

. 289. 
i 4 Hecquard, Voyage sur la cöte et dans l’interieur de !’Arique Occi- 
dentale, pp. 97, 100. 
5 Beecham, Ashantee and Gold Coast, p. 207. 


6 Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 375.. 
® Op. eit. vol. II, p. 422. j 


B. XIIlı 219 


heroes) having immediate control and direction of the military 
and of tribal huntss. The people have, however, elected war 
captains also. '" Among the ancient Mexicans *? and in Yucatan, 
the sacrificer as well as the war captain was called Nacon. ? 
Speaking ofan Omaha war party, Dr. Dorsey says that the war 
leader had, as a rule, a sacred bag,which he opened with its mouth 
towards the foe, »that the wind might waft the magic influence 
of the bag to the lodges and make the sleepers forget their wea- 
pons and warlike spirit». * Deseribing more closely these »Sac- 
red War Packs», Miss Fletcher and Mr. La Flesche state that no 
war expeditions started out until the Thunder-god had given 
his sanction through these sacred things. When this had taken 
place and when the leader and his followers had received full 
instructions from the keeper of one of these Sacred Packs, and, 
moreover, when they had secured one or more of the sacred 
birds to act as a medium between the party and the Thunder- 
god, they felt themselves ready »to face any danger; and in any 
event the responsibility for their acts rested with the super- 
natural agencies they had invoked». ° Every war expedition 
of the Creek® Indians had its special hopya or »charmer at a 
distancev. Among the Dakota, »the war chief who leads the 
party to war is always one of their medicine men, and is believed 
to have the power to guide the party to success, or save it from 
defeat.» ? So also of Sitting Bull, »the great medicine-man» of 
the Sioux who died in 1890, we read: — »Although a priest rather 


1 Coxe Stevenson, The Sia; in 11:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 16, 18. 

2 Bastian, Die Culturländer des Alten America, vol. I, p. 611. 

3 Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 613 n 2, 645 n 1. 

% Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 327. 

5 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 416. 

6 Gaischet, Creek Indians, p. 165. 

? Schooleraft, Information respecting the Indian Tribes, vol. IV, p. 
495; quoted by ‚Spenrer, Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 339. 


220 B. Xlllı 


than a chief he had gained a reputation in his early years by 
organizing and leading war parties». ! 

Passing over to the so-called Aryans, in Sparta, as we have 
seen above, ? the people decided upon peace and war, ° the 
Ephors collected the army, * while the kings were entrusted 
merely with its command. This again, was undoubtedly less 
due to their military renown than to the fact that all the ope- 
rations had to be conducted in conformity with divine direc- 
tions. 5 »Zeus,» observes Farnell, ® »was the leader of the host, 
to whom the king sacrificed, and from whose altar, if the signs 
were favourable, he carried fire away with him to the enemy’s 
frontier». * So also the Roman kings, and even the consuls, did 
not on the battle-field stand for their own military skill only; 
in fact, as Fustel de Coulanges justly observes: — »Privee de son 
chef, l’arm6e est en möme temps privee de la protection celeste; 
avec le consul sont partis les auspices, c’est-ä-dire la religion et 
les dieux.» ® Similarly Mommsen observes of Scipio that after 
the end of the second Punic war, »the youthful conqueror moved 
in splendid procession through the decorated streets of the capi- 
tal, to deposit his laurels in the house of the god by whose direct 
inspirations, as the pious whispered to one another, he had been 


1 Mooney, Ghost Dance Religion; in 14:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 860. 

2 See supra, P. 204. 

3 Grote, History of Greece, vol. Il, p. 277. 

4 Op. cit. II, p. 275 sqq. 

5 Op. eit. vol. Il, p. 275, passim. 

6 Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, vol. I, p. 59; cf. also vol. V, 


pp. 358, 404. 
‘ Speaking of the commanders-in-chief of the Phocian Confederacy, 
Tittmann remarks: — »Sonderbar ist, dass dieses Amt wie erblich war; 


indem man nicht nur die Brüder nach einander sondern auch den Sohn. 
des einen wählte, der noch so jung war, dass er eines Vormundes bedurfte». 
— Tittmann, Darstellung der griechischen Staatsverfassungen, p. 709. 

8 Fustel de Coulanges, La cite antique, p. 230. 


B. Xlllı 221 


guided in counsel and in actiomw. ! And it is known that 
even later the Roman commanders paid often more attention to 
sacrifices than to actual fighting. * As for the early Scandi- 
navians, Strinnholm points out that the kings of Upsala were 
the most natural war leaders because of their descent from the 
old deified ancestors who were also supposed to take part in the 
fighting. ? Moreover, in general the kings of the early Scandi- 
navians were thought by means of their great magic skill to be 
able among other things to blunt swords, still the waves of the 
sea, and develop the power and strength of eight men.“ 

From these facts it appears that in those cases where not 
merely civil and priestly but also military duties devolve on 
primitive chiefs, this has often been due to their supernatural 
power and not simply to their martial qualities. They have 
acted as leaders of their warriors because of their chieftainship 
in its general aspect. 


1 Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. II, p. 368. — Cf. also vol. I, p. 100 
and passim; — Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Ro- 
man Empire, vol. I, p. 16 sq.; — Tacitus, History 1V, 85; — /demn, Ger- 
mania, 33. 

2 Gf. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. III, p. I. 

83 Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. II, p. 37. 

4 Kauffmann, Balder, p. 176; cf. p. 207 sqq. 


CHAPTER VII 


THE CHARACTER OF PRIMITIVE CHIEFTAINSHIP 
(Continued) 


In a previous chapter it was observed that primitive com- 
munities do not require protection merely against human foes, 
but also against invisible agents and hostile powers which fill 
the savage mind with a sense of dependence and fear. In all 
the instances Just quoted it was noticed also that primitive 
chiefs are charged with the making of offerings and other similar 
duties in order to secure the benevolence of these powers. So 
also we pointed out that, together with these supernatural fac- 
tors, scarcity of food is a foe of capital importance to all savage 
communities whether warlike, in the ordinary sense of the word, 
or not. In the following pages it will be seen more clearly than 
above, that among the priestly duties of primitive chiefs some 
very important ones are directed to procuring special assistance 
and blessing in this respect also; similarly when the savages, 
after a good harvest, desire to show their gratitude towards 
their invisible benefactors, it devolves on the chiefs to perform 
the ceremonies required or otherwise to act as mediators. Nay 
more, the chiefs themselves are considered ultimately to be 
responsible for the material welfare of their people; hence in 
the case of failure and famine they are seriously punished. 


B. XIll.ı 223 


Among the pagan Eskimo in Greenland the most skilful 
harpooner of the clan was considered to be its chief as well as 
its wizard, Angekok, who knew how to decoy large flocks of 
seals.'" As regards the Iroquois, there seems reason to suppose 
that previous to the establishment of the league the sachems 
were charged with the duty of procuring rain.” Among the 
Blackfeet the chiefs prayed during the Sun-dance ceremonies 
»that their children might live to be old and always have plentv 
of food», ? or »Mother Earth have pity on us and give us food to 
eat»,? or also »May our medicine provide us with food». ® The 
Omaha paid the greatest reverence to their »Sacred Pol». When 
it was to be painted with fat as the emblem of abundance, and 
red, the colour of life, the mixture therefore symbolizing »abun- 
dant life», the chiefs by means of smoking were praying and 
»asking of a blessing.® Among the Indians of British Columbia 
the chiefs performed religious ceremonies in order »to invoke the 
aid of the deity for fine weather, plenty of fish, ete.» ° Thus 
e. g. the Stseelis observed certain first-fruits ceremonies; for 
example, when the salmon »run» commenced, the first one caught 
was always brought to the chief. He subsequently called the 
people together »for prayers and dancing. Only the chief him- 
self prayed». ® Similar customs, on the whole, prevailed among 


m 


I »Er war zugleich der Zauberer, der Angekok, und wusste mit den 
Geistern Oceans, der weissen Berge des Inlandseises, der Länder jenseits 
des Meeres in Verbindung zu treten; er verstand zahlreiche Robbenscharen 
anzulocken .. .» — Globus, vol. LXIX, 1896, p. 223. 

2 Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 196; cf. pp. 71, 185, 220 sqq. 

3 McClintock, Old North Trail, pp. 288, 297. 

4 Op. cit. pp. 32 sqq., 93. 

5 Op. cit. pp. 80, 85. 

6 Fleicher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. pp. 238 sqq., 283, 286 sqyq., 599. 

? Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouv er Island, p. 
81; — Dunn, History of Oregon, p. 252 saq. 

8 Tout, Report on the StsEelis Tribe; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1904, p. 330. 


224 B.Xlllı 


the Statlumh tribe." Describing the ceremonies called Hako 
among the Pawnee Indians, Miss Fletcher states that every rich 
man was entitled to arrange them, ® vet, if he himself was not 
the chief, he had to ask the chief to perform them together with 
the Hurahus or the man conversant with the rites. ?* With the 
Hako they prayed »for the gift of life, of strength, of plentv, 
and of peace. * Of the Hopi, an old tale informs us that »the 
village chief was called Tapolo, but he was not at peace with 
his people, and there was quarrelling and trouble. Owing to 
this conflict only a little rain felb.? Among this people rain- 
cloud spirits are regarded as ancestral beings. ® Even at the 
present time, the clan chiefs of Hopi take part in ceremonies 
which aim at procuring rain and improving the growth of the 
crops. * Among the Sia Indians the civil and religious head 
used to be elected from the corn clan; once, however, they elected 
him »from the coyote clan, but he proved not to have a good 
heart, for the cloud people refused to send rain and the earth 
became dry». ® The Zuni Indians recognize the supreme poli- 
tical authority of the rain-priesthood, which nominates and 
dismisses the civil head of the community. On this priesthood 
devolve all the ceremonies which are required to procure rain 
and fertilize the soil. ”? Similarly the chief of the Seri Indians 


I Tout, Report on the StatlumH; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1905, 
p. 140. 

2 Fleicher, The Hako; in 22:nd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 19, 26. 

3 Op. cit. pp. 58, 60 sq., 63, 96, 100 sqq., 123, 203 sqq., 244 sqq., 256 
sqaq., 309 sq. 

4 Op. cit. pp. 24, 145, 148, 198, 280 sqq. 

> Fewkes, Tusavan Ceremonies; in 19:th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 603. 

6 Op. cit. p. 1008; — cf. Fewkes, Tusayan Ceremonies; in 16:th Ann. 
Rept. p. 300 sq. 

° Op. cit.; in 16:th Ann. Rept. pp. 274 sqq., 302 syq.;— Op. cit.; in 19:th 
Ann. Rept. pp. 965, 972 sqq., 978, 1007 sqq. 

B® Coxe Stevenson, The Sia; in 11:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 16. 

9 Coxe Stevenson, The Zuni; in 23:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 
163, 166, 180, 289 syq. 


B. XII ı 295 


had the duty of procuring the food supply, stilling storms at sea, 
protecting the fields from the drought, etc." Among the Hui- 
chol Indians, their spiritual head produced rain. ? Speaking 
of the kings of ancient Mexico, Gomara states that the new 
kings, when ascending the throne, were »made to swear .. 
to make the sun to go his course, to make the clouds to pour 
down rain, to make the rivers run and all fruits to ripen». ? 
The Najobo Indians, even as late as the middle of the last cen- 
tury, worshipped an idol called Montezuma. »It is», savs Davis, 
»greatly in vogue in a dry time, when it is brought forth from 
the sanctuary and with dancing and other rites they invoke 
it in favour of rain. * According to Fewkes, ? the chiefs of 
the early aborigines in Porto Rico had a special influence upon 
the growth of crops; this was the case also with the early in- 
habitants of Haiti.° The Incas were similarly considered to be 
responsible for rain. ° 

Among the aborigines of the Gold Coast in West Africa, the 
chiefs perform those ceremonies which are required »pour obtenir 
une annee prosp£re et d’abondantes recoltes». ° Describing his 
duties, a chief among the Cross River Negroes observed: —»By 
the observance and performance of these ceremonies I bring 
game to the hunter, cause the yam crop to be good, bring fish 
to the fisherman, and make rain to fall». ” This was the case 


2 Lumholiz, Unknown Mexico, vol. II, pp. 7 sq., 18, 189. 

8 Clavigero, History of Mexico, vol. I, p. 340; — Diaz, Histoire veri- 
dique de la Nouvelle-Espagne, p. 249; — Bancroft, The Native Races of 
the Pacific States, vol. II, p. 146; — Brinton, Hero-Myths, p. 121 sq. 


4 Davis, El Gringo, p. 395; cf. p. 394. . 
5 Fewkes, The Aborigines of Porto Rico; in 25:th Ann. Rept. Baur. 
Ethnol. p. 66. 


6 Op. cit. p. 64. — As for the Antilles, see Rochrfort, Iles Antilles de 
l’Amerique, p. 361. 
° Letourneau, Evolution politique, p. 119; — Bastian, Die Cultur- 
länder des Alten America, vol. I, p. 464. 
8 Hecquard, Voyage sur la cöte de l’Afrique Occidentale, pp. 64 sqgq., 113. 
9 Partridge, Cross River Natives, p. 202; cf. p. 205 sqq. 
15 


226 B. Xlll ı 


with the Loango chiefs also." Thus, speaking not merely of 
the Ovakumbi Negroes, but of the whole of equatorial Africa, 
the missionary, Father Wunenburger, observes: — »Une supersti- 
tion commune aux differents peuples de l’Afrique equatoriale 
attribue aux simples roitelets du pays, le pouvoir exclusif de 
faire tomber la pluie, et dans les cas extremes, ä certains rois 
plus privilegies. * According to Mr. Kidd, »tradition always 
places the power of making rain as the fundamental glory of 
ancient chiefs and heroes» among the Kafirs; hence, as Mr Kidd 
adds, »it seems probable that it may have been the origin of 
chieftainship. The man who made rain would naturally become 
the chief. ? It follows as a matter of course that the chiefs 
were anxious to maintain their favoured position of being the 
only persons vested with this special power. * Moreover, the 
Kafirs do not begin the harvest and the feast of first-fruits before 
the permission of the chief has been obtained. This custom has 
been designed »probably, partly as a taboo to prevent the squan- 
dering of the tribal food supply, and partly as a means of insur- 
ing that the amatongo, or ancestral spirits, shall get their due 
and be kept well disposed towards the tribe». ? Similarly,-among 
the Matabele peoples, the chiefs make rain ® as well as perform 
the ceremonies and thanksgivings for good harvests, etc. »0 
Grands Esprits de mon pere et. de mon aleul, je vous rends gräce 
de ce que l’an dernier vous avez accord& ä mon peuple plus de 
ble qu’aux Machonas, mes ennemis. Cette annee aussi, en 
‘reconnaissance des douze boeufs noirs que Je vais vous consacrer, 
faites que nous sovons les mieux nourris ..»° Among the 


I Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango- Küste, vol. I, ‚P. 
353; Sa Il, pp. 230 sq., 253. 
® Les Missions Catholiques, vol. XX, p. 262. 
3 Kidd, The Essential Kafir, p. 114. | 
1 Op. cit. pp. 114, 155. 
> Kidd, Kafır Socialism, p. 7; — Casalis, The Basutos, p. 215. 
6 Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. LIII, pp. 262 sq., 
267 Sq. | 
“Op. eit. p. 268 sq. 


B. Xl11lı 97 


Mavenda in the Transvaal, »in the early spring of every year 
some twenty or thirty head of cattle are slain under the direction 
of the chief when they pray for peace, prosperity, and plenty». ! 
The chief is also rain-maker; in fact, as Mr. Grant observes, 
rain-making is »a greater power in the eyes of natives than that 
of assegaiv. * They have also the feast of first-fruits with its 
important sacrifices, which latter, however, devolve more on the 
clan chiefs than on the tribal head. ? Speaking of the natives 
of Mashonaland, Garbutt states that as a rule »the king is the 
chief rain doctor». * According to Livingstone, the chief of the 
Bangai was in virtue of his priestly duties in general the pro- 
fessional rain-maker. °? The natives of the entire Nyanza district 
»sont persuades que la pluie elle-meme ne tombe que gräce aux 
sortileges, et c’est au chef de la tribu qu’incombe la mission 
importante de la faire tomber. Si elle n’arrive pas ä temps, 
tout le monde de se plaindre. Plus d’un roitelet est chasse de 
ses Etats pour cause de secheresse. ® Similarly among the 
Wagogo and the Wetumba, »the chief power of the chiefs is 
derived from their art of rain-making. ” The chiefs also lead 
the way in sowing, and perform the ceremonies in connection 
with the beginnings of harvest.” Ofthe Wanika, Krapf states 
that wizards are charged with rain-making, vet »they call upon 
the chiefs to offer up a sacrific. ” The sacerdotal chiefs of the 


I Grant, Magato and his Tribe; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1905, 
p. 270. 

? Op. cit. p. 267. 

3 Gottschling, The Bawenda: in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1905, p. 
379 sqqg. 

4 Garbutt, Native Witchcraft: in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1909, p. 


® Livingstone, Missionary Travels, p. 604 sq. 

6 Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. LX, p. 110. 

? Cole, The Wagogo of German East Africa; in Journ. ne In- 
stitute, 1902, p. 321; cf. p. 338. 

8 Op. cit. p. 319. 

» Krapf, Travels and Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa, p. 170. 


228 B. Xlllı 
Wakuafi,' Masai, ? Wataturu,? Wambugwe and Warangi * 
procure rain. Among the Lendu, »the rain maker is either a 
chief or almost invariably becomes one. ? According to Casati. 
the chief of the Mambettu procured rain. ® Speaking of the 
people of Unvoro, the same author observes: — »A native com- 
plained to me of the obstinate drought. ’And who is it’, I de- 
manded, "that regulates the fall of rain in this country?’ ’.Ma- 
kama, (the king) he replied». ° As regards the Lattooka, their 
chief, Lugar, was once driven away after the failure of his effort 
to cause rain to fall. A few days afterwards, however, when a 
great quantity of rain fell, the exile was recalled.° Ofthe Lur, 
Casati states that their chief, Wadelai, was a stranger to war, 
»whereas he was an universal rain enchanter. ? According to 
Von der Decken, '” when the Galla are suffering from drought 
the chief, assisted by elders, performs ceremonies in order to 
relieve the distress. Describing the natives living in the regions 
of the White Nile, Brun Rollet states that they have no other 
kings than those invested with the powers of making rain. Hence, 
if »apres avoir fait leur offre et reitere leur demande, la pluie ne 
tombe pas, ils (the people) se rendent aupres du roi et lui fendent 
le ventre, lequel suivant eux, renferme les tempetes ..»11 Of 


i Von der Decken, Reisen, vol. II, p. 24. 

2 Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, vol. TI, p. 830. 

3 Baumann, Durch Massailand, p. 173. 

4 Op. cit. p. 188. 

5 Johnston, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 555. 

6 Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria, vol. i, p. 133. 

” Op. cit. vol. I, p. 134; vol. Il, p. 57; — Featherman, Social History 
of the. Races of Mankind, vol. I, p. 111. 

8 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 132; — cf. also Featherman, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 82. 

9 Op. cit. vol. I, p 327. — Speaking of the Bari the same author ob- 
serves: — »Their respect and veneration for the dispensers of rain are great- 


er than those felt for the chiefs of the country». — Op. cit. vol. I, p. 30%. 
1 Yon der Decken, Op. cit. vol. Il, p. 375; — cf. Featherman, Op. cit. 
vol. I, p. 784. 


li Brun Rollet, Lettres par. .;in Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie, 
1852, p. 421 sygq. 


B. Xlllı 229 


the Barea and Kunama in Abyssinia, Munzinger gives infor- 
mation to the same effect; if the chiefs called Alfai are not suc- 
cessful in rainmaking and in driving away grasshoppers, they 
are stoned to death. 

Describing the feast of the first-fruits among the Tongans, 
Mariner states that portions of the fruits of the earth and other 
eatables »are offered to the gods in the person of the divine chief 
Tooitonga, which allotment is made once a vear». The object 
of this ceremony, according to the same observer, is to »insure 
the protection of the gods, that their favour may be extended 
to the welfare of the nation generally and, in particular, to the 
productions of the earth». * Hence, if this offering were neg- 
lected the vengeance of the gods would fall in a signal manner 
upon the people. ? Similarly in Rarotonga, the ariki or chief 
acted as mediator between the people and the gods at the festival 
of first-fruits. * Of the natives of the Humphrey Island, we 
read that the chief »prayed for ordinary supplies of food and 
life and healtw. ® In Samoa the village chiefs received the 
first-fruits. © Turner visited Niue Island in 1854, when the 
natives had no king. »Of old they had kings, but as they were 
high priests as well, and were supposed to cause the food to 
grow, the people got angry with them in times of scarcity and 
killed them; and as one after another was killed, the end of it 
was that no one wished to be a king». 7 We noticed above, that 
the Fijian chiefs were civil and religious rulers, while the leader- 


I Munzinger, OÖstafrikanische Studien, p. 474. 

2 Mariner, The Natives of the Tonga Islands, vol. II, p. 207; cf. also 
the following pages —— Featherman, Social History of the Races of Man- 
kind, vol. Il, p. 135. 

3 Mariner, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 84. 

3 Smith, Arai-Te-Tonga; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. XII, p. 218; — 
Idem, Hawaiki; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. VII, p. 197. 

5 Turner, Samoa, p. 279. 

6 Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, pp. 88, 327. 

‘* Turner, Samoa, p. 304 saq. 


230 B.X11l ı 


ship of war expeditions devolved on special war captains. ! 


In order to procure rain, the chief herald of the hereditary rulers 
prayed: —-»Be gracious, yelords the gods, that therain may cease 
and the sun shine forth». * But at the festival of the first-fruits 
the chief himself performed the ceremonies required, i. e. the 
fruits were given to him and then carried to the temple. The 
aim of the offering was »to persuade the ancestors to grant abund- 
ant increase». ” Speaking generally, similar customs prevailed 
in New Caledonia also.‘ In the New Hebrides the departed 
chiefs are supposed especially to preside over the growth of the 
yams and the different fruit-trees. The first-fruits are presented 
to them. All being quiet, the chief acts as high priest, and prays 
aloud thus: — »Compassionate father, here is some food for you; 
eat it, be kind to us on account of it». ? In Murray Islands, at 
the beginning of harvest, all the people assembled for worship, 
»when the Ad ® would be worn on the head of the tribal chief». 
He was also presented with the first-fruits. * Dr. Seligmann 
writes of a clan-chief among the Roro-speaking tribas in Neun 
Guinea »who has for generations had power over the weather 
and is firmly believed to procure rain at wilb.® The chief of 
the Mowat tribe in New Guinea is supposed to have the power 
of »affecting the growth of crops for good or bad, also of coaxing 
the dugong and turtle to come from all parts and allow them- 


I See supra, p. 197. 

2 Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 144; see also 
pp. 230, 233. 

3 Thomson, The Fijians, p. 64. 

* Rochas, La Nouvelle Caledonie, p. 276 sq. 

5 Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 88; — /dem, Samoa, p. 319. 

6 Certain objects were regarded as sacred, says Mr. Hunt, and were 
known by the generic name .1d. When the chief spirit of the natives was 
benignant, merciful and helpful, he was then known as Agud. The 4d of 
Agud consisted of a figure of man made of turtle shell. — Hunt, Notes on 
the Murray Islands; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1898, p. 6 sq. 

? Loe. eit. | ; 

8 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 291. 


B. XIIfı 231 


selves to be taken». ! This is the case also with other chiefs in 


the sare island; they have influence over the rain and the fish 
Thus, according to Chalmers, a man was chief because he had 
power over the sea in calm or storm. Another man was »great 
because his power is for plantations and is able to give an abun- 
dance of all kinds of food, and can bring rain and sunshine». ? 
In Bartle Bay, the position of a chief and that of a wizard were 
combined in the same person, the chief having also special influ- 
ence upon the crops. ° Similarly, in the Marshall Bennett Islands, 
the clan chiefs made thegardens oftheir clans productiveby means 
of charms. Each crop had its special spell.* Among the early 
inhabitants of Formosa, the old men, the rulers of the commu- 
nities, had to see that all men were entirely naked at the season 
of growing crops, otherwise the gods would not have given rain 
nor would the rice have grown. ? According to Low, the Dyak 
chiefs prayed »that the next Padi harvest might be abundant, 
that their families might be increased with male children, and 
that their pigs and fowls might be very prolific; it was in fact 
a prayer for general prosperity to the country and tribe». ® 
As regards the Hill tribes, not merely the stars and gods, but 
also the chiels themselves »are requested to shed their beneficent 
influence over the seed Padı and to render the season propitious 
to its growtiw. * So also the chief performs the ceremonies in 
connection with the beginning of harvest.® Similarly, Furness 
observes that the chiefs of the Dyaks are responsible for rain. ® 


I Beardmore, The Natives of Mowat; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1890, p. 464. 

2 Chalmers, Toaripi; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1898, p. 334. 

3 Seligmann, Op. cit. p. 456. 

3 Op. cit. p. 702. 

° Hulsius, Beschreibung der zweyen Insulen Formosa und Japan, p. 


6 Low, Sarawak, p. 255. 

® Op. cit. p. 251. 

8 Op. eit. p. 251 sg. 

9 Furness, Iome-Life of Borneo Head-Hunters, p. 28. 


232 B. XIMı 


Among the Tangkhuls, Nagas and Angamis in Manipur the 
sacerdotal chiefs of the villages have special influence upon the 
growth of crops and upon rain. If the other artificers fail, 
.the Raja, the descendant of semi-divine ancestors, must play 
his part. On a high hill he performs a magic rain-compelling 
rite. Every year a great procession worships at this hill, »but 
its special efficacy depends upon the presence of the Raja». ? 
Among the Meitheis in Manipur the clan chiefs officiate at the 
annual ceremonies which are connected with the crops, while 
Meithei Ningthou, or the Raja of the entire people, intercedes 
in cases of prolonged drought only. ? Similar customs are pre- 
valent among the natives of Assam * and Bengal also. ?” The 
Bagadas of the Neilgherry Hills have a proverb, »Where no 
master is, there the harvest will be bad». ® So also among the 
Cohatars the chief prays »for prosperity to the community during 
the ensuing year». ' 

As regards the Chinese rulers, as early as 2200 B. C. an old 
saw bade them see to it that »the elements of water, fire, metal 
wood, and earth with grain be well regulated». ® Hence we 
read of the Emperor K’ou: — »Tout ce qu’eclairent le soleil et la 
lune, tout ce qu’atteignent le vent et la pluie se soumet & lui 
sans exception». ? Similarly an instructive passage concerning 


I Hodson, The Native Tribes of Manipur; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1901, p. 308. 

2 Op. cit. p. 303. 

3 Hodson, The Meitheis, pp. 108, 110 sq. 

t Hodson, The »Genna» amongst the Tribes of Assam; in Journ. An- 
throp. Institute, 1906, pp. 96, 101, passim. 

5 Shakespear, The Kuki-Lushai Clans; in Journ. Athrop. Institute, 
1909, p. 382; — Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 91; — Les Annales de la 
Propagation de la Foi, vol. LIIlI, p. 180; — Hodgson, The Kocch, Bodo 
and Dhimal; in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. XVIII, part II, p. 708. 

6 Metz, The Tribes Inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills, p. 91. 

° Harkness, Neilgherry Hills, p. 76. 

8 Medhurst, Ancient China, p. 44 sq.; — Chavannes, Memoires histo- 
riques de Se-Ma-Ts’ien, vol. I, pp. 33, 37. 

9 Chavannes, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 40. 


B. Xlllı 233 


the Emperor Tsin-Che-Hoang-Ti runs: — »Son action modera- 
trice s’excerce en obeissant aux saisons, toutes les productions 
abondent et se multiplient». ' According to Marco Polo, the 
early Tartar rulers used to make offerings because »the Earth 
and the Air and the False Gods shall have their share of it and 
the spirits likewise that inhabit the Air and the Earth. And 
thus those beings will protect and bless the Kaan and his child- 
ren and his wives and his folk and his gear and his cattle 
and his horses, his corn, and all that is his». * Of the ancient 
Egyptians, Ammianus Marcellinus observes that thev were 
accustomed to attribute calamities like defeat in war and famine 
to their rulers.” The early Germans used to depose their kings 
if under their rule the state met »with any disaster in war, or if 
the earth failed to produce a good crop». * Further, the kings 
had in every way to make use of their magic skill to the benefit 
of their people. ° Similar customs prevailed among the early 
Scandinavians. ® According to the ancient laws of Ireland, 
there were seven proofs which attested the falsehood of any king. 
Of these the four last were »dearth in his reign, dryness of cows, 


I Op. cit. vol. II, p. 147. — See also Medhurst, Op. cit. pp. 145, 215, 
351 sq., 391.;, — Pauthrer, Chine, p. 135. 

2 Yule, Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 301; cf. p. 309. 

® Ammianus Marcellinus, History, XXVIII, 5, 14. 

3 Ammianus Marcellinus, Loc. cit.. — Lamprecht writes: — 
»sjeder Unwille der Gottheit (wurde) vom unbefriedigten Volke dem 
königlichen Hause zur Last gelegt und nicht selten fielen darum Könige 
bei öffentlichem Unglück, bei Misswachs und Hungersnot, bei Niederlage 
und Sterben, der Wut des Volkes zum Opfer». — Deutsche Geschichte, vol. 
l, p. 134; — Chantepie de la Saussaye, The Religion of the Teutons, p. 366; 
— Dahn, Zur Geschichte der germanischen Gottesurtheile, p. 537; — Mogk, 
Menschenopfer bei den Germanen; in Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, 
41912, vol. XV, pp. 427, 433 sq. 

5 Kauffmann, Balder, pp. 208 sqq., 215, passim. 

6 »So opferten die Schweden ihren Drott Domalder den Göttern zur 
Versöhnung nach langjährigem Misswachs für ein gutes Jahn. Strinn- 
holm, Wikingszüge, vol. II, p. 34 n.; — Chantepie de la Saussaye, Op. cit. 
p. 372; — Kauffmann, Balder, p. 17% sq. 


234 B. XIII ı 
! 


blight of fruit, scarcity of corn». © Hence the book of Uacong- 
bhail gives the following description of Cormac the king of Erin: 
— »The world was full of all goodness in his time; there was 
fruit and fatness of the land and abundant produce of the sea, 
with peace and ease and happiness in his time. * As regards 
first-fruits, ? every great chief was entitled to them, »because 
they remove foul weathers by their good customs». * 


1 


It was pointed out above that in close connection with those 
instances in which the chiefs are invested with the duty of exer- 
ceising a special influence over the weather, the growth of crops, 
fishing etc., there are cases showing that the possession of wealth 
is in itself sufficient to entitle a man to become chief, or that 
the possession of wealth is in many cases required even of a 
chief who derives his authority mainly from other sources, as 
for example from inheritance. According to Rink, the arrange- 
ment of feasts and the distribution of wealth created social 
prominence among the Eskimo. ° So also among the Tacullies 
»yany person may become a miutu or chief who will occasionally 
provide a village feastv. © Of the Kutchin Indians, Bancroft 
states that they have scarcely any government; their chiefs are 
elected »on account of wealth or ability». Among the Fox Island- 
ers, those who have numerous families and are skilful and suc- 


For the right of the old Anglo-Saxon W’itan to depose the kings, see 
Freeman, Norman Conquest, vol. I, p. 113 sq.; — Idem, English Constitu- 
tion, pp. 29, 39, 167 n. 48. 

l Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. IV, p. 53: cf. vol. V,p. 451. — See 
also Joyce, Nocial Ilistory of Ancient Ireland, vol. I, p. 56. 

2 O’Curry, Lectures on Ancient Irish History, p. 44. 

3 Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. 111, p. 25; — cf. Skene, Celtic Scotland 
vol. II, p. 71. 

4 For further particulars see Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. II, 
p. 609, — Frazer, The Golden Bough, vol. II, p. 459 sqq. 

5 Rink, The Eskimo Tribes, p. 28 sq. 

6 Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 132. 

” Op. eit. vol. I, p. 132. 


B. Xlllı 235 


cessful in hunting and fishing are elected to be chiefs." Among 


the Tlingit ? and Haidahs, ? rank and power depend greatly upon 
wealth, which consists of implements, wives and slaves. Al- 
though the Haidah chiefs are at the same time »sorcerer-chiefs», * 
yet their rank increases parı passu with the number of feasts 
arranged by them.? Speaking of the Statlumh Indians, Mr. 
Tout states that the office of tribal chief is theoretically elective 
and practically hereditary, especially among the lower tribes. 
The chief is as a rule »the wealthiest man in the trib. As for 
succession, both father and son pave the way by a generous 
distribution of presents. ® Similarly there is every reason to 
believe that, previous to the arrival of Missionaries, the Siciat! 
Indians used to elect. their chiefs on account of their feast- 
giving; ? hence even a stranger could become a ruling chief by 
this means. ® According to the same author, a similar order of 
things was prevalent among the Stseelis Indians; succession, 
however, was more firmly established, so that if a reigning chief 
died, leaving only a young son behind him, the wealthiest man 
of the village would act as »seat warmer» for the boy, until he 
could succeed to his father’s place. Moreover, »it was de rigueur 
for a chief to return more than the value of anything he took or 
received. ?° Among the Chinook each hand or village was 


! Coze, Russian Discoveries between Asia and America, pp. 120, 181, 
218 sqq. 

2 Swanton, The Tlingit Indians; in 26:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 448 sa. 

3 Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 167. 

2 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 172; cf. p. 168. 

5 Swanton, Op. eit. pp. 434, 439, 448. 

6 Tout, Report on tlıe Ethnology of the StatlumH; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1905, p. 130. 

? Tout, Report on the Ethnology of the Siciatl; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1904, pp. 22, 25. 

8 Op. cit. p. 22. 

9 Tout, Ethnol. Report on the StsEtlis Tribe; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1904, p. 317. 


236 B. Xl1lı 


usually ruled bv a chief, »either hereditarv or elected for his 
wealth and popularity, who exerted over his tribe influence 
rather than authority, but who was rarely opposed in his mea- 
sures». 1 Of the Aht Indians in the Vancouver Islands, Sproat 
observes that the person who gives away the most property 
receives the greatest praise and »in time acquires almost as a 
matter of course, but by the voice of the tribe, the highest rank 
obtainable by such means». ? Yet this rank is only for life and 
is different from the ancient tribal ranks. As a matter of fact, 
even these hereditary rights involve the duty of distributing 
wealth. Hence the head chief, though frequently receiving 
presents from his tribesmen, is not expected to remain wealthv, 
as he has to entertain visitors and make large distributions to 
his own people. ® Of the Nootka Indians in general, Bancroft 
observes that the accumulation of propertv beyond the necessi- 
ties of life is only considered desirable for the purpose of distrib- 
uting it at great feasts and thereby acquiring a reputation for 
wealth and liberality.* »To enter the rank of the medicine-men 
or to attain rank of any kind, property must be sacrificed». ® 
The great feasts during which this distribution of wealth takes 
place are given periodicallv by the head chiefs. ® Thus among 
the Indians of Salish stock as well as among the Nootka tribes 
in British Columbia, chieftainship is mainly based upon wealth; 
even In the case of hereditary succession the chiefs distribute 
their property for the benefit of their tribesmen. ? 


I Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 240. 

2 Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, p. 113. 

> Op. eit. p. 114. 

% Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 19. 

° Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 192, 194. 

8 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 201. 

°C. Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River, vol. I, p. 321; — Dunn, 
Historv of Oregon, p. 252 sq.; — Tout, Report on the Ethnology ofthe 
StatlumH; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1905, p. 130. 

»The chiefs are considered in proportion to their riches; such a chief 
has a great many wives, slaves, and strings of beads — he is accounted a 


B. XIllı 237 


According to Bancroft, hereditary chieftainship is almost 
unknown among the Northern Californians. »If the son succeeds 
the father it is because the son has inherited the father’s wealth 
and if a richer than he arise, the ancient ruler is deposed and 
the new chief reigns in his stead». " Among the Tolewas in Del 
Norte, »money makes the chief». * At Trinidad Bay, »the chief 
obtains his position from his wealth». ? In his description of 
the Blackfeet Indians, Mr. McClintock states that generous 
distribution of wealth creates social rank. * »A chief must be 
kind-hearted and open-handed, ever ready to share his food 
supply with the poorest of his tribe. So also, it devolves on 
him to entertain strangers and delegations from other tribes. ? 
Similar customs prevailed among the Omaha. Open-handedness 
increased a man’s social rank, ® and the chiefs were expected 
largely to distribute gifts to their people ‘, as well as to entertain 
strangers and arrange feasts. ® According to Hunter, the Kicka- 
poo, the Kansas and Osage Indians had no hereditary peace . 
chiefs.? Yet »the chiefs and candidates for public preferment 
render themselves popular by their disinterestedness and po- 


—m— 1 a De — m na ni nn m nn mm nn m nn 


great chief», says Franchtre of the Columbian Indians in general. — Voyage 
to N. W. (:oast of America, p. 250; — Mayne, Four Years in British Colum- 
bia, p. 263 sqq.; — Paul Kane, Wanderings, p. 239; — Baneroft, Op. eit. 
vol. I,pp. 217, 240; — Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. III, pp. 261, 
304 n, 353 sq. 

I Bancroft, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 347. 

2 Powers, Some Accounts of the Habits, Customs, Traditions and 
Language of the Galifurnian Indians; quoted by Buneroft, Op. cit. vol. 1, 
p. 348. n. 

3 Hubbard, in Golden Era, March 1856; quoted by Banrroft, Loc. cit. 

%* McClintock, Old North Trail, pp. 253, 257, 276 sqgq. 

5 Op. cit. p. 189. 

6 Fleicher and La Flesche, The Omalıa Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
p. 520 sqq., passim. 

° Op. cit. pp. 202, 212, 378, 495 sqq., 632; — Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; 
in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 217. 

8 Fletcher and La Flesche, Op. cit. p. 212. 

9 Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes, p. 322. 


238 B. XlIIlı 


verty. \\henever any extraordinary success attends them in 
the aequisition of property, it is only for the benefit of their 
most meritorious adherents; for they distribute it with a profuse 
liberalitv, and pride u in being estimated the poorest 
ınen in the community». ' Although, among the Assiniboin, the 
office of a civil and that of a warrior chief mav have been united 
In one person, in which respect their chieftainship would differ 
from that found among the other Siouan tribes, ? nevertheless 
his position depended above all upon his generosity. »A enief 
would be deposed for any ceonduct causing general disgust or 
dissatisfaetion, such as incest (marrying within his gens) or lack 
of generosity.... To preserve his popularity a chief must give 
away all his propertv, and he is consequently always the poorest 
man in the band». * So also of the Kansas we read that the civil 
chieftainship depended upon distribution of wealth. * Simi- 
larly among the other Indian tribes, who once inhabited the 
Mississippi regions, the chiefs were expected generously to distrib- 
ute their wealth to their tribesmen. ? So also of the Ojibway 
Indians, Jones ® observes that the rank of the hereditary peace 
chief depended upon his hospitality; while of the peace chief 
among the Sauks we read that he is usually poor, because he 
is »compelled to give away his property in hospitality or bene- 
volence ... must entertain his people occasionally with feasts 
and be liberal in giving presents». ° Among the Apache a 


I JIunter, Op. cit. p. 325; — Dorsey, Siouan Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. 
Rept. p. 232. 

2 See supra, p. 174 sqq. 

3 Dorsey, Op. cit. p. 224. 

I Loc. cit. 

5 Mooney, Siouan Tribes, p. 54; — McKenney and Hall, History of 
the Indian Tribes, vol. I, p. 111; — Hennepin, Discovery of a Vast Country 
in America, vol. I, p. 142; — see also for Indians in general, Ratzel, Völker- 
kunde, vol. I, p. 563. 

‘ Jones, The Ojebway Indians, p. 108. 

* VeKenney and Ha’l, Op. eit. vol. II., p. 68. 


B. Xlllı 239 


man’s social position was created by the number of his wives 
and his ability to sustain a large family. ' 

Speaking of the aborigines of Brazil, Martius * remarks that 
among the Tupis, Mundrucus, and others, the wealth of the 
chiefs, and the generous use of it forthe common benefit, created 
deference. Similarly, among the Bakairi? and Yaulapiti* the 
care for the general material welfare of his people is the main 
duty of the chief. As regards the Chaco Indians in Paraguay, 
each village has its cacique, who is »almost always noted for his 
untidiness, laziness and dirt». This is due to the fact that: he ıs 
supposed to give rather than to receive presents; hence, »should 
he outdo his followers in finery, the natural inference would be 
that he was stingy and k«pt his good things for himselß. ® Such 
an order of things prevailed among the Lengua Indians also. 
A voung chief once ask 'd a missinnary: — »Why do you not give 
me preseats? My followers expect me to give them things, 
and i do so; you are my chief, but I find you do not give me any 
presents». ® According .to Dobrizhoffer, the Abipones »require 
at the cacique’s hands whatever they take it into their head to 
wish for, believing that his office obliges him to satisfy the peti- 
tions of alb. ? In fact, a cacique never dared to wear rew clothes, 
because of the begging of his people.® Of the aborigines of 
Chile, Molina observes that they were not governed by military 
rulers; »on the contrary it would seem as if wealth had been the 
means of exalting the ruling fainilies to the rank which they 
oceupy». ? 


I Beneroft, Op. it. vol. I, p. 512. 
2 Martius, Unter den Ureinwohnern Brasiliens, p. 18. 
3 Steinen, Unter «den Naturvölkern Zentral-Braziliens, pp. 59 sııq., 85, 
89 sa. Ze 
3 Op. cit. p. 113. — »Es ist erstaunlich welche Unterschiede es sogar bei 
diesen Naturvölkern zwischen Arm und Reich giebt; p. 112. 
5 Grubb, Among Paraguayan Chaco, p. 102 sq. 
6 Hawrtrey, The Lengua Indians; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1901, 
p. 292. Ä 
© Dobrizhoffer, The Abipones, vol. II, p. 106. 
8 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 107. 
9 Molina, History of Chili, vol. II, p. 19. 


240 B.XIllı 


Among the Koorankos in Senegambia, the chiefs are elected 
on account of their personal talents and merits; generally, how- 
ever, a wealthy person exercises the greatest influence. ' Ofthe 
peoples living in the regions of the Niger River, we read that 
they have many hundreds of petty chiefs. »La royaute est 
accessible a tout le monde; l’unique moyen est d’immoler un 
ou deux etres humains. C’est le signe de la puissance et de la 
richesse. 2 Among the Jekris, Sobos, and 1jos the village heads 
are either old or wealthy men. The Jekris have a head chief for 
the whole tribe, »but the richest man is the most looked up to».? 
A chief of the Cross River Negroes once told Mr. Partridge: — 
»] am not yet made a reallv great chief. I am not rich 
enough to retire into a compound. I must go to market and 
get property». * According to Mr. Tessman, the chiefs of the 
Pangwe derive their influence from having many wives, ?. e. 
from wealth.” Among the Ba-Mbala in Congo the richest man 
of the community is its chief. Moreover, the villages are, as a 
rule, small and it often happens that a man who has become rich 
enough leaves his village with his wives and slaves, and estab- 
lishes a village of his own, with himself as Fumu or chief. ® So 
also upon the death of a Fumu the power devolves upon the 
individual who comes next in wealth; there is no form of elec- 
tion. *° Of the Betchuana, Burchell states that the word kosi 
»has a double acceptation, denoting either a chief or a rich man».“ 


1 Featherman, Social History of the Races of Mankind, vol. I, p. 325. 

%2 Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. LX, p. 46. 

3 Granville and Roth, Notes on the Jekris, Sobos and 1jos of the Niger 
Coast; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1898, p. 117. 

4 Partridge, Cross River Natives, p. 206. — See also Prst, Afrika- 
nische Jurisprudenz, vol. I, p. 131. 

5 The village chief in general »hat nur durch grössere Anzahl der 
Frauen, was gleichbeteutend mit grösserem Reichtum ist, einigen Einfluss». 
— Tessman, Pangwe Expedition; in Globus, 1910, vol. XCVII, p. &. 

6 Torday and Joyce, Ethnography of the Ba-Mbala; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1905, p. 409. 

? Op. eit. p. 408. 

B Burchell, Travels into the Interior of South Africa, vol. Il, p. 347. 


B. Xlllı 241 


As regards the Basutos, Casalis points out that the chiefs dread 
nothing more than the loss of their riches. »This misfortune is 
attended with consequences as fatal as those arising from a 
revolt. The chiefs are the great providers for the community». ! 
In his description of the Kafırs Lichtenstein observes that each 
village chief »chooses from among his most wealthy subjects five 
or six, who act as counsellors to him, without whose advice he 
seldom undertakes anything of importance».? According to Weeks, 
the chiefs of the Bangala communities are elected by the heads 
ofthe families. As regards these latter, their power depends upon 
wealth. »Such men necessarily had more influence and their 
words carried greater weight than the words of poorer and smal- 
ler men». ? Roscoe states of the Baganda that the hereditary 
clan chiefs were expected to distribute wealth to their people. * 

Among the natives of Cape York in Australia several wives 
ensure to the husband a certain amount of influence in his tribe; 
but this is due not merely to the fact that wives are looked upon 
as valuable property, but also to the importance ofthe connections 
by marriage. ®? According to Polack ® demands on the gener- 
osity of the chiefs were of continual occurrence among the Maori. 
The number of wives added to the husband’s importance, each 
wife having her own mara or farm. Hence, says Taylor, when a 
chief had several wives he could then entertain guests without 
fear of scareity, and {his was a sign of greatness. * So also, 
the same author states, that in another instance a minor chief 


I Casalis, The Basutos, p. 216. 

2 Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa, vol. I, p. 286. 

3 Weeks, Notes on the Bangala of Upper Congo River; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute, 1909, p. 430. 

4 Roscne, The Baganda, p. 13. 

5 Macgillivray, Voyages of »Rattlesnake&, vol. I, pp. 148, 151; vol. II, 
p. 27 sq.; — Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. 
V, p. 230. 


6 Polack, Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders, vol. TI, p. 
41 sq. 


* Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, p. 164. 
16 


242 B. Xlllı 


of a Maori tribe was »the directing spirit» of the tribe on account 
of his great wealth, although nominally another person »ranked 
as the head». ' In Samoa it devolved on the clan chiefs to get 
property by marriage in order to be able to distribute it to the 
members of their communities. ° The dignity of a Fijian chief 
was estimated by the number of his wives.? Polygamy was 
looked upon as principal source of a chief’s power and wealth. * 
Moreover, the chiefs were to exact largely and give liberally to 
their people. Thus, only a small portion of what they received 
remained in their own hands. ° 

As for the aborigines of New Guinea, Dr. Seligmann observes 
of the people in Bartle Bay that the amount of property a man 
possessed was »probably the greatest deciding influence fixing 
his social position. ® Among the Roro-speaking tribes the 
chiefs are expected largely to entertain their own people. ' 
This was the case for the clan chiefs among the Koita, too. ® 
Another observer, Krieger, states that among the Papuan popu- 
lation in general in New Guinea personal qualities — as for 
example bravery, wisdon, or reliability — did not elevate a 
man to the chieftainship; it was possessions and generositv 
which did this. ? Similarly, though the Mafulu have hereditary 
clan chiefs, their active functions »appear to be largely ceremo- 
niab. Besides ordinary civil and judicial matters, their duties 
consist in arranging feasts. '” Speaking of the natives of the 


I Taylor, Past and Present, p. 252. 

2 Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 282. 

3 Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 32. 

2 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 178. 

5 Op. eit. vol. I, p. 42. 

6 Seligmann, The Melanesians, p. 457. 

? Op. eit. p. 218 sq. 

8 Op. eit. pp. 52, 54, 141 sa. 

9 Krieger, Neu Guinea, pp. 191 sq., 420. 

1» Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, p. 11%; cf. pp. 125 sq., 
4AA sqa., 165 sg. 


B. Xllhı 243 


whole of Micronesia, Ratzel observes that wealth, together with 
religious traditions, is the foundation of political influence and 
the measure of social position. * According to Kolff, the chiefs 
of the inhabitants of Tenimber Islands were »respected as the 
oldest, the most experienced, and the richest» among their 
people. * Similarly among the Arafuras, the richest men were 
elected to chiefs.? 

According to Furness, the Miris, Aos, Semas, Lhotas, Kojah- 
mas, Merhamas, Manpuris, and Aimons in Eastern Assam have 
no marked tribal unity. »There is no one man whon any single 
tribe regards as a chief or leader». Each village is divided into 
from two to eight khels or wards, which apparently are »united 
in a zealous obedience and loyvalty to its leader». These leaders 
again are chosen on account of their riches and are expected 
generously to give feasts.* Among the Tangkhuls and Nagas 
the villages are governed by religious heads or ghennaburas. ® 
Yet if’ a man is rich enough to feast the whole village, »he is entit!- 
ed to become subject to the same dietarv disabilities as the 
ghennaburav.® Ofthe Mishmis in Bengal, who »possess one of 
the lowest grades of civilization», MeCosh writes: — »A constant 
round of festivities is kept up from one end of the vear to the 
other. Each chieftain kills the fattest bullock in turn; all his 
associates are invited to partake of the good cheer. The host is 
in his turn a guest at the next feast, and thus a reciproeity of 
entertainment is insured». Moreover, the skull of the animal is 


I Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 232. 

2 Kolff, Voyage of »Dourga», p. 229. 

3 Op. cit. pp. 161, 164. 

4 Furness, Ethnography of the Nagas; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1902, p. 746 sq. 

3 See supra, p. 204 sq. 

6 Hodson, The Native Tribes of Manipur; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1901, p. 306; — Stewart, Notes on the Northern Cachar; in Journ. Asiatic 
Soc. Bengal, 1855, vol. XXIV, p. 608 sq ;— Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, 
p. 42. 


244 B. Xlllı 


hung up as a record in the hall of the entertainer, and when he 
dies the whole collection of many years is piled upon his grave 
»as a monument of his riches and a memorial of his worth». ! 
Similarly among the Santals the feast-giving is one of the most 
important duties of influential people. * Of the political orga- 
nization of the inhabitants of Chumbi Valley, it was observed 
above that the two civil and sacerdotal chiefs, called kongdus, 
of the entire community were elected among the tshopas or 
village chiefs; these again were chosen on account of wealth. 
 Hence, as soon as they lost their property they were removed 
from office. So also of the kongdus, »the one which is recognized 
as having the superior wealth or social influence is always chosen 
to be the thripa or chairman». ?* Before the Kurds were brought 
under the Russian yoke their tribes were ruled by chiefs who 
were chosen to the office by reason of their noble birth or simply 
on account of their wealth. * 

So far as the account of Caesar gives a true picture of the 
early Gauls, wealth and openhandedness brought about social 
prominence and seemed to have been a successful way for ob- 
taining political leadership. ®° According to the Brehon laws, 
the Irish chiefs were expected to be wealthy; ® in fact the whole 
social constitution was based upon riches in cattle and land. ‘ 
Similarly Skene writes of the development of clans and clan 
chieftainship: — »As soon as the superior advance of some mem- 


1 McCosh, The Mountain Tribes of N. E. Bengal; in Journ. Asiatic 
Soc. Bengal, 1876, p. 195 sq. 

® Hunter, Rural Bengal, vol. I, p. 215 sq. 

3 Walsh, Elective Government in Chumbi Valley; in Journ. As. 
Soc. Bengal, 1906, p. 305. 

t Stenin, Die Kurden; in Globus, 1896, vol. LXX, p. 221. 

5 Caesar, De Bello Gallico, I, 2, 3, 18; VI. 13, 15. 

6 Maine, Early History of Institutions, pp. 13%, 142; — Ancient Laws 
of Ireland, vol. IV, p. 301 sq. See »Crith Gablach» in general. 

° Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. III, p. 143 sg; — Lang, A History of 
Scotland, vol. I, p. 80; — Seebohm, Tribal Custom, p. 86. 


B. Xlllı 245 


bers of the tribe over the others in wealth and importance pro- 
duced a relation of superior and dependent by the latter becom- 
ing Ceile or tenants of the former, while their possessions 
became hereditary in their families, the germ of the Fine or 
sept was formed». When the members of the sept or clan ac- 
quired parts of the tribal land as the absolute property of indi- 
viduals, this advance of theirs as wealthy land and cattle owners 
led to its further development. ' Moreover, such a flath or clan 
chief »added to his followers by settling stranger septs upon his 
waste lands». * So also Ri tuath not only occupied the position 
of king of the tribe, but was likewise the flath or chief of the 
most powerful sept within it. Speaking of the early German 
chiefs in general, Lamprecht * observes that they strengthened 
their position by means of wealth, and consequently became no 
longer dependent upon the whim of their people. Again, accord- 
ing to Dahn, ? the chiefs of republican communities were mainly 
chosen from the rich nobility. 

Thus, contrary to the view held by Letourneau, ® Vaccaro, ? 
Lester Ward ® and others, that primitive chiefs are, as a rule, 
egotistical tyrants, all the instances quoted undoubtedly make 
it clear that as far as the material welfare of primitive commu- 
nities is concerned, they are, on the contrary, true benefactors 
of their people. This inference is corroborated also by a host 
of facts throwing additional light upon the patriarchal character 
of primitive chieftainship. Deseribing the efforts of Red Jacket, 


1 Skene, Op. cit. vol. III, p. 171. 

®2 Op. cit. vol. III, p. 173. 

3 Op. cit. vol. III, p. 185 sq. 

% Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, p. 171. 

5 Dahn, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. I, p. 23. 

6 „La petite societe n’est plus qu’un troupeau d’esclaves obeissant 
aux caprices debrides d’un maitre sauvage. — Letourneau, Evolution 
politique, p. 66. 

? Vaccaro, Les bases sociologiques du Droit et de l’Etat, p. 236. 

8 Ward, Dynamic Sociology, vol. I, p. 585, passim. 


246 B. XIllı 


the chief of the Seneca tribe of the Iroquois, to preserve his 
people from destruction through the hostile attitude of the 
Whites, McKenney and Hall observe: — »His nation was his 
god; her honour, preservation, and liberty his religion. ' The 
same authors write of the chief of the Sauks that »frequentlxv 
the young men take his horses or other property without leave, 
he being perhaps the only individual in the tribe with whon 
such liberty could be taken with impunity. He is the father 
who must regard with an indulgent eye the misdeeds of his 
children, when he is himself the injured party, but who must 
administer inflexible justice when others are aggrieved».* Of 
the Siouan chiefs Dr. Dorsey states that their duty is to studv 
the welfare of their people, by whom they are regarded as a 
father, and whom they address as their children.” Similarlv 
of the Indians of the Salish stock in British Columbia, an instruc- 
tive passage funs: — »A Salish chief was rather a patriarch than 
a ruler. He was essentially the tribal father and stood to the 
tribe as a whole, on much the same footing as did the several 
eldermen to their individual familie». * Prompted by the 
constant misrepresentation and misunderstanding of the Indians 
by the Whites, Mad Wolf, the chief of the Blackfeet, adopted 
Mr. MeClintock as his son, hoping that this step »would be 
productive of sympathy and fidelity to the welfare of his tribe», 
i. e. he wanted a white man who had lived sufficiently long 
among his people and would tell the truth about them to the 
Whites.° A fairly well-known trait in the Indian view of the 
President of the United States is their opinion that he is their 
father and that they are »his red children». ® It need hardly be 


1 McKenney and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes, vol. I, p. 9 sq. 

2 Op. cit. vol. II, p. 68. 

3 Dorsey, Siouan Sociology; in 15:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 224. 

4 Tout, Report on the Ethnology of the StatlumH; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1905, p. 130. 

5 McClintock, Old North Trail, p. 97. 

6 Op. cit. pp. 172, 276; — Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; 
in 27:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 621. 


B. Alllı 247 


pointed out that this belief is far less due to the conduct of the 
Republican Government than to an earlier view now applied to 
modern conditions. 

When among the Sia the chief has been inaugurated in his 
office, the lower priests say: — »This man is now our priest, he is 
now our father and mother. ' Of the Seri Indians, Mr. McGee 
observes that although the clan mother is the central figure of 
the community, the executive power is vested in her brothers. 
He among them who is looked upon as the chief recognizes in 
every way his great responsibility »for the welfare of the tribe». 2 
Similar views were held by the ancient Mexicans as to the duties 
of their sacerdotal rulers towards the people in general, and 
for unprovided orphans, widows, and the aged in particular. ® 
Of the Lengua chief, Mr. Hawtrey observes that he is expected 
»to provide for his followers, and in this respect he is more like 
the father of the family than a chief in the recognized sense of 
the word... The more intelligence a chief has, the better he 
is able to provide for his followers and to work for their welfare». * 
Describing the position of the caciques among the Abipones 
Dobrizhoffer remarks that it certainlvy was far more »a burden 
than an honour», and often brought with it »greater danger than 
profit».° This was due to the fact that the people required »at 
the cacique's hands whatever they took it into heads to wish 
for, believing that his office obliged him to satisfy the petitions 
of al».® Among the natives of Central Brazil, says von den 
Steinen, the chief may often be simply a father of the family 
on a greater scale (Hausvater in grösserem Stil), who has to 
provide in every way for the prosperity of his community. ‘ 


1 Coxe Stevenson, The Sia; in 11:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 17. 
2 McGee, The Seri Indians; in 17:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 175 sq. 
3 Clavigero, History of Mexico, vol. I, pp. 131, 156. 
# Hawtrey, The Lengua Indians; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1901, 
p. 292. 
5 Dobrishoffer, The Abipones, vol. Il, p. 102. 
6 Op. eit vol. II, p. 106. 
? Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Braziliens, p. 330. 


248 B. X111lı 


Passing over to the natives of Africa, we read of the N’Komis 
in West Africa that »un chef supr&me ou grand roi, auquel les 
autres chefs obeissent, gouverne tout le pays. Mais ce roi est 
un pere pour ses sujets». ' The clan chiefs of the Baganda were 
expected to promote the general welfare of their communities. * 
When the Wabena chiefs die the people lament: — »Our friend, 
our father and helper, our chief is dead. He had a good heart 
and he gave us always our food». ® So also the chief of the Masai 
was above all looked upon as the far-sighted patriarch of the 
people. * Similary, speaking of the Basutos, Casalis observes 
that they called their chiefs Morena. »The origin of this 
word is very beautiful; it is formed from the verb of rena: 
to be tranquil. Morena therefore signifies, he who watches 
over the public safety and welfare.» ? 

The Maori tribes expected that a chief should be to his peo- 
ple a father, »a strong pa» (fortress). ° When one of the brothers 
or sons of a deceased chief in Fiji was about to be elected as his 
successor, the people paid great attention to the fact, who of 
them had been generous and taken care of his fellow men. ” 
Similarly on the native chiefs in New Guinea devolved the duty 
of providing for the general welfare of their communities. ® 

As early as 2200 B. C. the Chinese rulers were instructed 
that »virtue consists mainly in good government, and good 
government in nourishing people». ® Another instructive pas- 


1 Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. LX, p. 176. 

®2 Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 19. 

3 Priebusch, Die Stellung des Häuptlings bei den Wabena; in Globus, 
1910, vol. XCVIII, p. 206. 

3 Merker, Die Masai, p. 18. 

5 Casalis, The Basutos, p. 214. 

6 Smith, The Doings of the Wera; in Journ. Polyn. Soc. vol. IX, p. 57. 

? Thomson, The Fijians, p. 357; — Seeman, Viti, p. 232; — Williams 
and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. I, p. 42. 

3 Krieger, Neu Guinea, p. 194. 

9 Medhurst, Ancient China, p. 44 sq. 


B. Xlllı 249 


sage in ancient Chinese chronicles runs: — »Men are the most 
intelligent part of sublunary things; the most truly intellectual 
of men become chief rulers, and the chief ruler is the parent of 
the people." And ever since those remote ages »the radical 
idea at the bottom of Chinese financial method is feeding the 
people and feeding on the people». * Indeed the Chinese rulers 
have always held the view that they are themselves ultimately 
responsible for the general welfare of the people. Consequently 
they have often published edicts confessing to heaven their 
shortcomings, taking upon themselves the blame of floods, 
famines, and revolutionary outbreaks, and begging heaven’s 
forgiveness. °® | 

Manifold were also the patriarchal duties of the ancient 
Irish chiefs towards their people.* Similarly according to 
Kauffman, ° the chiefs of the early Germans made use of all 
their skill, magical and natural, to promote the general welfare 
of their communities. Ofthe chiefs of the early Scandinavians 
Strinnholm remarks that they were each in his community »the 
first father of the family».® 


On the other hand, when primitive chiefs could be deposed 
by reason of drought and famine or other similar disasters, no 


I Op. cit. p. 182. 

2 Parker, China, p. 195; — Smith, Chinese Characteristics, p. 107. 

3 Chavannes, Les Memoires historiques de Se-Ma-Ts’ien, vol. I, pp. 
33, 37, 40; vol. II, p. 147, passim; — Pauthier, Chine, p. 135; — Smith, 
Op. cit. p. 234. 

As for similar edicts published at the eve and during the revolution 
1911—12, see e. g. The Times, Oct. 30:th, 1911; and Helsingin Sanomat, 
Oct. 30:th, Nov. 5:th, 1911. 

4 Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. IV, p. 341. 

> Kauffman, Balder, pp. 208, sqq., 215, passim. 

6 Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. II, p. 40. — They were supposed 
not merely to avail themselves of their magical skill in battle and at sea, 
but they were able also »Menschen zu Geburt zu helfen, Vogelgezwitscher 
zu verstehen, Feuer zu löschen, Schmerzen zu lindern ...» — Kauffman, 
Op. cit. p. 176; cf. p. 207 sqgq. 


250 | B. X1llı 


wonder that this might often be the case in other instances also. 
If it thus happened that the people became discontended with 
their chiefs, they either dismissed them or left their rule. There 
are several instances to show this. Describing the neolithic 
natives of Central Brazil, von den Steinen observes that if they 
found the sway of their chiefs unpleasant they simply settled 
down elsewhere. ' Of the Abipones we noticed above that like 
customs prevailed among them also. * The Assiniboin dismissed 
any chief if he acted against their customs. ? According to 
Shakespear, among the Lushais the nomadie instinet of the 
people is still so strong that any chief whose rule is undulyv 
harsh soon finds his subjects leaving him.* The early 
Saxons® and ancient Irish ® elected their chiefs and they could 
depose them also for acts resented by the community. Of the 
early Scandinavian chiefs Strinnholm observes that some of 
them were killed when they resisted the decision of the people ‘. 
In short, from this point of view also it is obvious that the power, 
instead of Iying in the hands of strong war leaders, as has been 
represented, is among primitive races far more vested in the 
people. 


The general character of the primitive chieftainship, as it 
has been now described, gives, it would seem, the definitive solu- 
tion of the question why in many cases no special war leaders 


I Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, p. 331. 

2 See supra, p. 137. 

3 Dorsey, Siouan Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p- 224. 

4 Shakespear, The Lushei Kuki Clans, p. 44; cf. p. 45. — »Bei den 
Basutho fliehen die Unterthanen eines Häuptlings, welcher sie zu schlecht 
behandelt, zu anderen Häuptlingen.» — Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, 
vol. I, p. 152; quoting Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, vol. VI, p. 31. — This 
was the case among the Kafirs, Makokolo and others also. — Op. cit. vol. 
I, p. 153. 

5 Freeman, Norman Conquest, vol. I, p. 113 sq. 

6 Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland, vol. I, p. 50 sq. 

? Strinnholm, Wikingszüge, vol. II, p. 52 n. 


B. Xl1lı 251 


are elected, but the chief himself is expected to head his fighting 
men. Light was thrown, at least to some extent, upon this 
matter when we noticed above that in some instances chiefs 
have taken part in war expeditions on account of their priestliv 
office and skill in magical means. Yet there certainly remain 
instances which are to be explained on the basis of a broader 
view. If the primitive chief has been, and still is in many cases, 
the »father» of his community, if on him devolve priestly duties, 
that is, of appeasing the invisible agents hostile towards the 
people, or to thank them for their benevolence; moreover, if he 
has to provide for the material welfare of his people by a great 
many means; if finally he, at least in some cases, is expected 
to fight against human foes by supernatural means, whv should 
he not act, too, as a war leader in general, thus in this way also 
fulfilling his duty towards his people? 

Of the Ojibway peace chiefs, Jones observes that when thev 
lack wisdom, bravery, or hospitality thev fall proportionatelv . 
in the estimation of their people. It is therefore of considerable 
importance that they should excel in everything. ' Hence, 
although they are not expected to take part in war expeditions, 
»they seldom, however, neglect a good opportunity of displaying 
their wisdom, skill and bravery, and often accompany their 
people and engage in the conflictv. * What thus holds good of 
the secondary part plaved by the Ojibwav peace chiefs in war 
expeditions can certainly be applied on good grounds to many 
of those instances also in which there does not exist any special 
war leadership whatever. The chiefs of the Paraguavyan Chaco 
Indians are, as we have seen already, ” the general providers 
for their people, and »almost always noted for their untidiness, 
laziness, and dirt». * Yet they also lead their men in war. Simi- 


1 Jones, The Ojebway Indians, p. 108. 

2 Op. cit. p. 130. 

3 See supra, p. 239. 

4 Grubb, Among Paraguayan Chaco, p. 102 sq. 


252 B. Xlilı 


larly the chiefs of the Ba-Mbala Negroes hold their position for 
their wealth and because they are succeeded by those individuals 
who come next in wealth. " Yet these chiefs or their sons are 
war leaders at the same time. * The peace chiefs of the Mafulu ? 
in New Guinea and the Omaha Indians * fought as soon as 
sudden attacks were made against their people, and when every 
able man had to do his utmost to rescue it from the danger. 
So also the chiefs of the primitive Irish were expected, among 
other economic duties, to extend the boundaries to meet the 
increase in cattle and the other needs of their people. ° 

In short, the rule can be laid down that when primitive 
chiefs have acted as war leaders, more or less independently of 
their priestly function, this has been more due to the general 
patriarchal character of their duties and activities than to the 
independent importance of their warlike functions. Thus they 
have been war leaders mainly by virtue of their office and not 
. vice versa: that is to say, their position has not arisen from 
warfare and the duty of protecting their people before all against 
human foes. This inference, of course, does not by any means 
shut out the possibility of the occurrence of the individual supre- 
macy of some great warriors also in a later stage of the deve- 
lopment of the chieftainship, such as was observed in a previous 
chapter often to be found among the rudest savages. 


! Torday and Joyce, Ethnography of Ba-Mbala; in Journ. Anthrop. 
Institute, 1905, p. 408. 

2 Op. cit. p. 415 sq. 

3 See supra, p. 199. 

* Supra, p. 175. 

° Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. IV, p. 341. 


B. Xlllı 253 


11. 


Our investigation into the nature of the duties of primitive 
chieftainship has now come to an end. The characteristics 
which run through all the instances quoted above, and showing 
what is the nature of these obligations, have been so clearly 
marked, that a minute recapitulation is not required. The 
main inference is that among these various duties the warlike 
ones in the ordinary sense of the word are not as a rule funda- 
mental. On the contrary, even among the most warlike races, 
as e. g. the Indians of North America, the Maori, the Fijians, 
the Dyaks, the Masai, and several other natives in Africa, as 
well as the early Germans, elected leaders are entrusted with 
the command of the fighting forces, while permanent and in 
many cases hereditary chiefs, or persons more wealthy than 
their fellows, have been in charge of civil and religious matters, 
in other words, of those pertaining to the ordinary life of their 
communities. It has been in many cases obligatory on them to 
make oiferings to the unseen powers in order to make these 
benevolent towards the community and give them their liveli- 
hood, or otherwise to promote their welfare; or else the chiefs 
have been thought by other supernatural means, by magical 
performances, to be able to make rain, to ripen crops, or in other 
ways to control the food supplies. And the wealth of chiefs was 
made to serve the same end of public usefulness. Thus the 
general aim of primitive chieftainship, as a rule, has been to 
promote the scanty prosperity of their rude fellow cereatures. 
Moreover, these traits have been characteristic not only of the 
so-called peace chiefs, but of those also who take part in active 
hostilities either by virtue of their supernatural powers or on 
account of their general duty to work for the benefit of their 
peoples and to head them in all their undertakings whether 
peaceful or warlike. 


254 | B. XHlı 


These inferences Justify the views put forward in a previous 
chapter with regard to the development of the primitive chief- 
tainship above the level of the simple rule of elders. In the 
long run able warriors have not succeeded in establishing their 
permanent rule. Primitive warfare, restricted as it often is to 
small parts of the community, or else carried out on an unim- 
portant scale, and being, too, by no means unceasing, has not, 
as a rule, afforded opportunity for the brave fighting man to 
win a lasting supremacy. To him has been left the leadership 
only in isolated war expeditions. or he has been succeeded in 
his personal rule over the community by other individuals, 
kinsfolk or otherwise, who have had to adopt other forms of 
rule where warfare has not been the main occupation of the 
people. Thus, as far as a general conclusion can be drawn, it 
seems reasonable to infer that causes acting permanently — 
and foremost among these the relation between primitive com- 
munities and their unseen powers as well as their material 
condition — have brought about a permanent form of primi- 
tive chieftainship rising above a rudimentary rule by elders, 
while such a transient and uncertain cause as primitive warfare 
has originated a chieftainship which, as a rule, ends with the 
cessation of the chance hostilities. 

Whatever generality is claimed for this inference, it must 
vet be admitted that it is based on only a comparatively 
small proportion of the total evidence available for examination. 
There are, however, further a certain number of facts which 
can be held to give additional support to it. Firstly, it isa 
capital error to assume that the character of primitive chieftain- 
ship must necessarilyv be either that described above or else a 
mainly warlike one, whereby the oceurrence of exceptional 
characteristies would be exeluded. Not only do we meet with 
instances of gynecoeraey, ! but there are to be found also other 


1 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. I, p. 715; — Tacitus, Agricola, 
16; — Bastian, Die Culturländer des Alten America, passim; — Dobriz- 
hoffer, The Abipones, vol. I, p. 108; — Bastian, Deutsche Expedition an 
der Loango-Küste, vol. I, p. 217. 


B. Xlllı 255 


peculiar kinds of chieftainship. Thus Martius states that among 
the natives in Chili the man who could carry a heavy log furthest 
was elected chief." Among the natives of South America the 
Bororos have one of the most centralized tribal organizations. 
At the age of five or seven the children enter the Bahito (men’s 
house), which is a public school, where they are taught spinning, 
weaving, the manufacture of weapons, and above all singing, 
»upon perfecetion in which is centred the ambition of all those 
who wish to become chieftains». The Indians themselves say: — 
»If chieftain has a son who sings not Bakururu, he is a common 
Bororo. Bororo who sings Bakururu well, he is chieftaim. If 
there are two good singers in the same village, either the one 
who is adjudged to sing somewhat the better is chief, or one of 
the two secedes with his followers and establishes a new 
village. Under such eireumstances, Messrs. Frie and Radin 
observe: — »There is no opportunitv for the development of an 
hereditary chieftainship or castess. * Speaking of the tribal 
government of the North American Indians, Powell points out 
that in so great a number, several hundreds, of distinct govern- 
ments, »there is great. variety, and in this variety we find differ- 
ent degrees of organization, the degrees of organization being 
determined bv the differentiation of the functions of the go- 
vernment and the correlative specialization of organic _ele- 
ments». ° 

Not merely are instances to be met with dilfering from those 
which mav be taken to be the rule, but these latter are them- 
selves liable to modifications. According to Livingstone, * the 
modes of succession to the chieftainship among the natives in 
Africa often varvy in accordance with the decision of the chiels. 


— in En nn. ni n manng- 


I Martius, Unter den Ureinwohnern Brasiliens, p. 16 n. 

2 Fri@ and Radin, Gontributions to the Study of the Bororo Indians; 
in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1906, p. 388. 

3 Powell, \Wvandot Government; in l:st Ann. Rept. Rur. Ethnol. p. 68. 

* Livingstone, Missionary Travels, p. 179. 


256 B. X11llı 


Bastian observes that once in Loango a man who in vain had 
tried by means of armed force to drive away a chief, caused bv 
magic a great drought, and this being ascribed to the male- 
volence of the chief, the people expelled him and put the rival 
instead." Owing to special communications from their god, 
a Masai magician, as was noticed above, established his own 
rule among the Masai.” Speaking of a Melanesian usurper, 
Codrington ? states that this shrewd man succeeded in becom- 
ing chief by deciaring that he had had special dreams to that 
effect. Similarly, Hunter states ofthe Kansas, Osage and Kicka- 
poo Indians that their »prophets» easily usurp the supreme rule 
and »exercise the duties and receive all the respectful attentions 
which the Indians are accustomed to bestow on chiefs who have 
been regularly elected to the station». These magicians onlv 
need to distribute wealth generously — which is required of 
ordinary chiefs also * — and »pretend to have had remarkable 
dreams or prediet future event».” McKenney and Hall ob- 
serve of the hereditary chieftainship among the North Amerian 
Indians in general that, when a man of little capacity succeeded 
to the peace chieftaincy, he easily became a mere tool in the 
hands of the war chief who, having influence on the braves and 
young men, easily obtained a sway over the wholecommunity. ® 
On the other hand, speaking of the Nehannes Indians, Bancroft 
rernarks that this »warlike and turbulent horde» was at one time 
governed by an intelligent woman. »Her influence over her 
fiery people, it is said, was perfect; while her warriors, the terror 
and scourge of the surrounding country, quailed before her eyes. 


! Bastian, Deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste, vol. I, p. 267 sq. 
2 Supra, p. 188. 

3 Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 57 sq. 

* Supra, p. 238. 

°® Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes, p. 324. 

6 McKenney and Hall, History of Indian Tribes, vol. II, p. 68. 


B. XIllı 257 


Her word was law, and was obeyed with marvellous alacrity». ! 
Moreover, changes in the supreme rule may sometimes have 
been deliberately brought about, as e. g. was observed above 
of the Omaha ? and Iroquois. ? 

Tihus the rule can be laid down, as was already partly hinted 
at in a previous chapter, that whatever may have been or still is 
the character of the primitive chieftainship, it is liable at least 
to certain changes depending upon peculiar circumstances, in 
which the personal qualities of the chiefs themselves, or other 
individuals claiming the right of chieftainship, have no incon- 
siderable part. If the origin of a defined chieftainship over and 
above the mere rule of elders is in most cases due to a greater 
intelligence or other capacity in some individuals, this certainly 
is the case also at a later stage. 

Moreover, changes may also be due to the interference of 
the Whites. Before Egypt had made itself master of the pe- 
ninsular tract of land between the Blue and White Nile, the 
Bari were governed by chiefs who exercised absolute authority 
over the people. But after the annexation their rule came to an 
end and was succeeded by a chieftainship based on wealth. The 
man who possesses the greatest number of cattle and wives is 
recognized as the chief. His opinion, too, has much weight in 
the council of the freemen. * Speaking of the Ashluslay, 
Dr. Nordenskjöld observes that the Whites, when arriving at a 
village have to present gifts to the chiefs. This custom, he 
asserts, is of a comparatively late growth. The Whites wanted a 
certain person to negotiate with, and they have therefore devel- 


I Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. I, p. 125. — 
Of the native chiefs of Deang in Bengal, an instructive passage runs: — »Ce 
chef de village est un tyrant ou un pere, selon le caractere des personnes 
revetues de cette charge». — Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. 
LIII, p. 372. 

2 Supra, p. 160. 

3 Supra, p. 172 sq. Ä 

% Featherman, Social History of the Races of Mankind, vol. I, p. 75. 

17 


258 B. Xlllı 


oped the earlier form of the chieftainship to correspond with 
their own needs." Among the North American Indians, the 
Whites went so far as directly to nominate as »great chiefs» 
those individuals who seemed -to be especially inclined to act 
for the benefit of the Whites. * Even the Government of the 
United States made its own chiefs over the natives, thus causing 
much trouble between these so-called »paper chiefs» and the 
ordinary chiefs.”? Similarly Nelson speaks of Eskimo_ chiefs 
who have been appointed by the Whites on account of the ser- 
vices done by them, while Mr. Hodson writes of the Nagas: — 
»We have in many villages an official entitled the Meithei lambu, 
who is generally invested with that dignity because he knows 
rather more of the Manipur language than his fellows. Many 
of them owe their promotion to a temporary sojourn in the 
State gaob. * 

Much more confusion, however, than that caused by any of 
these exceptionaland random cases has resulted from the mislead- 
ing statements of certain authors. Since they believe that savages 
are before all blood-thirsty warriors, they do not expect primi- 
tive chiefs to be anything else than bold warriors, and give 
deseriptions to this effect under this mistaken idea. Thus, Mr. 
Latcham writes of the Araucanians, fully in conformity with this 
prejudiced view: — »As a matter of fact, there was no political 
organization, as we understand the term, and the Araucanos 
recognized no supreme chief save only in times of great national 
peril, and then only in military sense and by public election. 
The danger over, they returned to their former customs, the 
funetion of chief ceasing from the moment the army was dis- 


1 Nordenskjöld, Indianlif, p. 30 sq. — As for the Chane and Chiri- 
guano Indians, see p. 213. 

2 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 82. 

3 Op. eit. p. 85. 

1 Hodson, The Naga Tribes, p. 79. 


B. Xlllı 259 


banded». ' Yet as soon as the author puts aside his prejudiced 
conception of savage chieftainship and merely describes the true 
character of the political organization of the Araucanians, he 
gives valuable information clearly showing that a permanent 
peace chieftainship exists among these natives, and that the 
description, as given above, refers merely to a temporary war 
leadership. ” McGee is so firmly convinced of the exactness of 
the warlike nature of primitive chieftainship that his description 
of the Siouan government runs in the following words: — »The 
government was autocratic, largely by military leaders, some- 
times (particularly in peace) advised by the elders and priests. 
The leadership was determined primarily by ability — prowess 
in war and the chase and the wisdom in couneil.... The germ 
of theocracy was fairly well developed and apparently burgeoned 
vigorously during each period of peace, only to be checked and 
withered during the ensuing war when shamans and their craft 
were forced into the background». ” Yet, as far as the instances 
quoted above * throw light upon the matter, no such generaliza- 
tion as to the Siouan chieftainship as this can be made. The 
autocratic government of military leaders was, generally speak- 
ing, as strange to the entire Siouan nation as it is familiar to 
modern philosophies of war. 

Not any better have McKenney and Hall, in their great work 
on the History of the Indian Tribes, fully realized the true dil- 
ference between the permanent peace chieltainship and the mere 
temporary command by certain war leaders. To take two in- 
stances only. When speaking of the Shawanoe chief, Payta 
Koatha, thev remark that »he was considered a peaceable, inof- 


1 Latcham, Ethnology of the Araucanos; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1909, p. 355. 

2 Supra, p. 184 sq. 

3 McGee, Siouan Indians; in 15:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 188, — 
see also MeKenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 135, 138 sq. 

sı Supra, p. 17% sqq. 


260 B. X11lı 


fensive person without talents, but always disposed to exert 
himself in reconciling differences between tribes or individuals, 
and was esteemed by the red people as a benevolent man». 
Undoubtedly this description refers to a peace chief; neverthe- 
less the authors describe his picture as »Payta Koatha, a Sha- 
wanoe warrior». ' Similarly, the Seneca chief Red Jacket was 
apparently a peace chief, though the authors were not fully 
aware of the fact.” It is only in their third volume that they 
give the correct description ofthe Indian chieftainship, as quoted 
here in the beginning of the seventh chapter. In the previous 
volumes they constantly substitute the war leadership for the 
permanent peace chieftainship as forming the supreme rule 
among the Redskins. ? 

Speaking of the political organization of the natives in the 
New Hebrides, Inglis writes: — »In the days of heathenism there 
was a principal chief for each principal district... It is much 
the same still, only formerly the principal chiefs exercised the 
priestly rather than the kingly power... »* It appears from 
this that, according to Inglis’ opinion, a savage king should cer- 
tainly have a warlike rather than a peaceful character, and con- 
sequently he ascribes to the temporary war leader the rank of 
king. Similarly, in the case of the chieftainship among the 
Maori the confusion in the opinions of the different authors 
may largely be due to a mistake on the part of those authors 
who speak about the elective chiefs as the head chiefs. ® 


1 McKenney and Hall, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 83. 

2 Op. eit. vol. I, pp. 4 sq., 7 sa. 

3 Remarkable is the controversy with regard to the character of the 
Wyandot government. Powell gives a minute description how it was or- 
ganized on the lines of a gynecocracy, whereas Mr. W. E. Connelly stronglv 
opposes such a view maintaining that this people, too, was ruled by a here- 
ditary peace chief and the council of the clan chiefs. — See Powell, Wyandot 
Government; in 1:st Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 61 sqq.; — Frazer, Tote- 
mism and Exogamy, vol. III, p. 37. 

% Inglis, In the New Hebrides, p. 24. 

5 Supra, p. 192 sqq. 


B. XI ı | 261 


Passing to the natives of Africa, similar mistakes are to be 
found. »Their chiefs, who were simply leaders in war and were 
distinguished for valour, assumed authority as rulers and direc- 
tor», says Featherman. ! In his description of his own people, 
Daniel Sorur Dharim Den, a converted Dinka native, writes like- 
wise in »Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi»: — »Nous 
n’avons aucun roi, aucun ministre pour ce qui concerne la direc- 
tion generale de la tribu, mais chaque pere, comme je viens de 
le dire, est maitre absolu. Le seul chef que nous reconnaissions 
est un vieillard charge des affaires en temps de guerre; hors de 
cette eventualite il redevient simple citoyen. Ce commande- 
ment meme n’est pas hereditaire; mais le peuple peut a son gre 
Öter le pouvoir et le remettre entre les mains de celui qu’il juge 
capable de remplir ces fonctions». * Yet in another connection 
the same author admits that as soon as the people were threat- 
ened with war, famine, or any other calamity, »les chefs des 
villages» made offering.” Who then are these village chiefs 
in charge of religious duties, if not ordinary peace chiefs? Per- 
haps those fathers referred to by the author were simply clan 
chiefs invested with great power in civil and religious matters, 
forming a council of elders * and at the eve of war electing that 
»vieillard charge des affaires en temps de guerre». 

These examples have thrown some light upon the origin of 
the theory of the warlike character of savage chieftainship. 
When white travellers and other first-hand informants have be- 
lieved through prejudice that primitive chiefs, in accordance with 
the alleged martial spirit of savages in general, are before all 
valiant warriors, and subsequently have found that such men 
are only temporarily invested with leadership, they naturally 
tend to let this point of view colour their description of savage 


1 Featherman, Social History of the Races of Mankind, vol. I, p. 7. 
2 Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, vol. LX, p. 55. 

3 Op. cit. p. 58. 

4 Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. II, p. 270 saq. 


262 B. Xlllı 


rule, and, because of their accounts, Sociologists again are led to 
lav down an erroneous rule like that to which Spencer gives 
prominence in the following characteristic passage: — »\Vhen 
there occur wars, leading warriors acquire predominant influence. 
But at first... the man who thus acquires predominance during 
war, loses it when peace is re-established .. As, however, wars 
between tribes commonly become chronie, it usually happens 
that the man, who acts as leader... gains permanent authority:.. 
and chieftainship is initiated». ! 

Yet such an erroneous procedure of first-hand informants is 
at least to a certain extent excusable, since an inquiry into the 
duties of savage chiefs is often confronted with great diffieul- 
ties. Speaking of the natives of New Guinea, Dr. Seligmann * 
points out how difficult it is to obtain reliable dates as to the 
character of the chieftainship existing among them. Similarly, 
Rink observes: — »It is not the exception but the rule that white 
men who have staved for ten or twenty years among Eskimo 
return without any real addition to their knowledge of the tradi- 
tional ideas upon which their social state is based». ” 

As for the difficulty of obtaining trustworthy statements 
about the relation of the chiefs to priestly functions, it may be 
illustrated bv the following instance. In the »Journal of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute» for 1905, two papers are pub- 
lished dealing with the same people of South Africa, namely the 
Bawenda or Mavenda. According to the first author, Mr. Wil- 
liam Grant, certain priestly functions devolved on the tribal 
chief, as for example rain-making and the making of offerings 
when they pray for »peace, prosperitv and plenty». Before his 
description of these observances, the writer remarks: — »I had 


1 Spencer, Principles of Ethics, vol. II, p. 202 sq. 

2 Seligmann, The Melanesians, pp. 692, 701. — »I have heard», says 
Turner, »a strange remark that the difficulty in Samoa is not to find who 
is a chief, but to find out who is acommon man». — Samoa, p. 174. 

3 Rink, The Eskimo Tribes, p. 21. 


B. Xlllı 263 


been informed prior to my visit that I should discover among 
this tribe the remnants, at all events, of certain religious rites, 
and that an order obtained among them corresponding in some 
respects to an ancient priesthood. I confess, however, although 
my curiosity had been thoroughly aroused and I was thus prompt- 
ed to make the most careful enquiries, I was unable to discover 
the least trace of any such thing. ' None the less, a hundred 
pages later in the same volume Mr. E. Gottschling gives a minute 
description of a clearly classified priesthood, but he again is 
entirely ignorant of the priestly duties of the chief.” With 
regard to other primitive peoples, the same kind of mistake may 
well have been made bv many other authors. No information 
about savage life is, perhaps, more diffieult to obtain than that 
pertaining to their religious or magical beliefs.”? What a strik- 
ing contrast to this reserve is the talkativeness and boast- 
ing of savages in all matters pertaining to fights, trophies, 
and victories. 

When thus the diffieulty of obtaining trustworthy informa- 
tion about the peaceful duties of primitive chiefs is taken into 
account together with savage boastfulness as to their war- 
like activities, and the readiness of the white investigators to 
believe that savage chiefs are necessarily and before all the most 
valiant fighting men, it becomes fully intelligible why at least 
some first-hand informants have obviously given an entirelyv 
one-sided description of the character of the primitive chieftain- 
ship. It seems therefore justifiable to doubt whether many 
others of those instances in which the character of primitive 


I Grant, Magato and his Tribe; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1905, 
p. 270. 

2 Gottschling, The Bawenda; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1905, p. 
379 saqq. 

3 See, e. g., Murdoch, Ethnol. Results of the Point Barrow Expedition; 
in 9:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 430; — Sproat, Scenes and Studies of 
Savage Life, p. 205; — Karsten, Resor och Forskningar; in Hufvudstads- 
bladet, 21. VII. 1912; — Ruwrling, The Mafulu Mountain People, p. 137 sq. 


264 B. Xlllı 


chieftainship has been made out to be mainly a warlike one are 
not unreliable. We cannot be at all sure that many of these 
statements are not likewise based more upon a wrong idea of 
the whole matter than upon actual facts. Hence, when insucha 
considerable number of the instances the character of the 
primitive chieftainship has been, on the whole, mainly peaceful 
or »patriarchab, it certainly may be held that the result of our 
inquiry represents the general character of primitive chieftain- 
ship at a low stage of development, and is not a generalization 
from exceptional cases only. Thus, just as it was observed, as 
regards primitive integration, that the Sociologists who lay 
predominant stress upon the consolidating function of savage 
warfare have made a primary cause of what is merely a 
secondary effect, so the statement can now be made that in the 
case of the primitive chieftainship they have in the same way 
passed more or less in silence overits main feature and attached 
paramount importance to a mere secondary function. 


CHAPTER IX 


THE ORIGIN OF THE STATE 


Of the two main characteristics generally ascribed to the 
State, the first — government — has to some extent been exa- 
mined in the previous chapters in its most primitive forms among 
savages, as the rule of elders, and as a more firmly established 
chieftainship. How far, however, these very rudimentary forms 
of rule can be held to fulfil the demands of a sociological theory 
of the State will be discussed more in detail when the second 
characteristic of the State — the possession of territory — has 
also been examined. 

Whatever may be the opinion held of the character of the 
most primitive stage of mankind, it must a priori be admitted 
that its first occupation of a certain spot must have been a 
peaceful, not a warlike, one. Not until some individuals con- 
sidered the piece of land occupied by them to be worthy of 
defence, could a warlike conquest take place. Speculations of 
this kind do not, however, settle the question, for we must 
believe that a settled life became an attribute of mankind com- 
paratively late in its development. In fact, owing to this very 
trait in the mode of life of early man, it has often been main- 
tained that the character of a State does not belong to his social 
organization. Yet, speaking generally, such a view seems not 
to be well founded. Comparatively great savage realms, such 


266 B. XIII ı 


as must unquestionably be spoken of as rude States, have, it is 
true, set no great importance on their territorial sovereignty: ' 
and it is also worthy of note, as Maine justly points out, that 
»during a large part of what we usually term modern historv 
no such conception was entertained as that of ’territorial sover- 
eignty’». Indeed, * even to-day there does not exist unanimitv 
with regard to the true character of »territorial sovereignty». ” 
Moreover, the fact that rude peoples are not essentially sedent- 
ary does not by any means involve their constantlv moving from 
one place to another. Speaking of the primitive hunter tribes, 
von den Steinen points out that the progress which has taken 
place in their life must have involved at least to a certain extent 
sedentary habits. * Of the pastoral peoples the same remarks 
can be made. The current view that they are in a state of con- 
stant wandering irrespective of any boundaries must be greatlv 
limited, as even the most restless nomads move within a certain 
area which is considered to be the property of the community. ° 
And as’soon as a primitive people has become sedentary, it 
certainly acquires at the same time a still more distinctly defined 
conception of territorial occupation. 

Besides, there are other reasons, too, tending to develop 
in the savage mind the idea of a fixed abode. Westermarck ° 
has shown that to a considerable extent even the lowest savages 


I Ratzel, Der Staat, pp. 69, 86 sq. 

2 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 106. 

3 Seidler, Tas juristische Kriterium des Staates, p. 60 sqq. 

3 »Schon die Jägerstämme müssen eine, wenn auch unregelmässige 
Art der Sesshaftigkeit gehabt haben um die praktische Technik der Pfeile 
und Bogen zu erwerben; nur in dem friedlichen Dahinleben während Gene- 
rationen können alsdann die Nutzpflanzen gewonnen sein, und es ist gar 
nicht nötig, dass es immer grosse und mächtige Stämme gewesen sind, die 
einen Fortschritt hervorgebracht haben». — Unter den Naturvölkern 
Zentral-Braziliens, p. 214. 

5 Klemm, Allgemeine Cultur-Geschichte, vol. III, p. 143; vol. IV, p. 
453: — Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 430; — Paulitschke, Ethnographie 
Nordost-Afrikas, p. 210 sqq.; — Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, p. 90. 

6 Westermarck, The Moral Ideas, vol. 1I, p. 168 sqq. 


B. Xlllı | 267 


display attachment to their native places, and »though a settled 
life is most favourable to its development, this feeling is not 
inconsistent with nomadism». ! Similarly the relation between 
the living and dead calls forth a bond of union between the 
burial places of the community and the people. ? 

Thus, speaking generally, although from: the theoretical 
point of view only a secondary importance can be attributed to 
the question of territory in the political life of primitive °? peo- 
ples, yet as far as those primitive peoples are concerned whose 
government has been dealt with in the previous chapters, there 
is no reason whatever to assume them to be so devoid of fixed 
territories and boundaries that it is an absolute impossibilitv 
to attribute to their organization the rank and character ofa 
State. 

Thus, to start with one of the lowest savage peoples with 
whose government we have been concerned, the Veddas, they 
have clearly defined hunting grounds. * Among the Todas, a 
»settled pastoral race, ® each clan has its own territory, ° and 
the entire tribe asserts a distinet claim to the soil, * declaring 
that »it was only by their sufferance that the other tribes came 
to reside on it». ° And although the Todas are a wholly peaceful 
race, these other tribes pay tribute as recognizing the territorial 


mm 11211111 ln U m nn ne 


1 Op. eit. vol. II, p. 169. 

2 Ratzel, Der Staat, p. 66; — Hodson, The Naga Tribes, p. 93.- 

3 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 563 sqq.; — Giddings, 
Elements of Sociology, p. 249; — Ratzel, Politische Geographie, p. A sqq.; — 
Ragozin, Chaldea, pp. 123 sqq., 190; — Hearn, Aryan Household, pp. 212 sq., 
261: — Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, vol. I, p. 11 sq.; — Seidler, Das 
juristische Kriterium des Staates, p. 37. 

% Seligmann, The Veddas, pp. 79, 106 sqq., 111 sqq.;, — Sarasin, 
Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher Forschungen auf Ceylon, vol. III, 
pp. 477 sq., 488. 

5 Marshall, Amongst the Todas, p. 58. 

6 Op. ecit. p. 206. 

? Metz, Tribes Inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills, p. 12. 

8 Harkness, Neilgherry Hills, p. 18; cf. p. 108. 


268 B. Xlllı 


rights of the Todas. ! Many of the native peoples of Assam 
are in a very low stage of development, ? yet they have terri- 
tories of their own. ° Speaking of the natives of the Tenimber 
Islands, Kolff states that each small village community had 
its own territory consisting of a portion of land and contiguous 
trepang banks...» * In his description of the intertribal rela- 
tions of the Australian aborigines, Wheeler fully shows that 
all these rude communities have territories of their own, and 
their division is also recognized by all of them. ° Similarly Mr. 
Williamson observes of the Mafulu Mountain People in British 
New Guinea that the boundaries between the various commu- 
nities »are perfectly well known .... These boundaries are 
mutually respected, and fighting over boundary and trespass 
questions is practically unknown». ° Statements, broadly speak- 
ing, to the same effect are given not merely with reference to 
other natives in New Guinea, ° but also with reference to the 


1 Rivers, The Todas, p. 630 sqq.; see also pp. 6, 541, 557 sqq.; — Metz, 
Op. cit. pp. 21, 98, 129. 

2 Furness, Ethnography of the Nagas; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 
1902, p. 454. 

3 Hodson, The »Genna» amongst the Tribes of Assam; in Journ. An- 
throp. Institute, 1906, pp. 92, 94; — Idem, The Naga Tribes, pp. 73, 105 sq.; 
— Furness, Op. cit. p. 446 sqq. 

1 Kolff, Voyage of the »Dourga», p. 228. 

5 Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 62 sqq.; 
— Spencer and Gillen, Across Australia, vol. I, pp. 198, 232; — /idem, The 
Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 123; — Mathews, Australian Tribes; 
in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, vol. XXXVIII, p. 940 sq. 

6 Williamson, The Mafulu Mountain People, p. 83. 

? Krieger, New Guinea, pp. 87, 195 sq., 327; — Seligmann, The Me- 
lanesians, p. 467 sq.; passim. 

Of the extremely rude New Guinea Pygmies Mr. Rawling observes 
that they consider themselves the original owners of the territory they 
occupy and of the surrounding country »and their claim is admitted — 
academically at least — by their neighbours». — The Land of the New 
Guinea Pygmies, p. 276.; cf. p. 277. 


B. Xlllı 269 


savages in all parts of the Pacific Islands. ' Powell asserts that 
the North American Indians were to a considerable extent 
sedentary for a »very long period» previous to the arrival of the 
Whites. ? This was the case above all upon the Pacific Coast. ° 
The introduction of firearms and horses, * as well as the demand 
for furs, ® made many tribes hunters once more. According to 
Jones, the Ojibway and the neighbouring tribes had territories 
“of their own: ® — »The Indian country is allotted into districts, 
and each section is owned by a separate tribe of Indians». ° 
Of the Omaha and kindred tribes Dr. Dorsey ® observes that 
each of them »claimed a certain extent of territory as its own, 
for purposes of occupancy, cultivation, hunting and fishing». 
Thus also Hunter remarks of the Kickapoo, Kansas, and Osage 
in particular, that they regarded their territories ® »as their 
birthright», and therefore they defended them »with the utmost 
determined bravery». !° Similar information is given of the 
territories of other Indians of North America also, as e. g. the 
Iroquois, ! Cherokee, !? Kiowa, Comanche, !? Cheyenne, " 


1 Thomson, Savage Island, p. 137; — Pakeha Maori, Old New Zealand, 
p. 181, passim; — Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 284, passim; — 
Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. I, p. 263. 

2 Powell, Indian Linguistic Families; in 7:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 
p. 30; cf. p. 40 sqa. 

3 Op. ecit. p. 32. 

* Op. cit. pp. 32, 38. 

5 Op. cit. p. 39. 

6 Jones, The Ojebway Indians, pp. 107 sq., 123, 129. 

? Op. cit. p. 107. 

8 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology; in 3:rd Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 366; — 
Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept.p. 88, passim. 

9 Hunter, Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes, p. 186. 

10 Op. cit. p. 330. 

Il! Morgan, League of tlıe Iroquois, pp. 96, 337 and passim, especially 
chap. Il. 

12 McKenney and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes, vol. I, p. 187. 

13 Mooney, Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians; in 17:th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Ethnol. p. 164. 

14 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe; in 27:th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethnol. p. 73. 


270 B. Xillı 


Serminole,'’ and others. * Of the pastoral Navaho India. 
Mindeleff observes tlıst »although the average Navaho fanuly 
may be said to be in almost constant movement. th-y are not 
at all nomads, vet the term has frequently been applied to them. 
Each farmily moves back and forth within a certain circumscribed 
area», ” Previous to the arrival of the Conquistadores the penple 
were hunters, and their territorv was divided between the various 
elans. * Firmly established boundaries are to be met with 
among the Seri ? and Zuni ° also. 

In his deseription of the very low races of Central Brazil, 
von den Steinen remarks that thev recognized rivers or other 
similar marks as frontiers between the various communities. * 
Territorial occupation and boundaries prevailed, too, among 
other prirmitive peoples in South America. ® Among the natives 
of Africa sedentary habits are to be met with, at least to such 
an extent that tbey recognize soıne sort of a division of the land. ® 

If we pass over to the early Germans, Dahn asserts that 
most of these primitive tribes were at the time of the birth of 
Christ already living in those areas they oceupied during the 


i MacCaulay, The Seminole Indians: in 5:th Ann. Rept. Bur. Eth- 
nol. p. 510. ‚ 

2 Carver, 'Iravels through the Interior of America, p. 297. 
Mindeleff, Navaho Houses; in 17:th Ann. Rept. p. 484. 

1 Op. eit. p. 485. 

> MecGee, The Seri Indians; in 17:th Ann. Rept. p. 131. 

6 ('ore Stevenson, The Zuni; in 23:rd Ann. Rept. pp. 290, 350. 

? Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Braziliens, pp. 213, 219, 
330. 

» Molina, History of Chili, vol. II, pp. 18 sq., 61, passim; — Smith, 
The Araucanians, p. 241; — Laicham, Ethnology of the Araucanos; in 
Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1909, pp. 334, 354; — Markham, The Tribes of 
the Valley of the Amazons; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1910, passim. 

» Granville and Roth, Notes on the Jekris, Sobos and ljos; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute, 1898, p. 105; — Gottschling, The Bawenda; in Journ. 
Anthrop. Institute, 1905, p. 377; — Torday and Joyce, Ethnography of 
Ba-Mbala; in Journ. Anthrop. Institute, 1905, pp. 398, 405; — Paulıtschke, 
Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, p. 253, passim; — Hanoteau and Letourneur, 
La Kabylie, vol. II, p. 66; — Htatzel, Völkerkunde, vol. Il, p. 66 sq. 


= 


B. XIllı 271 


third century of our era. ! So also he maintains — against the 
view that these peoples must have obtained the idea of terri- 
torial sovereignty through the Romans — that this conception 
was fully their own, this being shown clearly by their solemn 
religious observances with reference to boundaries. * Thus as 
far back as the political organization of the early Germans, in- 
cluding Anglo-Saxons, ® and the character of their chieftainship 
can be traced, we find also traces of territorial occupation. * 
In his description of the early peoples of Gaelic origin in Scot- 
land, Skene asserts that when these tribes passed from the 
hunting and nomadic state to the pastoral, and became the 
possessors of large herds of cattle, »it was a natural consequence 
that each tribe should appropriate a special territory for their 
better management». ®° Hence the tuath, which name origi- 
nally was applied to the tribe itself, came to signify also the 
territory it occupied. ° Similarly, speaking of the early Picts 
in particular, Lang observes that when they first became known 
they had long passed beyond the stage of nomad hunters. »They 
must have practised some rude agriculture, which bound them 


ı Dahn, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. VIT, part I, p. 19. 

2 „Nicht erst aus dem römischen Stat haben die Germanen den Begriff 
der Gebietshoheit gelernt: schon die feierlichen, götterdienstlichen Hand- 
lungen, welche die Landnahme begleiten, das Umfahren, Umreiten, 
Umgehen mit Opfern für die Grenz- und Landesgötter .... bezeugen den 
Nachdruck, den das Rechtsbewusstsein auf das Statsgebiet legte. — Die 
Könige der Germanen, vol. VII, part III, p. 361. 

3 Green, English People, vol. I, p. 10; cf. p. 12 sq.; — Dahn, Op. cit. 
vol. VII, part III, p. 361. 

4 Dahn, Op. cit. vol. I, p. 3. For further partieulars see e. g. /dem, Op. 
cit. vol. V, p. 47; vol. VI, pp. 13 sq., 52 sq.; vol. VII, part I, pp. 10, 18 sq.; 
vol. IX, part I, pp. 36, 71; part II, pp. 3, 58; — /dem, Gesellschaft und Stat, 
p. 470, — Idem, Die Germanen vor der Völkerwanderung, pp. 402, 406, 
409; — Idem, Ursachen der Völkerwanderung, p. 299 sq., passim; — Lamp- 
recht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, pp. 51, 58, 60, 27% sq.; — Maine, Village 
Communities, p. 78 sq.; — Stubbs, CGonstitutional History of England, vol. 
I, p. 20 sqq. 
> Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. III, p. 139. 
® Op. eit. vol. III, p. 136 sq. 


’ 


272 B. XIllı 


to the soil and the soil to them». ! As for the early Irish, they 
had, too, very definite boundaries, nay even a law of »the divi- 
sions at the tribe of a territory;» ? while Caesar gives illuminat- 
ing particulars of the territorial divisions among the early 
Gauls. °? Similarly the early Finns had their territories. * 

Thus, as indicated above, these primitive peoples, whose 
political organization was the subject of our inquiry inthe pre- 
vious chapters, have, generally speaking, at least a vague idea 
of, and corresponding arrangements in regard to, »sterritorial 
sovereignty». 

In so far as this inference holds true, the question of the 
origin of the State has been in the main solved. All those in- 
stances then of savage political organization referred to in the 
two previous chapters must be accepted as rudimentary forms 
of the life of a »Stat, which has already passed the first 
stage of coming into being. In all of them a comparatively 
firmly-established rule was to be met with, as well as, in some 
degree, a conception of territorial sovereignty. They were also 
independent, having no other supreme authority to obey than 
the will of their chief, acting either alone or in conformity with 
the decisions of elders or other leading men. The comparison, 
moreover, between modern States and primitive communities 
can certainly be extended also to those conceptions which form 
the subject-matter of International Law. It has been already 
pointed out that primitive warfare is not without its regulations; 
and there are many other observances in the intercourse be- 


ı Lang, A History of Scotland, vol. I, p. 78. 

2 Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. IV, p. 283 sq., passim; — Skene, Op. 
eit. vol. III, pp. 143, 147, 153; — Lang, Op. eit. vol. I, p. 80 sq.; — A Dic- 
tionary of the Gaelic Language, vol. I, p. 229; — 2als Social Historv of 
Ancient Ireland, vol. I, p. 36 sqq. 

3 Caesar, De Bello Gallico, VI, 1—3, 10, passim. 

4 Yrjö-Koskinen, Suomal. heimojen yhteisk.-järjestyksestä, chap. III; 
Wirkkunen, Länsisuomalaisten kansain sivistvs-oloista, Oma Maa, vol. 


I, p. 117 sqg. 


B. XIllı ni 273 
tween savage communities which show the rudiments of modern 
International Law. As modern States »solely and exclusively 
are the subjects of International Law» ! and this part of Juris- 
prudence is still largely based upon custom only, so independent 
savage groups are undoubtedly the true subjects of those cus- 
toms which among them represent »international regulations. ? 
It is then clear that from this point of view, too, there is no 
good reason why the characteristics of a primitive State should 
be denied to such communities. 


Now, if the political organizations of primitive men corre- 
spond to the two characteristics of the State, the origin of the 
State must be sought in still more rudimentary forms of 
primitive organization, seeing that an origin implies in itself 
something coming into being which has not been in existence 
before. We have therefore to reduce our demands for definite 
characteristics and be content with such rude traits of rule and 
territorial occupation as seem to have a tendency gradually to 
develop into the shape of firmly established government and 
sedentary habits of life. And in fact, with the exception of the 
juristic theories of the State and a certain school of Sociologists, 
it would seem that most of the authors dealing with the life of 
primitive communities are inclined to go in this respect further 
back than the stage of a sedentary mode of life and a firmly 
established territorial occupation. Thus, to add two further 
instances to those referred to previously, ® Dahn speaks of 
»Geschlechterstaten» and »Hordenstaten» among the early Ger- 
mans even as early as in their wandering from Asia to Europe. * 


ı Oppenheim, International Law, vol. I, p. 18 sqq.; — Nys, Le Droit 


international, vol. I, p. 63 sq.; — Westlake, International Law, vol. I, pp. 1, 6. 
2 Cf. Wheeler, The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia, p. 
6 sqq.; — see also Westermarck's preface. 


3 See supra, p. 6 sqgq. 
4% Dahn, Zur Geschichte des Statsbegriffs der Germanen, p. 530 sq.; — 
Idem, Die Germanen vor der Völkerwanderung, pp. 420 sq. 463; — /dem, 


18 


274 \ B. Xlllı 


So also Lamprecht calls the verv rude communities of the pri- 
mitive Germans States. ! If therefore we extend our research 
for the origin of modern States so far back in history as to come 
to a stage of savagery so rude that no true territorial occupation 
is found, the same method is certainly justifiable in the case 
of primitive peoples in general. Thus an organization with sub- 
mission to a leadership must remain as the essential characteris- 
tic of the State coming into being. The stage of savage rule 
previous to an established chieftainship was that of the rule of 
elders in general. In these instances we meet with comparati- 
vely clearly marked traits of the originating State. To take, 
for example, the Australian local group: it has definite bounda- 
ries, a complete organization under the rule of elders, though 
there is no definite chieftainship. Now, such a case of the go- 
vernment of a set of families by a set of elders cannot be held 
essentially to differ from the government of a family group by 
its own head. »Dans les cas les plus simples», says Deniker, 
»l’organisation familiale est en m&me temps l’organisation so- 
ciale. * And this most primitive social organization must be 
held to be the most primitive form of political organization, 
involving in the general authority of certain individuals the 
beginnings of political authority. Spencer justly observes that 
»in its primitive form, then, political power is the feeling of the 
community, acting through an agency which it has either infor- 
mally or formally established». ? This being the case, the exist- 


Gesellschaft und Stat, p. 446 sq.; — /dem, Die Könige der Germanen, vol. 
VII, part III, p. 1. 

»Es ist willkürlich den Statsbegriff nur deshalb einer Zeit. abzusprechen 
weil sie dem Stat für seine wenig zahlreichen Zwecke wenig zahlreiche und 
wenig einschneidende Mittel gewährt». — Op. cit. vol. VIl, part III, p. 
375; cf. in general, pp. 374—380; — /dem, Die Germanen, p. 11 sqgq. 

I Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, p. 95; cf. pp. 164, 172, 175; 
vol. VII, part II, p. 404; — I/Idem, Deutsches Wirtschaftsleben, p. 42. 

2 Deniker, Les races et peuples de la Terre, p. 293; — see also Vacher 
de Lapouge, Les selections sociales, p. 199. 

8 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. II, p. 321; — see also Giddings, 
Principles of Sociology, p. 208 sq.; — Seidler, Das juristische Kriterium 
des Staates, p. 27. 


B. Xlllı 275 


ence ofsucha feeling cannot a priori depend upon the number of 
separate families making up a community. It must be theoreti- 
cally held to exist even in a community consisting of but one 
undivided family. 

The difficulty of defining at which point in social develop- 
ment the State must be held to come into being ' — that is, the 
State with its attributes of organization and governrhent — has 
led many authors to take the view that the origin of the State 
coincides with that of the origin of human society. Thus Spen- 
cer has been strongly blamed in that he has made no clear distinct- 
ion between the origin of human society and that of political 
organization. * The same accusation could be made against 
many other authors. Vaccaro makes what he holds to be the 
most primitive human organization, namely the clan, to be the 
origin ofthe State. considering the clan and the State to be older 
than the family. ® Strinnholm in his description of the political 
organization of the early Scandinavians, refers to the ancient 
Icelanders, among whom, he says, every large family constituted 
a State of itsown. And speaking of the first white colonizers in 
the region of the Alleghany Mountains, Ratzel * observes that 
each of them was an independent master of his own soil, which 
he had to defend himself; hence every hearth was in itself a 
State. And in fact why should not the theory that the State 
ultimately originates in the human society be at least as well 
grounded as the theory of its being a later development? The 


ı »Jedenfalls können wir in der Geschichte den Uebergang einer 
völlig staat- und rechtlosen Menschenmenge in einen staatlichen und recht- 
lichen Zustand nicht nachweisen». — Loening, Der Staat, Handwörter- 
buch der Staatswissenschaften, vol. VII, p. 704. — See also Ficker, König- 
thum und Kaiserthum, p. 32. — Seidier, Das juristische Kriterium des 
Staates, p. 29. — Melamed, Der Staat, p. 1; — Heimburger, Der Erwerb 
der Gebietshoheit, p. 40. 

2 Gumplowiez, Die Geschichte der Staatstheorien, pp. 399, 402. 

3 Yaccaro, Les bases sociologiques du Droit et de l’Etat, pp. 204 sq., 
450. 

% Ratzel, Der Staat, p. 7%. 


276 B. Xlllı 


conception of a State is a general one which covers many varie- 
ties. There is no one form of political organization in history 
to which the term of a model State is to be applied. ' The only 
characteristics common to them all is an independent internal 
organization under a government and the occupation of a terri- 
tory, with more or less varying boundaries. Any further character- 
istics are ohly secondary, being either peculiar to certain States 
only or representing the individual views of the writers. 


If we accept the view that the origin of the State lies thus in 
the origin of human society, we reach finally the answer to the 
question of the relation of war to the origin of the State. If it 
is to be held — as facts seem to indicate — that the family was 
the earliest human society and if furthermore our inferences as 
regards the extension of the primitive units were true, the same 
conclusions must consequently hold good of the origin of the 
State likewise. Since early political organization has taken 
place simultaneously with primitive social integration as a whole, 
and since in this latter process of development war has been 
observed to play only a secondary part, it follows that it has 
played only the same secondary part in early political organi- 
zation also. Moreover, if one of the main characteristics of a 
State is the existence of a government, it is evident from this, 
too, that the origin of the State has been mainly a peaceful one, 
since the origin of savage government has, generally speaking, 
been due to peaceful causes acting continuously within the com- 
munity, and not to merely occasional causes from without, like 
wars. Hence those theories which hold that the origin of the 
State is to be derived from the origin of human society in general, 
while on the other hand maintaining that the origin of the State 
is bound up with war, must be erroneous, based as they are on 


! »In England we may say the notion of the State, from the constitu- 
tional point of view, is still inchoates. — Barclay, The State; in Encvclo- 
p&dia Britannica, vol. XXV, p. 800. — Cf. Loening, Op. cit. vol. VII, p. 
708; — Spencer, Principles of Ethics, vol. II, p. 182. 


B. XlIlı 297 


generalizations from merely secondary effects instead of primary 
causes. 

This mistake has arisen in the case of Sociologists like Spencer 
and Vaccaro through a false conception of the nature of primi- 
tive warfare and early chieftainship. Thus as soon as a more 
accurate description of savage warfare and government is made, 
it is seen that, while the origin of the State is held to coincide 
with the origin of human society, the part played by war in 
originating the ‘State must receive a corresponding revaluation. 
. A different standpoint must be taken as to the.theory of 
the origin of the State constructed by Gumplowicz and subse- 
quently adopted more or less completely by Ratzenhofer, Ward, 
Treitschke, ' Oppenheimer and others. * Here it is not an 
erroneous view as to the nature of savage conditions that has 
directly given rise to an assumption that war has been the main 
condition for the origin of the State; but rather it is that no 
proper heed has been given by these Sociologists to the political 
life of savages previous to the rise of direct wars for conquest. 
They have deliberately selected features in later savage and 
barbarous life to be the starting point of their political theories. 
The characteristics of a State as defined by them must accord- 
ingly show considerable differences from those which are more 
generally attributed to the State. Their procedure, however, 
is by no means justified by the facts, as far at least, as the socio- 
logical theory of the State is concerned. If there is demanded 
for a State a government and the occupation of a territory, both 
these distinguishing marks must certainly exist, in however 
rudimentary a form, before a warlike people can conquer the 
territory of a peaceful unit, and by means of the subjugation of 
this people bring about that relation of political supremacy on 
the one hand and subjection on the other, which according to 
Gumplowicz and his followers constitute the fundamental condi- 


ı As for Treitschke's more cautious view, see p. 10. 
2 See, e.g., Jerusalem, Einleitung in die Philosophie, p. 238; — Marten- 
sen, Den Kristliga Etiken, vol. II, p. 84. 


278 B. Xlllı 


tion for the birth of a State. This is certainly so obvious that 
many of those authors, even in whose theories the origin of the 
State is put in the closest connection with war, strongly oppose 
this view of Gumplowiez’s." Thus Vaccaro in discussing it 
observes: — »Les faits, au contraire, demontrent que le pouvoir 
nait ordinairement bien avant que les hommes ne soient en etat 
de subjuguer les autres groupes sociauz; et le fait m&me du ’sub- 
Juguement’ demontre que l’organisation politique du groupe qui 
l’accomplit est dejä trös avancee. * Similar views were held 
by Steinmetz also previous to his »Philosophie des Krieges». 
In his investigation into the judicial systems of the natives in 
Africa and the Pacific Islands he points out how the chieftain- 
ship among the former peoples, and particularly among the 
natives of the French Sudan, is brought into being through the 
formation of groups on the basis of consanguinity, wherebv 
chieftainship arises through the patriarchal principle. The first 
stage of chieftainship, Steinmetz therefore remarks, thus 
comes about in a way which does not at all agree with the theory 
of Gumplowiez. And from this quite proper inference Stein- 
metz passes on to another: that the inductive foundation for the 
»Rassenkampf» seems thus to be somewhat weak. ° 

The conelusions as to the theory of the origin of the State as 
constructed by Gumplowiez, can at once be applied also to the 
theories of Ratzenhofer and Lester Ward, as well as of Treitsch- 
ke, so far as he has adopted the same view. * When in the 


1 See e. g. Spencer, Principles of Ethics, vol. II, p. 184 sqq.;— Drguit, 
L’Etat, pp. 243, 247 sq., 253 sq., 261; — Treitschke, Politik, vol. I, p. 113 
sq.; — Seidler, Das juristische Kriterium des Staates, p. 20 n. 

2 Vaccaro, Les bases sociologiques du Droit et de l’Etat, p. 236. 

3 „Also eine Entstehung der Häuptlingschaft von innen heraus, ohne 
Eroberung oder Rassenkampf und es gibt zahllose solche Fälle. Die erste 
Entwickelung der politischen Organisation geht also gewiss nicht gemäss 
der Theorie von Gumplovicz, der Staat beruhe auf Eroberung und Rassen- 
kampf, vor sich ... Die inductive Basis dieser ganzen Theorie scheint 
etwas schwach zu sein». — Op. cit. p. 116. 

i See supra, p. 10. 


B.XIlı 279 


following part of this study, the development of savage warfare 
from a stage merely of acts of revenge to one of wars of lasting 
conquest is dealt with, it will become still more evident how 
the theories above mentioned refer only to this latter stage of 
belligerency and the foundation of States, and not to those 
primary forms of political organization which have rendered 
this latter form of political development possible. 

As for Oppenheimer in particular, it may be added that 
though he has unquestionably the right conception of the nature 
of primitive warfare, !nevertheless his method is very one-sided. 
With few exceptions all the ethnographical material he has used 
to support the theory of Gumplowicz is taken from Ratzel’s 
»Völkerkunde. No doubt, Ratzel has been to a certain extent 
influenced by the views of Gumplowicz, but at the same time 
his wide ethnographical reading has done him great service by 
giving him a more impartial conception of savage conditions and 
life. Nevertheless Oppenheimer quotes with few exceptions 
those instances only which suit his particular view. It is obvious 
that from such a method of ethnographical demonstration he 
finds himself able to conclude, in conformity with Lilienfeld’s 
theory,” that the State originates through physiological increase 
only in the way of a peaceful agricultural peasantry, representing 
the ovulum, being sociologically fertilized by an active nomadic 
pastoral horde.” As was observed above, in his »Rechtsver- 
hältnisse» Steinmetz kept aloof from the theory of Gumplowiez 
and stressed the peaceful origin of primitive political organi- 
zation; accordingly he pretends in »Die Philosophie des Krieges», 
to avoid laying down any rule in regard to the relation of war 
to the origin of the State.* Nevertheless he emphasizes the 
view that without war there is no State. 


ı See supra, p. 80 n. 

2 Lilienfeld, Zur Vertheidigung der organischen Methode, p. 50 sq. 
3 Der Staat, p. 51. 

4 Die Philosophie des Krieges, p. 192. 


280 B. Xlllı 


Our investigation into the relation of war to the origin of 
the State has thus resulted in conclusions opposed to those of 
writers who believe the origin of the State to lie in the warlike 
activities of early man. Our inferences have been that primi- 
tive society rests on the primary bonds of kinship, local proxi- 
mity and common customs, as well as common superstitious 
observances. Owing to these integrating factors, the permanent 
practice of mutual aid and co-operation in peace is developed, 
and consequently co-operation in war is also brought about. 
Simultaneously with this gradual development of primitive 
society the germs of political organization grow slowly, untilthe 
mere authority of elders evolves into a firmly established chief- 
tainship and the more advanced mode of living of the commu- 
nity at last calls forth a permanent occupation of territory. 
Then the primary process in the origin of a State has ended and 
a State is actually in existence, in so far as by this term is meant, 
a group of men politically organized under its own government 
and occupying a definite territory. 

In fact, all the chief characteristics of amodern State are to 
be found in such a rude political organization. It may be go- 
verned either on a hereditary basis or the supreme ruler may be 
elected; moreover, along with the opinion of the chief, the will 
of the people may be represented through the counceil of elders, 
or able men in general. It has also its own laws and customs, 
regulating its internal life. It observes religious ceremonies as 
strictly as modern States do. It is likewise far from being con- 
stantly at war with its neighbours; on the contrary, when wars 
are waged, they are inmany cases concluded by express treaties 
of peace. Moreover, owing to these intertribal regulations, 
friendly intercourse between neighbouring communities occurs. 
Thus is rendered possible the process of material and mental 
development, which must have preceded every higher civili- 
zation, whether still alive or extinct. 

It is essentially this general constructive process that 
constitutes the fundamental basis of the State in its primitive 


B. Xlllı 281 


form, and not wars. It is true that later on, when primitive 
communities have passed on to a still higher stage of general 
development, the entire structure.of their political life changes. 
New aspirations soon fill the life of the leading individuals, 
whether chiefs or not. Now wars of permanent conquest be- 
come their highest ambition, and the States which succeed in 
overpowering the neighbouring communities grow rapidly on 
the basis of feudalism. Most of them succumb in their turn 
while others survive, continuing their policy of conquest and 
subjugation. In them it gradually becomes a scientific no less 
than a political doctrine that there has never been and never 
will be a State without war. And yet, among lower races, inde- 
pendent political organizations have prevailed and still prevail, 
presenting the main characteristics of a State and having, too, 
originated mainly from peaceful sources. The wars waged 
among such rude peoples, not in order to obtain permanent 
profit, but mainly for the sake of revenge, have been too desul- 
tory undertakings to bring about such great results. 


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RB. X11Tı 31 


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ASSYRISCH-BABYLONISCHEN 
PERSONENNAMEN 


DER FORM guttadu 
MIT BESONDERER BERÜCKSICHTIGUNG DER WÖRTER 


FÜR KÖRPERFEHLER 


EINE LEXIKALISCHE UNTERSUCHUNG 
VON 


HARRI HOLMA 


PRIVATDOZENT IN HELSINGFORS 


HELSINKI 1914. 


a 
er 


HELSINKI 1914 
DRUCKEREI DER FINNISCHEN LITERATUR-GESELLSCHAFT 


Vorwort. 


Es ist mir angenehm, meinem Lehrer und Freunde, Herrn 
Protessor Dr. K. Tarıavist, sowie Herrn Dr. LANDsBERGER für 
das „rosse Interesse, das sie mir beim Ausarbeiten vorliegender 
Untersuchung haben zuteil werden lassen, hier meinen herzlich- 
sten Dank auszusprechen. Der erstere hat zudem in liebenswür- 
digster Weise seine reichhaltigen onomatologischen Sammlungen 
wie auch eine Korrektur seiner im Druck befindlichen „Assyrian 
Personal Names“ zur Verfügung gestellt, der letztere hat mir die 
Anregung zu dieser Arbeit gegeben und war mir beim Lesen ei- 
ner Korrektur behilflich. 


Helsinki (Helsingfors), den 19. Januar 1914. 


Der Verfasser. 


Inhalt: 


Vorwort. 
Einleitung . 

a. Allgemeines 

b. Sprachliches 

c. Geschichtliches etc. 

d. Literatur 
Lexikalischer Teil . 
Nachträge . 
Wöärterverzeichnis . 


Einleitung. 


a. Allgemeines. 


Die assyrisch-babylonischen Personennamen der Form qut- 
tulu hat man bisher als Kurznamen, Hypokoristika, aufgefasst. 
So RAnkE in seinem Harly Babyl. Personal Names p. 20, so auch 
Tarravist, Neubabylonisches Naınenbuch p. xvır. Dein letzteren 
gelang es wenigstens bei Puhhuru N:r 1 den positiven Erweis zu 
bringen, dass dies aus Bel-upahhir N:r 6 verkürzt sei. Ferner 
erklärte TarLoviıstr ın OlL,Z 1906, 466 ff. diese Kurznamen für 
Verbaladjektiva passivischer Bedeutung, was im Vergleich mit 
der früheren Ansicht zweifellos dem Richtigen viel näher kaın. 
Ihm folgten dann Uxexan (Urkunden aus Dilbat p. 81) und Crav 
(BE xv p. 29% und Cassıte Names p. 24). 

Dass Namen wie Puhhuru, Bullutu, Dimmugqu u. ä. tatsäch- 
lıch aus entsprechenden \Vollnamen verkürzt sind, kann wohl kei- 
nem Zweifel unterliegen. Andererseits ıst es jedoch auffällig, 
dass noch z. B. Uxexan die Vollnamen, worauf die bisher be- 
kannten quitulu-Namen zurückgehen müssten, in den allermeisten 
Fällen unbekannt blieben, was die Vermutung nahe legt, dass 
viele von diesen Namen gar keine Verkürzungen mehr darstellten, 
sondern nur in verkürzter Form auftraten d. h. Jdass der „Kurz- 
name“ dem neugeborenen Kinde schlechthin gegeben wurde. 

Im Hinblick aber auf die feststehende Tatsache, dass dıe 
Wurzeln mehrerer dieser quitulu-Namen im onomatologischen Wort- 
schatz der Assyrer und Babylonier sonst gar nicht nachzuweisen 


8 Harrı Ho1ı.MA. B XIU.,: 


sınd, entsteht die Frage, ob Jiese Namen ex analogıa nach 
wirklichen Kurznamen dieser Art aus anderen Stämmen gebil- 
det sind, oder ob nicht vielmehr in diesen nicht auf Vollnamen 
zurückzuführenden Namen ursprüngliche, alte Bildungen 
stecken, nach deren Muster etwa erst die genannte Namenver- 
kürzung erfolgte Diese Frage zu lösen, wird die Aufgabe der 
folgenden Seiten sein. 


Vor einiger Zeit machte mich mein Freund B. LAnpsBERGER 
darauf aufmerksam, dass von den von Unenap a. a. O. angeführ- 
ten quttulu-Namen der altbabylonischen Zeit sich mehrere als Na- 
men für verschiedene Körperfehler bzw. körperliche Auffälligkei- 
ten erklären liessen, indem @ubbuhu etyinologisch und inhaltlich 
dem hebr. gibbe”h „kahlköpfig“ entspräche, während Kubburu, 
Kubbutu und Quttunu von den gemeinsemit. Stämmen kbr, kbt, 
qtn abgeleitet werden und also resp. „dick“, „gewichtig“, „dünn“ 
heissen könnten: kurzum dass sich das Assyrische, um körper- 
liche Abnormitäten auszudrücken, der Nominalforın qu£tulu be- 
diente, wie im Hebräischen gi£tilu, im Arabischen ’agtalu, im Sy- 
rischen qriälä demselben Zwecke (dienten. Ich habe dann, seiner 
Anregung folgend, der Frage in ıhrem ganzen Umfang nach- 
zugehen versucht und bin jetzt in der Lage, mit Hilfe des 
möglichst vollständigen hierauf bezüglichen Materials nachweisen 
zu können, dass ın der Tat die assyrisch-babylonischen 
Personennamen der Form guttulu zum allergrössten 
Teil Namen für Körperfehler bzw. körperliche Auf- 
fällivkeiten darstellen. [S. auch Nachträge.] 


Es gibt bei allen Völkern eine Reihe von Namen. die ur- 
sprünglich auf physische Auffälliskeiten des Namenträgers Bezug 


haben !. In letzter Linie dürfte diese FKigentümlichkeit — wo- 

ı Vgl. gr. AMlyag, Melag, Meiayzroog, ITTvgoos, Ziuus, Zrearßov usw. 
lat. Blaesus, Capito, Catus, Claudius, Cocles, Crassus, Cincinna- 
tus, Dento, Flaceus, I,abeo, Naso usw., unsere Braun, Hinke, Lincke, 
Roth. Schwarz, Scheele u. a. Die alttestamentlichen Namen dieser Art 
findet man in Eoc. Bibl. 3297, Zur Literatur vgl. unten (dazu Socın, Mittel- 
hochdeutsches Namenbuch, 1903; BERTScHE, Die volkstümlichen Personen- 


BXIIN% Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form yullulu. 9 


mit psychologisch betrachtet diejenige, Appellativa (der äusseren, 
sinnlichen Welt als Namen zu verwenden, parallel sein wird — 
ihrem Ursprunge nach eine zweifache sein. Zunächst sind diese 
Namen ursprüngliche Spitznainen, die teils dem Volkshumor, teils 
dem wirklichen Bedürfnisse, gleichnamige Individuen der näch- 
sten Umgebung zu unterscheiden, entsprungen sind. Diese Spitz- 
namen (vgl. die arab. /agab-Namen) haben Jann allmählich die 
wirklichen, „bürgerlichen“ Namen verdrängt und ilıren Platz ein- 
genommen !. 

Wie es aber den Nomina propria überall ergangen ıst, so 
wurde der ursprüngliche Charakter auch dieser Spitznamen naclı 
und nach vergessen. Auch auf babylonischem Gebiete ınuss Jdas 
Verblassen dieses ursprünglichen Charakters solcher Namen in 
den meisten Fällen frühzeitig erfolgt sein, denn es wird kaum 
möglich sein — woran auch die Art der überlieferten Literatur 
Schuld trägt — in irgend einem Falle nachzuweisen, dass ein 
diesartiger Spitzname neben einem anderen Namen existierte. 
Dies kann natürlich zufällig sein, Jedoch scheint es die a priori 
anzunehmende Vermutung zu bestätigen, dass die nach plıysischen 
Eigentümlichkeiten gebildeten Nomina propria ihren ursprüng- 
lichen Charakter wesentlich aufgegeben hatten und zu wirklichen, 
„bürgerlichen“ Namen geworden waren. Dass (der entschieden 
grösste Teil aller dieser Namen der letzteren Gattung angehört, d. ıı. 
schon den Kindern und zwar aus anderen (sründen (bzw. olıne 


namen einer oberbadischen Stadt, Freiburger Diss. 1905, 88 67 ff.; Nurken, 
Spridda Studier ııı 9; für das Finnische Forsman, Suomen kansan persoo- 
nallinen nimistö p. 98; u. a.). 

' Vgl. Bechrten p. 6. — Nicht ausgeschlossen ist die Möglichkeit, dass 
ein Individuum ausserhalb seiner engeren Umgebung von anderen Leuten 
mit einem Spitznamen benannt wurde, wozu Parallelen aus dem täglichen 
Leben erbracht werden könnten. Ich denke bei dem Babylonischen haupt- 
sächlich an Tempel- etc. Rechnungen, wo besonders der niedrigeren Klasse 
angehörende Steuerpflichtige von den‘ Beamten sicherlich häufig der Be- 
quemlichkeit halber mit bezeichnenden Spitznamen gekennzeichnet wur- 
den, wenn der bürgerliche Name aus irgendwelchem (rund vergessen war. 
Überhaupt wird die höhere Klasse überall Individuen der niedrigen Klasse 
mit Vorliebe solche Spitznamen beigelegt haben. Aus neuerer Zeit können 
die „offiziellen“ Namen, die man den Juden in den 17. und 18. Jahrhunder- 
ten gab, eine hübsche Parallele zu dem Gesagten bieten. 


10 Haırrı HoıMa. 


BXIU. 


Grund) gegeben wurde, dürfte kaum geleugnet werden. Dafür 
spricht ferner die Tatsache, dass die allermeisten Namen der Form 
guttulw der altbabylonischen und kassitischen Zeit entstammen, wo- 
vegen in neubabylonischer Zeit nur wenige neue gebildet wurden. 
Auch auf assyrischem Boden sind diesartige Namen verhältnis- 
mässig selten. Daraus wird man ferner 'folgern können, dass 
derartige Namen mit dem Wachsen der Kultur und der Ausbrei- 
tung offizieller reliriöser Vorstellungen, die auf die Namen- 
gebung Einfluss hatten, zurücktraten. 

Sank also diese Namengebung, etwa wie in unsern Sprachen, 
allmählich zu bloss archaistischer Nachahmung herab — worauf 
auch sprachliche Momente einwirkten, wie etwaiges Verschwin- 
den der betr. Wörter aus der Sprache u. ä m. — so hat natür- 
lich andererseits die Sitte, den Mitmenschen ähnliche Spitznamen 
zu geben, auch durch die geschichtliche Zeit fortleben und zu 
neuen Mitteln auffordern müssen. Charakteristisch ist, dass Na- 
“men, die gewöhnliche Körperfehler bezeichnen, wie Aurü 
„hinkend” und Zäriqu „schielend“, die als Adjektiva auch in der 
täglichen Sprache zu belegen sind, äusserst zahlreich vor- 
kommen. Das dürfte kaum blosser Zufall sein, ebensowenig wie 
lie Tatsache, dass kein König oder höherer Beamter, soviel mir 
bekannt, derartige Namen trug (vel. jedoch unten Ugula). Es 
scheint sıch also wenigstens bei gewissen Namen das Verständnis 
der Bedeutung derselben fortgesetzt zu haben (ba. auch den Ein- 
tluss der Geburtsomina!)'!. — Dem Übergang dieser Spitznamen 
zu wirklichen Nomina propria können wir aber in keiner Periode 


! Dass aber Namen dieser Art, deren Bedeutung dem Namengeber 
noch geläufig war, den Kindern wegen etwaiger Abnormität schon bei der 
Geburt oder kurz nachher gegeben wurden, scheint mir aus psychologischen 
Gründen weniger wahrscheinlich. Wenn ein Kind einen gultulu- o. ä. Na- 
men erhielt, war das Verständnis des Wortes sicherlich schon verblasst. 
(Vgl. auch Kreinparı, Die deutschen Personennamen, Leipzig 1909, p. 24 f.: 
Die Kinder haben noch keine Kennzeichen, deshalb haben sie auch noch 
keine Namen, die darauf gegründet wären — haben sie welche, so ist zehn 
gegen eins zu wetten, dass sie von Erwachsenen hergenommen sind. — — 
— — — Besondere Kennzeichen fehlen, es müsste denn ein Muttermal da 
sein. — — — — Missbildungen werden am liebsten ignoriert. Ausnahmen 
bestätigen die Regel.) 


B XII. Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 1l 


der Keilschriftliteratur nachgehen !, auch würden wir uns hier 
leicht in blosse Theorien und unhaltbare Hypothesen verirren. 
Was dem Namengeber ın jedem einzelnen Falle vor Augen stand, 
kann nur selten festgestellt werden. Die Hauptsache ıst, dass 
wir diese Namengebung nunmehr auch für die assyrısch-baby- 
lonischen Semiten nachweisen können. Welcher Mittel sie sich 
dabei bedienten, werden wir im folgenden sehen. 


RN 


b. Sprachliches. 


Dass sich unter den assyrisch-babylonischen Personennamen 
auch solche finden, die ursprünglich auf physische Auffälligkeiten 
Bezug hatten, war bisher nur in einigen augenfälligen Fällen wie 
bei Quttunu, Sämu, Salimtu u. ä. beobachtet worden ?. In der 
Tat aber ıst diese Art Namengebung bei den Assyrern und Baby- 
loniern, wie von vornherein anzunehmen war, eine selır beliebte 
gewesen. Zu dieser Art von Namen muss zuerst die allerdings 
relativ seltene Sitte gezählt werden, Nomina propria von Körper- 
teilnanıen mittels der gemeinsemitischen Adjektiv- und Deminutiv- 
Endung -An zu bilden (BrockEnLmann, Grundriss ı S 215; TALı- 
qvıst, Neubab. Nbuch p. xxxm; RankE p. 13 f). Wenn auch 
ein Name wie Uznönu (bzw. Uzna’; Tarıavıst a. a. O. 301?) als 
ein Hypokoristikon, etwa aus Böl-wznäia o. ä. verkürzt, aufge- 
fasst werden könnte, so müssen dagegen ın. EB. Namen wie Pa- 
hallänu (aus pahallu „Hode“: Körperteile p. 100), Iskänu (aus 
i3ku „Hode“ a. a. O. 97), Sapsapäanu (aus sapsapu „Hode“ *, a.a. 
0. 99)3, alle in BE xv (Kassitenzeit), ferner Jppdnu bzw. Appinu 


ı Von Interesse ist der bibl. Name Haggätän, dessen Artikel deutlich 
zeigt, wie der appellativische Charakter noch empfunden wurde. Dem zur 
Seite stellt sich vielleicht assyr. n. pr. Amel-Sukkuku, wo amel sicher gar 
nicht ausgesprochen wurde, sondern als blosses Determinativ diente. — 
Vgl. GrATzL, Die altarab. Frauennamen p. 32 f. 

! Vgl. z. B. Ranke in BE vi p. 51 note. 

® Vgl. die Kurznamen (?) fnia, Inatum u. & (Tarı.gvist, Neub. Nbuch 
302»), Idi, Idäia Iddia(?) u. ä. (a. a. O. 3178), wozu NÖLDEKE Beitr. zur sem. 
Sprachwiss. 102 Parallelen bietet, Qa-ta(?), Qäti (Tartavist a. a. O0. 1728). 

* S. dagegen OLZ 1912, 207 ff. 

s Vgl. Bailıvog, Keidis u. a. („dessen Genitalien stark entwickelt 
sind*), BECHTEL 32 f. 


12 Harrı Hoı.Ma. 


BXIIl,; 

(von appu Nase*; Tanıavist a. a. 0.9 f.)!, Qaggadänitu bzw. 
Qaggadinu (von qaggadu „Schädel“; a. a. O. 172*)2 jedenfalls ur- 
sprüngliche, scherzhafte Spitznamen sein, die auf die auffällige 
srösse des betr. Körperteils Bezug hatten. Ganz ähnliche Eigen- 
namen auf dem (Gebiete des Arabischen hat NöLpEKE (Beitr. 
zur sem. Sprachwiss. 101 ff.) nachgewiesen. Auch an den von 
ihm (a. a. OÖ. 103) als „sehr selten“ bezeichneten Namen, wie arab. 
Ka'b „Fussknöchel*, syr. Qdala „Hals“, phön. @s „Haupt“, die 
also schlechtweg Namen von Gliedern darstellen (einige deutsche 
Parallelen bei N.)>, tehlt es im Assyrischen nicht ganz; vgl. Pa- 
hallu(!) (GGA 1911, 138), Zapzapu = Sapsapu (Rıxke 178b) sowie 
Qüqubannu („Magen“, s. Körperteile 146) bei Cıavy, Cass. Names 
ı18° und Qügubätu (ditto) VSchr. ıx 175, 11. Vel. Anın. 2, Nahiru. 
Inhaltlich sind diese beiden Gruppen ohne weiteres eleichzustellen. 
Ungleich zahlreicher sind jedoch die Fälle, wo eine phy- 
sische Abnormität bzw. Eigentümlichkeit durch ein Adjektivum 
ausgedrückt wird. Wie aber arab. ’aytalu, hebr. qittel, syr. qrtala 
nicht die einzigen Nominalformen sind, naclı denen Körperfehler 
bezeichnende Adjcktiva in den resp. Sprachen gebildet werden, 
so begegnen uns auch im Assyrischen mehrere Nominalformen, 
die ın diesem Sinne gebraucht werden. Beispiele: Sakku „taub“ 
neben Suhkuku; Daqqu,’ Digqu „klein“, „Zwerg“; Lillu (onomato- 
poetisch) „der Lallende*: part. act. Zariqu „schieläugig“ von za- 
räqu „schielen“; pissü „hinkend“, hebr. piss&"h (gittilu) entsprechend; 
akut „körperlich schwach“; Ameru „taub“: pägu „taub“; usw. 
Hierher gehören die auf die Gesichts- bzw. Hautfarbe bezüglichen 
Farbenadjektiva Simu, Adirtu, Salimtu, Barımu, Barmatu u. a. 
Trotzdem diese Bildungen’ nicht im engeren Sinne zur Aufgabe 
der vorhegenden Untersuchung gehören, habe ich sie doch mit- 


' Vgl. lat. Naso, gr. ‘Pivor. 

® Vgl. gr. Keparog u. ä., lat. Capito, unser Haupt. — In Qaggada- 
nıtu etc. könnte jedoch auch ein Tiername vorliegen. Vgl. M.-A. 924b, ZA 
xxvitm 155. — [Nachtrag Cfr. auch Nahtru („Nasenloch*) TALLavist Ass. 
N. 166, OT xxxnı 16, 12 und Nahiränu, CLAy, Cass. Names 110] 

* Jn Finnischen habe ich folgg. Namen dieser Art. notiert: Koura, 
kKorva, Jalkanen, Kantanen, Nenonen, Sormunen, Polvinen, 
Pääkkönen usw. 


BXIIl2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Forın qutlulu. 13 


aufgenommen, obgleich ihre Zahl vielleicht hätte grösser werden 
können, hätte ich nicht mein Augenmerk in erster Tiinie auf die 
quttulu-Formen gerichtet. 

Wie aber im arab., hebr. und syr. die nach den oben erwähn- 
ten Nominalformen ’agtalu, gittel und q’tala gebildeten Körper- 
fehlernamen fraglos überwiegen, so wird schon ein flüchtiger Blick 
auf das unten zusammengestellte Material den Leser davon über- 
zeugen, dass auch ıım Assyrischen eine besondere Nominalforın, 
und zwar quttulu, zur Bildung derartiger Adjektiva besonders 
beliebt war. Diese Behauptung lässt sich auf manche Weise po- 
sıtiv bestätigen !. 

Zunächst muss die grosse Zahl der Wörter der Form 
quttulu, die Körpertehler bzw. körperliche Eigentünnlichkeiten be- 
zeichnen, auffallen. Von den quttulu-Wörtern, die etymologisch 
und inhaltlich als hierhergehörig völlig gesichert sınd, seien hier 
nur diejenigen aufgezählt, betreffs deren Bedeutung kein Zweifel 
herrschen kann: Ubburu „lahm o. &.*, Unnubu „üppig, dıck“, 
ussudu, Ussulu, Bussulu „gebunden d. h. Jahm, irgendwie ver- 
wachsen“, Gubbuhu, Gurrudu „kahlköpfie*, G@uhhuru „hässlich“, 
Zuhhuntu „mit stinkendem Atem”, Hubbusu etwa = ussudu, Hun- 
gulu „hüpfend dahinschreitend“, Huzzumu „taub”, Hunnubu = Un- 
nubu, Hussubu ditto, Hwrusu „Flavius“, Hurrusu „stumm“, Kub- 
buru „dick“, Kubbutu „schwer“, Kunzubtu = Hussubu, kussudu = 
ussudu, Kussuru ditto, Kurüt „hinkend“, Nuhhuru „näselnd“, Qrt- 
tunu „dünn, „mager”, Sukkuku „taub“, Surundu „platt-, stumpf- 
nasig”, Subburu „hinkend” u. a. m... Dass diese Wörter nur in 
dieser Weise aufzufassen sind, habe ıch ım lexıkalischen Teil, wie 
ich hoffe, genügend dargelest. 

Den engen Zusammenhang der Adjektiva der Forın quttulu mit 
dem Permansiv pass. ı1,ı hat DELırzsch ın seiner Gramm.2 S 123 f. 
näher besprochen. Ein nicht unwichtiger Beweis für die Rich- 
tigkeit meiner Auffassung von den quitulu-Wörtern ist daher 
auch darin zu erblicken, dass in den Omina der Staının I1,ı perm. 


überaus häufig von Anomalien gebraucht wird, auch da wo Qal 
! Verzeichnisse von quttulu-Namen findet man UnsNap, Dilbat p. 81 
BE xv p. 29 n. 3; Cray, Cass, Names p. 24; RanKeE p. 21 n. 6, 253 f. 


14 Harrı HorMA. BXIII. 


denselben Dienst geleistet hätte, häufig sogar neben Qal. Solche 
Permansiva, von welchen mehrere auch als Namen zu belegen 
sind, sind z. B. uppugqu, bullulu, burrumu, bussulu, gubbusu, hub- 
busu, huzzumu, hummusu, hunnuqu, kubburu, pullusu, suttuqu, bur- 
rubu, turruku u. a, um aus der Fülle einige herauszugreifen !. 
Der Gebrauch der quttulu-Adjektiva als Bezeichnungen für Kör- 
perfehler wird hierdurch lebhatt illustriert. Den endgültigen Be- 
weis dafür, dass wir auf dem richtigen Wege zum Verständnis 
der qu£tulu-Wörter sind, liefern meines Dafürhaltens die Omina 
CT xxvu pl. 5 (efr. pl. 4 und 13), wo von allerlei Missgeburten 
die Rede ist. Unter den Wörtern für missgestaltete Wesen und 
zwerghafte, verkrüppelte Gebilde findet sich dort — ausser Wör- 
tern wie Zöllu „blödsinnig“, akd „körperlich schwach“, la nätılu 
„blind“, pissä = (oder <) pussü „linkend“ u. ä. -— eine ganze 
Reihe von quitulu-Formen, näinlich kubbulu, sukkuku, hubbusu, red. 
qudquddu, mussuku, sunduru und vielleicht uswmia (wenn ussumwu 
+ :a). Von diesen Wörtern, die ich unten näher erklärt habe, 
sind wenigstens Kubbulu, Sukkuku, Hubbusu und Sundwu (vgl. 
auch Guddudu) mit Sicherheit als Personennamen nachzuweisen. 
Dass hier ein enger Zusammenhang der beiden Wörtergruppen 
besteht, dürfte kaum zu bezweifeln sein. 

Desgleichen lässt sıch das oben Gesagte mit Hilfe einiger 
Vokabularzeilen zur Genüge feststellen. Dies sind v R 20 a—b 
6-16=LCT xıx 16, 7—17, wo auf akü eine Reihe von quitulu- 
Wörtern folgt. Alle diese Wörter erweisen sich nicht nur durch 
ihre Etymologie (worüber eingehend unten) sondern zugleich 
durch ıhre Ideogramme (ZD._LAL etc.) als bierhergehörig. Hier 
kann LAL bzw. LÄL nur im Sinne von esölu, kasi« „binden“ 
(vgl. unten ussudu, ussulu, kasü u. a.!), woraus Sagalı, Sugalulu 
„hängen (als körperlicher Mangel)“ und en$w „schwach sein“ 
entwickelt sind, aufgefasst werden 2. ussulu, bussulu etc. können 
also nur „mit hängendem Arm, Glied d. h. lahm o. ä,“ heissen, 
was tatsächlich durch die Etymologie der betr. Wörter bestätigt 


' Für Belege muss ich hier kurz auf JAstrow, Religion Iı Index ver« 
weisen. 
?2 Vgl. auch unten Zugallulu und qussuru. 


BXlIlll2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 15 


wird. Ausser LA/L, das auch sonst in den Ideograimmen der 
quttulu-Wörter vorkommt, begegnet uns in diesen Zeilen (las 
Element TAR in Verbindung mit ID „Arm“, SU „Hand“ und 
NER „Fuss“. Auch TAR liegt in mehreren anderen ldeogram- 
men für quftulu's vor und muss im Sınne von „abhauen“, „ver- 
stümmeln“ u. ä. (vgl. TAR= parä’u, paräsu, nakäasu usw.) gefasst 
werden. Dazu stimmt, dass viele der unten besprochenen Wörter 
auf Stäinme zurückgelien, deren Grundbedeutung gerade diejenige 
des Zerstörens, Verstümmelns ıst. S. darüber noch weiterhin. 

Über die Frage, weslıall, gerade guttulu zum Ausdruck von 
Körperfehlern und Gebrechen sich entwickelte, möchte ich nicht 
viele Worte verlieren, weil derartige sprachliche Prähistorie des 
sicheren Bodens entbehrt. Jedoch mögen einige allgemeine Be- 
merkungen hier Platz finden. Schon Barrtan, Nominalbildung 
p. 25? bat den Erweis erbracht, dass „die Ausbildung bestimmter 
Formen für Fehleradjektive erst ın den einzelnen Sprachen er- 
folgt ıst*. Eine gemeinsame Nominalbildung für derartire Wör- 
ter hatte sich also vor der Trennung der einzelnen Stämıine noch 
nicht entwickelt. Im Hebräischen bediente man sich bekanntlich 
einer geschärften, im Syrischen einer gedehnten, im Arabischen 
einer präfigierten Form. Die assyrische spezielle Nominalforın für 
Gebrechen war gleich der hebräischen geschärft. Diese geschärfte 
Intensitätsform bildete wie gittilu im Hebräischen „intransitive 
Adjektive, die eine fest inhärırende Beschaffenheit be- 
zeichnen“ (BarrH p. 25). Daher ist ja der Gebrauch der 
quttulu-Formn ım Assyrischen keineswegs auf Körperfeller be- 
schränkt. Wie das Hebräische nach gqittilu z. B. pigg&'h „scharf- 
sehend“ bildet, so finden wir ım Assyrischen Adjektiva, die z.B. 
ungewöhnliche Körperkräfte, wie gunnusu, guppuru, gussuru, über- 
mässige Beweglichkeit (s. unten Urrudu(?), urruhu), besondere 
Lebensart, wie ukkumu „räuberisch“, „der Packer“ (einer der 
Hunde Marduks), oder sonstige Eigenschaften, wie ukhıdu „dunkel“, 
ummulu „blass“ o. ä., bezeichnen !. Jedoch muss hier auch die 


! Die in den Syllabaren sich findenden quttulu-Adjektiva sind nicht 
immer als solche zu erkennen. Jedoch glaube ich, dass die Zahl der wirk- 
lichen Adjektiva dieser Form viel zahlreicher ist als bisher angenommen wurde. 


16 Hıarrı HoLMa. BXIIIn 


Analogiebildung grossen Spielraum gehabt haben !. — In letzter 
Linie sind diese Adjektiva von wirklichen Verbaladjektiven wie 
z. B. Sundıdu „weit gemacht d. h. weit“ u. ä. nicht zu trennen, 
und man könnte sogar die Frage aufwerfen, ob nicht die diesen 
Adjektiven innewohnende faktitive Bedeutung „zu etwas ge- 
macht“ derselben Vorstellung wie die arabische, mit kausativem 


Präfix gebildete Steigerungsform ’agtalu entsprungen sei! 


Anm. Der Gebrauch der quitulu-Form in den anderen Sprachen ist 
nach BROCKELMANN, Grundriss ı 8 148 ein ziemlich bescnränkter. Das dürfte 
zutreffen, jedoch würde das arab. Lexikon sicher weitere Beispiele liefern 
können. Es fielen mir auf Wörter wie kuntubun, kuntuun, kunpurun u. a., 
alle „Zwerg“, die wohl auf urspr. quilulu-Formen zurückgehen. 


Wie ii Arabischen die Nformen gitillu und quiullu äusser- 
lich wie auch inhaltlich gittilu (resp. quttulu) einander nahe stehen 
(BARTH 8 17. 114), so scheint auch iin Assyrischen bisweilen die 
Nform qutullu anstatt qultulu als Ausdruck körperlicher Gebrechen 
angewandt worden zu sein. Von den unten besprochenen Wörtern 
gehören hierher wenigstens: Ukummu (neben Ukkumu), Guzummu, 
Dihummu, Hulugqu, Kuluhhu, Mulussu. 

Anm. Für weitere Nforinen, die demselben Zwecke dienen, s. BROCKEL- 


MANN I & 133 b, 135 c & (Vokaldehnung), & 151 (Vokaldehnung nebst Kon- 
sonantverschärfung). [S. auch Nachträge.] 


c. Geschichtliches etc. 


Wie schon oben angedeutet, sind die nach quttulu gebilde- 
ten Personennamen in den verschiedenen Perioden der babylo- 
nisch-assyrischen Geschichte nicht gleich zahlreich vertreten. Die 
häufigsten quitulu-Namen begegnen uns in der Hammurapi- bzw. 
vorhammurapischen Zeit, wo die Namengebung den frischen Cha- 
rakter der Ursprünglichkeit trägt. Noch in der Kassitenzeit wer- 
den neue quftulu-Naınen gebildet, während dagegen die Zahl der- 
selben im neubabylonischen Reiche, dessen Namenbildung wir sonst 


! Neben einer quttulu-Form kommen des öfteren auch andere Nformen 
desselben Stammes vor und umgckehrt, worin häufig Analogiebildung zu 
verspüren ist. — Sonst sind — was nicht besonders hervorgehoben zu wer- 
den braucht -- die Namen dieser Art den gewöhnlichen Gesetzen der Na- 
menbildung unterworfen: es werden daraus Kosenamen mit -ia gebildet usw. 


BXlII2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form qutlulu. 17 


PER ReE —o. 


ziemlich genau kennen, beträchtlich herabsinkt. In den neuver- 
öffentlichten Kontrakten der Seleucidenära (MorsGan ıt), die sich 
auch ın den Namen als epigonenhaft zeigt, begegnen uns nur 
noch zwei quttulw-Namen, die allerdings früher nicht zu belegen 
sind!, nämlich Ubbulu „mager“ und Kruzü (von kasü „binden“), 
wenn dies nicht Fremdwort, was wegen der regelmässigen Schrei- 
bung Ku-zu-ü weniger wahrscheinlich ist. 

Aus der altassyrischen Zeit, deren Namengebung allerdings 
weniger bekannt ist, kenne ich keinen gadttulu-Namen. Auch in der 
neuassyrischen Periode sind diese — unter babyl. Einfluss ent- 
standenen? — Namen verhältnismässig selten. Dem schrofferen 
und militärisch erzogenen assyrischen Genius scheint diese Art 
von Namengebung fremd geblieben zu sein. 

Dem Gesagten zufolge muss also der Anfang dieser Namen- 
bildung schon aus geschichtlichen Gründen ın der ältesten Periode 
cler semitischen Besiedelung der Euphrat-länder gesucht werden. 
Dazu stimmt nicht nur, dass, wie wir oben sahen, derartige Na- 
mengebung sich nur in priinitiveren Verhältnissen lebendig erhal- 
ten kann, sondern auch, dass eine ganze Reihe der ältesten 
guthhdu-Namen sich auf uns sonst überlieferte babylonisch-assy- 
rısche Stämme nicht zurückführen lässt. Können wir also daraus 
die Schlussfolgerung ziehen, dass die speziell babylonisch-assy- 
rische guttulu-Bildung, sowie die darauf zurückgehende Namen- 
gebung uralt sind, so kann es andererseits unmöglich ein blosser 
Zufall sein, dass ın den meisten Fällen sıch für diese al- 
ten Namen aus dem Arabischen eine etymologische 
Stütze gewinnen lässt. Es muss zugestanden werden, dass 
die Verwertung des arabischen, viel später schriftlich fixierten 
Wortschatzes für vergleichende etymologische Zwecke gewisser- 
massen gefährlich sein kann; unsre Behauptung gewinnt aber 
dadurch an Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass sich die herangezogenen ara- 
bischen Stämme hauptsächlich zu zwei Gruppen vereinigen lıies- 
sen, nämlich zu denjenigen des „Bindens“ und denen des „Zer- 


störens“, „Verstümmelns“, die, wie ich unten dargetan habe, 


a 


! Daraus darf natürlich nicht gefolgert werden, dass die Namen früher 
nicht geläufig gewesen wären. 


to 


18 HarRı HoLMA. BX1Il. 
(s. auch oben p. 14 f.) zur Bildung von Wörtern für körperliche 
Abnormitäten verwendet wurden und zwar so, dass die Aus- 
drücke für „lahm“ u. ä. am liebsten von Stämmen, die urspr. 

“ „binden“ bedeuten, diejenigen für körperliche Gebrechen dagegen 
von Stärnmen, die urspr. „verstümmeln“ u. ä. bedeuten, abgelei- 
tet wurden (vg). ussudu, Ussulu, Subburu u. a.). 

Vielleicht gibt uns also die Untersuchung der guitwlu-Namen 
einen willkommenen Fingerzeig für die ethnographische Beur- 
teilung der babylonisclh-semitischen Bevölkerungsschicht der Ham- 
murapi-Periode, umsomehr weil sie nur früher bekannte Tatsachen 
bestätigt!. Andererseits zeigt die Form dieser Namen, quitidu, 
die nur auf babylonischem Boden entstehen konnte, weil sie die 
Passiv-Bedeutung des Permansivs voraussetzt, dass es sich keines- 
wegs etwa um arabische Lehnwörter handelt, sondern dass die 
quttulu-Namen echtbabylonische Bildungen sind. Ob aber die 
durch die in der Hammurapi-Zeit vorkommenden arabischen Na- 
men Akbar, Ahlam (statt A’lam)? schon für diese Zeit belegte 
kausative Bildungsart der arabischen Wörter für Körperfehler 
auf die Entstehung der faktitiven assyr. quitulu-Form einge- 
wirkt hat (vgl. oben p. 16), kann vorläufig nicht zur Entscheidung 
gebracht werden ?. 


' Jch verweise hier nur auf HomMEL, Grundriss 91 ff. 129 ff, RANKE 
35 ff, GratzL 8 f. Vgl. meine „Kleine Beiträge“ 27. 

ı Vgl. HommEL a. a. O. und Altisrael. Überl. 112. 206. Allerdings 
etwas unsicher. — Vgl. TaLLavısT, Ass. Names 19, 

° Auch unter Völker- und Ortsnamen wird es sicherlich einige geben, 
(lie in derselben Weise wie die Personennamen dieser Art zu erklären sind. 
Solche Namen sind meines Dafürhaltens z. B. der Völkername Ubulu (Schir- 
FER, Die Aramäer p. 2. 4. 5), der wohl mit udbulu „mager“ (Ss. u.) zusammen- 
hängt, vielleicht auch der Landesname ZLuhutu (ibid. 58. 59), wenn dieser 
mit Zuhhulu (s. u.) identisch ist. In diesen Fällen handelt es sich natürlich 
nicht um einheimische Namen, sondern um von Assyrern gegebene Spott- 
namen, die vielleicht äusserlich an die einheimischen erinnerten. Hierher 
gehört vielleicht auch der Ortsname Hummurti, wenn = ein Ort, wo es viele 
Hummuru's gab. In Folgenden sind die Orts- bzw. Völkernamen nur gele- 
gentlich beachtet worden. Vgl. auch Hunnunu 


BXIlIIa Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 19 


Zuın Schlusse sei endlich beınerkt, dass ıch mir dessen voll- 
auf bewusst bin, dass sich unter den unten besprochenen Wörtern 
auch gelegentlich ein Appellativ, ein Hypokoristikon oder eine 
blosse Analogiebildung finden kann; wo sich aber eine befriedi- 
gende Etymologie, die meine Vermutung hinsichtlich der Bildung 
les betr. Namens in der obigen Weise bestätigte, ohne weiteres 
ergab, wurde der Name aufgenommen. Das Resultat meiner 
Untersuchung wird im grossen und ganzen dadurch nicht er- 
schüttert werden können. — Eine lexikalische Spezialuntersuchung 
auf dem onomatologischen Gebiete der Assyrer und Babylonier 
dürfte nicht zu frühzeitig sein. 


d. Literatur. 


Für die benutzte assyriologische Literatur überhaupt ver- 
weise ich nur auf das umfassende Literaturverzeichnis meiner 
„Körperteilnamen“. Auch die Verkürzungen sind dieselben wie 
dort. Unten habe ich die von mir benutzte spezielle onomato- 
logische, sowie sonstige neue Literatur zusammengestellt !. 


BecHten =F. B., Die einstämmigen männlichen Personennamen 
des Griechischen, die aus Spitznamen hervorgegangen 
sind (Abh. d. k. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Göttingen 1898 — 99 n:o 5). 

Cray, Cass. Names =A. T. C., Personal Names from Cuneiform 
Inscriptions of the Cassite Period. New Haven 1912. 

CooK=S. A. C., A Glossary of the Aramaic Inscriptions. 
Cambridge 1898. 

Enc, Bibl. = Encyclopaedia Biblica, art. Names. 

Fick = A. F., Die griechischen Personennamen. 2. Aufl. bearb. 
v. F. BecHter und A. F. Göttingen 1894. 

Frieprich = Th. F., Altbabyl. Urkunden aus Sıppara. 1906. 
(Beitr. zur Assyr. v.+.) 


! Des ganzen veröffentlichten Urkundenmaterials, besonders der vor- 
haınmurapischen Zeit, konnte ich leider hier nicht habhaft werden. Es 
fehlten mir u. a. mehrere in Frankreich erschienenen Werke, die ich gern 
excerpiert hätte. 


20 HAarrı HOoLMA. BXIIl. 


GAuTER = J. E. G., Archives d’une famille de Dilbat. Le Caire 
1908. 

GENoUvILLAC, Drehem = H. de G., Tablettes de Drehem. Paris 1911. 

GratzL = E. G., Die altarab. Frauennamen. Münchener Diss. 1906. 

Hess = J. J. H., Beduinennamen aus Zentralarabien. Heidelberg 
1912. (Sitzungsber. d. Heidelb. Akad. d. Wiss. 1912, n:o 19.) 

Hvser =E. H., Die Personennamen in den Keilschrifturkunden 
aus der Zeit der Könige von Ur und Nisin. Leipzig 1907. 
(Assyr. Bibl. xx1.) 

Inventaire des Tablettes de Tello.. ı—ır. Paris 1910. (mı— ıv 
standen mir nicht zur Verfügung.) . 

KoHLer & UnanAD, Assyrische Rechtsurk. 1—6. Leipzig 1912 —3. 

= e Hammurabis Gesetz. n—v. Leipzig 1909— 11. 
Laneoon, Kis=S. L., Tablets from Kis. PSBA 1911, 185—196; 


232 — 242. 
Lepram =E. L., Dictionnaire des noms propres palmyreniens. 
Parıs 1886. 


Leeram =L. L, Le temps des rois d’Ur. Paris 1913, (stand 
mir nicht zur Verfügung). | 

Linzearskı, Handbuch d. nordsemitischen Epigraphik. ı. Wei- 
mar 1898. 

Lmprn =E. L., Das Priester- und Beamtentum der altbabylo- 
nischen Kontrakte. Paderborn 1913. 

Morcan 11 = Babylonian Records in the Library of J. Pierpont 
Morgan. Part ıı: Legal Documents from Erech, dated ın 
the Seleucid Era, by A. T. Cray. New-York. 1913. 

PBS 1,3 = University of Pennsylvania, The Museum, Publica- 
tions of the Babylonian Section. ı1n2: A. T. Cray, Docu- 
ments from the Temple Archives of Nippur, dated in the 
reigns of Cassite Rulers. Philadelphia 1912. 

PorreL = A. P., Babylonian Legal and Business Documents from 
the time of the first Dynasty of Babylon. Babylonian Ex- 
pedition vı, 2. Philadelphia 1909. 

Raxke=H. R. Farly Babylonıian Personal Names from the 
published Tablets of the so-callel Hammurabı Dynasty. 
Ibid. 1909. 


BXIU,. Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 2] 


SCHEIL, Sippar—=V. S., Une saison de fouilles a Sippar. Le 
Caire 1902. 

Sociın, A., Arabische Eigennamen ın Algier, ZDMG ıu p. 491 ff. 
(vgl. Socın, Diwan ıı 324 ff.). 

STRASSMAIER, Warka = J. N. S., Die altbabyl. Verträge aus Warka. 
Berlin 1892. 

Tartovist, Neub. Nb.=K.L.T., Neubabylonisches Namenbuch !. 
Helsingfors 1905. (Acta Soc. Scient. Fenn. Tom. xxxı1.) 

„ Assyr. Names=K. L. T., Assyrıan Personal Names. Im 

Druck. 

TuurREAU-DaAnNGIn, Lettres et contrats de l’&Epoque de la premiere 
dynastie babylonienne. Paris 1910. 

Torczyser, Rez. =H. T., Rezension von Crayv, Cassıte Names, in 
ZDMG 67, Heft. 4. 

Uxenap, Dilbat=A. U. Untersuchungen zu den Urkunden aus 
Dilbat. Leipzig 1909. (Beitr. zur Assyr. vı,.) 

WATERMAN, Business Documents of the Hammurabi Period. AJSL 
xXXIX, 8. | 

VAB v=:M. ScHorrR, Urkunden des altbabyl. Zivil- und Prozess- 
rechts. Leipzig 1913. (Vorderas. Bibl. v.) 


! Ba. die reichhaltigen Literaturangaben p. Xv, Anm. 2-9. 


Lexikalischer Teil. 


Ubbulu. 


Moraan I 77: Ub-bu-luhd (mehrfach). Vgl. vielleicht den 
Völkernamen U-bu-lu/lum (Schirrer, Die Aramäer p. 2. 4. 5) 
und s. Einl. p. 18 Anm. 3. Vgl. MVAG 1906, 40. 

Der Name wird dasselbe Wort sein wie ubbulu „mager 
(M.-A. 7°), das von abälu „trocken sein“ herkommt (s. KB vr, 1, 
580; KüchLeß, Medizin 141 f.; Ges-BuauL!5 5). Ubbulu also in- 
haltlich gleich Qutftunu (s. u.), wo sonstige Parallelen. 


Ubbuqu. 


BE xv 200 Col. v3: Üb-lu-ki. Cray, Cass. Names 141®. CT 
ıv, 25° 22: Ub-bu-ki-ia. RankEe 171° (21%). — Auch bei JADD 
Nr. 68, 2; 124 Rev. 5; 125 Rev. 4; 857 ıv12 sowie JADB5 17, 
geschrieben: Ub-bu-ku/ki, U-bu-ku und Ü-bu-uk-ki. JADD 44 
Rev. 4: U-bu-qu (unsicher). Tautgvist, Ass. Names 239%. 

Etymologisch unsicher. Ob mit ibqu „eine Art Aussatz“ 
(zum Stamme vgl. meine „Kleine Beiträge“ p. 3 f.) zusammen- 
zustellen? Ulbugu dann „ein mit ıbqu Behafteter“, „Aussätzi- 
ger*. — Vielmehr jedoch Uppuqu zu lesen und, trotz des 4, von 
epöqu „fest sein“ ( danänu; vgl. DHWB 115* und zur Etymologie 
Ges.-Buau'? 60%) 1 abzuleiten, dessen ıı, 1 passivisch gerade von meh- 


' Vgl. auch SAI. 7646. Davon upqu „Gesamtheit(?)* MSuppl. 14b und 
SAl. 7647, 11283 (Ideogr. L1ıG48, das auch = napharu!). Stammverwandt ist 


BXIll2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 23 


reren Anomalien gebraucht wird. Vgl. zuerst vR42 (= CT xıx 47) 
c—d 50 (10): SAG || up-pu-qu (folgen pihü und katämu), also „fest 
machen“, „verschliessen“, pass. „verschlossen“ (so schon DeEi..). 
Vgl. ferner Hunger, Tieromina 721%, wo mehrere Belege aus der 
Omenlitteratur. Ähnliche Stellen CT xxvı, 7, K. 3793 Rev. 7: 
inu-su Sa imittı up-zu-gali). 10, 18!; 33, 7!; 34, 17: .... gaggad-su 
up-pu-ug-ma pä la isı. Ferner 39, K. 3925 Obv. 10 ff., etc. '. up- 
puqu wird also von Hand, Ohr, Kopf, Auge, etc. gesagt. Leider 
bleibt trotzdem der nälıere Sinn von Uppugu unklar. Entweder 
körperlich etwa „taub“, oder geistig: „dumm“, „töricht“ o. ä.2 — 
RANKE wollte diesen Namen mit dem in altbab. Eigennamen 
häufigen Element zÖk/qu (vgl. Unanap, Dilbat 121°) verknüpfen. 


Ubburu. 


BE xıv 101, 16; 110, 20(!); 140, 2: Ub-bu-rum (-ru, -ri). 
Crav, Cass. Names 141. — KB ıv 44, ın, 5: Ub-bu-rum. Ranke 
171%. Vgl. auch JADD n:r 661, 4: Ub-ru, was vielleicht aus 
UÜbburu kontrahiert ist? 

Ulburu ıst zweifelsohne zu abäüru zu stellen, dessen ı1,ı in 
der Bedeutung „binden“ (speziell „bannen“, „fluchen“) uns be- 
kannt ist (DHWB 9°; M.—A. 9°; Etymon (res.-BunrL!5 209»). Wie 
so manche assyr. Wörter für „binden“, wie wir noch sehen werden, 
sich ım Passıv zur Bezeichnung körperlicher Gebrechen, insbeson- 
ddere solcher der Extremitäten entwickelt haben (s. auch Einleitung), 


wohl nuppuqu; vgl. v R 47 b 11: ur-u-di Sa in-ni-is-ru ü-nap-pi-qu la-gab-bis 
„meine Kehle, die eingeschnürt war, verlegt war wie mit einem Klotz“ 
(LANDSBERGER in LEIMANN'sS Textbuch 118), wo lagabbu „Klotz“ (vgl. LAnG- 
DON, Sum. Gr. 225) als Lehnwort aus sum. 746GAB= upqu zu fassen ist! 
Es gab also viell. ein anderes(?) upqu, wozu vgl. SAI. 10995? — Verwandt 
ist ferner päqu „verschlossen, taub“ (s. u.) 

ı Vgl. auch teilweise JAsTRow, Religion 1 280%; 3723. Die Ableitun- 
gen des Stammes abäku (Ges.-Bunn!® 5a, BROCKELM. Grundriss ı 166 am, 
Wbb.) etwa „zerstören“, wovon der Name übrigens auch abgeleitet werden 
könnte, sind nicht leicht von denjenigen unseres Stammes zu unter- 
scheiden. 

?2 Abzuweisen ist wohl arab. ’afaku „linkhandig“, von 'afika „dumm 
sein“ (vgl. Hurruk). Damit ist wohl das von Tarıaviıst, Ass. Names 2648 
verglichene syr. hafichä „perversus“ stammverwandt. 


24 Harrı HoLMA. BXIII: 


so scheint auch abburu« ın diesem Sinn gebraucht worden zu sein. 
Den positiven Beweis dafür liefert KB ın (1) 192, 38 f., wo ub-bur 
me3-ri-e-ti parallel mit türti &nad „Blindheit“ und sakak uznä „Taub- 
heit“ vorkommt. Schon Deı.. hat den Ausdruck richtig „Lähmung 
der Körperkräfte“ übersetzt, was jetzt aus dem oben Gesagten 
seine Bestätigung findet. Ubburu danach „gelähmt*, „verkrüppelt“, 
o.ä. Vgl. Ubbuttu, ussulu, kussudu u. a. 


Ubbuttu. 


BE xv 163, 16: /Ub-bu-ut-tum Cruay, Cass. Names 141. 

Wohl < *Ubbut-tum. Gegebenenfalls von dem Stamme ub- 
butu, ubbutu „fesseln“ ! abzuleiten, zu dessen Etymologie vgl. GES.- 
Bunn'!5 552% (dt, °bt), und wovon abbuttu „Sklavenmal“, „Fessel“ 
(s. zuletzt WZKM xxv 319 f.)2. Von demselben Stamm kommt 
It,ı pass. gerade bei Anomalien in den Omina vor. CT xxvu 10, 
17: [Summa ...... tülil-ma Enär(N)]-$u ub-bu-fa. Ähnlich xxvıu 
31, K. 5938, 7. 

ubbutu, fen. ubbuttu also allem Anscheine nach „gebunden“, 
d. h. „an irgend einem Gebrechen leidend“. Vgl. Ubburu, ussulu u.a. 
Cfr. Hubbudu. 


agagu(?). 


CT xxvı 16, 14 f.; 17, 8: uznu uy-ga-at. Bedeutung sowie 
Stamm unsicher. Frank, Studien ı 154 zweifelud „taub sein“, 
was ganz hypothetisch. Jastrow, Religion ıı 920% fasst es als 
ulvkat von akt (s. d.), was kaum annehınbar. — Jedenfalls natür- 
lich von agägu „zürnen* zu trennen (dazu wohl doch arab. "ayga 
„flammen“; „bitter sein“, konkret!). Am wahrscheinlichsten scheint 
unser Stamm zu arab. hayga „tief in die Höhle eingesunken sein 
(vom Auge)“ gestellt werden zu müssen. Über blosse Vermu- 
tungen kommen wir jedoch vorläufig hier schwerlich hinaus. 


' Speziell: „pfänden“; vgl. auch schon DHWB 6a. 
? Zu trennen ist jedenfalls abälu „zerstören“ (Etymologie (Es -BuHL'!* 
?2), wovon IL: auch in Omina, 7. B. Jastrow, Religion ıı 888’. 


BXIULIL? Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 25 


Ugula. 


Prof. TaLıavıstr machte mich auf AO 5490 R 1 (bei GEnoriL- 
LAc, Tablettes de Drehem) aufmerksam, wo ein patesi von KiS na- 
mens TU-gu-la vorkommt. Wahrscheinlich ' < *ugyulu, vom Stamme 
“gl, dessen Grundbedeutung, wegen ass. agalu 2, arab. “iglun, hebr. 
‘ögel etc. „Kalb“, „schnell, eilig sein“ ® gewesen sein muss, wie noch 
ım Arabischen. Uggulu also „schnellfüssig*. Vgl. hebr. N. pr. 
"Eglä, wozu NöLDERE (Beitr. z. sem. Spr.wiss. 83) mehrere Pa- 
rallelen bietet: palm. Oyy4us und fem. Oyyin, arab. al’ Ugailu ete 
Vgl. auch Enc. Bibl. 3298. Stammverwandt viell. arab. hagala 
„springend laufen* und syr. h’gar „hinken“ (arab. ’a’rugu hin- 
kend*?). S. dazu Dinımann 109. 130 (hglı. — S. auch unten Hun- 
qulu, Hugulu sowie Urrudu und Urruhu. 


Adirtu. 


TaLrgvist, Assyr. Names 13°: A-di-ir-tum, A-dir-tü, A-dir- 
tum. Zweifellos von adäru „dunkel(farbig) sein“; adirtu also 
‘ „dunkelfarbig“, was entweder auf die Farbe des Haares oder des 
Gesichts der Betreffenden Bezug hat. Tarıavıst: abstrakt „mour- 
ning?“. Vgl. unten Sämu, Salimtu etc., sowie die dort aus ande- 
ren Sprachen angeführten Parallelen. 


Uhhü_) 


GAUTIER 12, 24; 18, 7: U-uh-hu-um. Unsicher ob hierher- 
gehörig. 


uhhuru. 


ıı R 47 e—f 56: UR.LAL ||uh-hu-ru. UR ist bekanntlich 
sünu „Hüfte“ (Körperteile 62), ZAZ ist häufiges Element in den 
Ideogrammen mehrerer unten zu besprechender Wörter und 


!ı An hebr. ‘illeg „stammelnd* ist wohl nicht zu denken? — Ü"gu-la 
könnte allerdings sumerisch sein. 

2 Vgl. Meissner, Assyriol. St. vı 5. Als No. pr.: A-ga-lu-um, LANGDON, 
Kis 1 3; A-ga-li, CLAY, Cass. Names 495; A-ga-la (Capp.) TaLLQaVvIısT, Ass. Na- 
mes 13. Vgl. ibid. 264b: /g-la-nu, bibl. ‘ Eglön. 

? Ursprünglich allerdings „rollen“. 


26 HARRIı HOLMA. BXNIL: 


bedeutet „das Gebundene“, vgl. Einleitung. uhhuru dem Ideo- 
gramme gemäss also einer, der an irgend einem Gebrechen der 
Hüfte leidet. Demnach wohl zu dem bekannten Stamm aharu. 
ass. „hinten sein“, zu stellen, der ja im hebr., aram., äthiop. u. 
arab. (II, v, X) „zögern“ bedeutet! ! uhhuru daher einer, der wegen 
seines sünu-Gebrechens einen schwerfälligen Gang hat! Vgl. gr. 
AstAwvimav (BECHTEL 49). 

Ibid. Z. 57: NIl|ditto d. h. uhhuru. Wie dieses Ideogramm 
zu erklären sein mag, bleibt unsicher. Vgl. jedoch SAI. p. 208 f., 
wo N]/ als Ideogramm für mehrere Wörter der Form quitulu 
steht, von denen noch unten die Rede sein wird. 

Ferner begegnet uns uhhuru v R 28 e—f 13 (CT xvın 13 
a—b 13): uh-hu-ru und zwar als Synonym zu $d4-ba-su und Sd-ab-su. 
Dies $ualäsu, $absu kann m. E. nichts anderes sein, als das 2 Sam. 
1,, vorkommende, nur einmal belegte hebr. $ädäs, das dem Kon- 
text zufolge zweifelsohne gerade „körperliche Schwäche“ o. ä. 
bedeuten muss. Zu demselben Stamme gehören ferner allem An- 
scheine nach arab. dabisa, äthiop. dähbesä „schwach sein“, wovon 
dabisun, äthiop. debas „schwach“, „debilis“ (s. schon Ges.-Bun1.!? 
797°). Die auf etymologischem Wege für uhhuru ? ermittelte Be- 
deutung „zögernd“, „schwerfällig“ dürfte also auch durch Jen 
Parallelismus mit Sabäsu, Sabsu ihre Bestätigung finden. 


akü, fem. akütu, ekütu. 


Etymologie und Bedeutung von altt „schwach“ habe ıch 
ın ZA. xxvım 147 f. eingehend besprochen. 


Ukkumu 


bzw. Ukummu, einer der Hunde Marduks (s. Wbb.). Von ekemu 
„rauben“; ukkumu daher „räuberisch“. S. Einl. S.15. Vgl. Tarr- 
avıst, Neub. Nb.: UA-ku-ma- und Assyr. Names U-ku-me. T. 
vergleicht syr. "uchäma „niger“. | 


ı Vgl. GES.-BunL! 25b; BROCKELM. Lex. syr. 78; DILLMANN 765. 
? Vgl. auch ıı R 30 n:r 4, 34 = UT xı 40, K. 4383 Rev. 6. 


B XUl2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 27 


Ulla. 


BE vıı n:0 27, 5: ÜUd-lu-ü. Vgl. VSchr. vır 129, 8: U-ul-Iu 
und zu ergänzen ıx 207, 4 (KonLer & Uneonap, Hamm. ıv, 
24. 27). Vgl. Tarıavist, Assyr. Names 239°. Bedeutung unklar. 


Ulluba. 


K. 1942, 1: Ul-lu-ba. TarLLavist, Assyr. Nanıes 2395. Wenn 
Ulluba sich als hierhergehörig erweisen würde, könnte man an den 
von mir, Kleine Beiträge 93*, besprochenen Stamm elöbu „lang 
wachsen“ denken. Ullubu dann ähnlicher Name wie Longus, 
Long(e), u. a. Unsicher. 


Umu. 

Prof. Taravıstr machte mich auf AO 5504 ıv 5 (GENoTIL- 
ac, Tablettes de Drehem) aufmerksam, wo ein N. pr. U-ı-mu 
vorkommt.‘ Vgl. dazu Invent. de Tello rı p. 47 n. 933: D-r-um!. 
Ob nicht=hebr. hüm „schwarz“, Grs-Bunu!® 215P, womit der 
semit. Stamm hmın „heiss“ verwandt; vol. arab. hamma (< ha- 
mima) „(kohl)schwarz sein“, und ’ahamınu „schwarz u. weiss“. 
Vgl. auch unten Salimtu (und Sämu), wo Parallelen aus anderen 
Sprachen gebracht werden. 


Amöru, Amörtu. 


Tartovist hat ın seinen Assyrian Names p. 21°’ aus HAxPER 
Letters 414 Rev. 10 einen Nanıen A-me-rı herangezogen, wozu er 
f A-me-ir-tum in BE vı, 2 (N:r 8, 14) vergleicht. Ich möchte diese 
Namen zu dem bekannten Wort amiru taub stellen 2, worüber 
s. zuletzt Körperteile 29. Zur Etymologie vgl. auch ägypt. "mr 
„taub sein“ (Erman, Glossar 11)! — Vgl. Huzzumu, Sukkuku, paqu. 


ı Vgl. den Namen Hu-mu-um CT vur 26 b (91—5—9, 380), 18 und 
BE v1: Nr. Ill, 4 (Assyr. Names 902: Hu-mu?) Oder ist dies etwa arab. 
'amä „blind“? 

? Anders T., der zweifelnd arab. auseos,=?, (Wadd. 2403) vergleicht. 
Der betr. HArrER-Brief scheint in der Tat westsemitische Namen zu enthalten. 


28 HAaRRı HOLMA. B XiIlla 


PESErSER mn m mn — — 


(6nu). 


Das Assyrische scheint keinen besonderen Ausdruck für den 
Begriff „blind“ gehabt zu haben. Von dem gemeinsennitischen 
Stamm “wr „blind sein“ hat das Assyrische das Wort türfu (in 
türtiı enä „Blindheit“) gebildet (vgl. Körperteile 171, Nachtr.), 
dagegen scheint man es vermieden zu haben, nicht-präfigierte 
Formen von diesem doppelt schwachen Stamm zu bilden (vgl. 
jedoch auch kwnmuru)!. Der Begriff „blind“ wird daher durch 
Uinschreibungen ausgedrückt. Ba. SAI. 7017: $T. NU. TUK (ina 
lä ısü!), dessen Aussprache syllabarisch als la nätdu „nicht se- 
hend“ bezeugt ist. Dazu wenigstens noch CT xxvıt, 5, 21 = 14, 


292. — Zur Bildung vgl. das entsprechende lä semü „nicht- 
hörend“ DHWB 667%, wo jedoch nach dem oben Gesagten zu 
berichtigen. 


Schielen heisst im Assyrischen zaräqu, arab. zarajiga. S. 
unten Zäriqu. 

Starräugig heisst wahrscheinlich zagt: enä, vgl. Körper- 
teile S. 15. 


Unnubu, Unnubtu. 


CT vımı, 26 b (91—5—9, 380), 29: U-nu-bu-um®. CT vı 
46, 28: Un-nu-ub-tum. Ebenso 48, 2. CT ıv 16b 2. 8: Un-nu- 
ba-tum. BRanke 196%. BE xv 132, 12: Un-nu-ub-tum. 185, 23: 
Un-nu-bat. Cuay, Cass. Names 142b. 

Ohne Zweifel zu dem Stamm von inbu „Frucht“, „Üppigkeit*“ 
zu führen, dessen ır 1 schon früher belegt ist, DHWB 97*, SAI. 
8553. GESs.-Bunan!® 596%. unnubu also „überaus üppig“, „mit üppi- 
ger Figur“ o. & Vgl. vielleicht den hebr. Namen “Anüö. Ba. 
auch arab. ’a'nabu „mit üppiger Nase“. — S. Hunnubu, Kubburu u.a. 


! Vgl. unten samü, das jedoch trotz syr. smı „blind“ kaum gerade 
„blind* heissen kann, wegen v R 56, 34, wo samü und läd natilu n:chein- 
ander folgen. — Geht JADD 741, 20: A-u-i-ra-a auf syr. “wırä zurück! 

? Auch K. 2244, 17 (von mir kop.): summa la na-ti-la innamir....... 

* Fehlt, soviel ich sehe, bei RANKE. 


BXII? Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 


29 


Unnugia. 


Cray, Cass. Naınes 1425: Un-nu-gi-ia. Wohl karitative Wei- 
terbildung von unnugu, das zu demselben Stamm zu führen sein 
wird, wovon hebr. "änög „verzärtelt“, weichlich“, syr. m unnäga, 
ditto, arab. ganıga „coquettieren*, ganigun „coquet*. unnugu also 
wahrscheinlich „Weichling“ o. ä. 


Unnunn. 


BE xv 45P, Cuay ın PBS ıı 2 N:r 84, 30: Un-nu-nu. Cass. 
Names 142. 

Für unnunu habe ıch keine sichere Erklärung. Man könnte 
allerdings an die vielen westsemitischen Namen der Stämme Ann 
und “nn denken. Andererseits wäre es denkbar, das Wort onomato- 
poetisch zu fassen und arab. ganna „durch die Nase sprechen“, wo- 
von 'ayannu „näselnd“, sowie arab. "anna „seufzen“ (davon 'annän 
„der viel seufzt und stöhnt“) zu vergleichen. — Endlich ist ein 
Zusammenhang mit syr. 'anänä „impotens*, arab. pass. “unna, 
“unnina „impotent werden“ (vgl. fanänatun „Abneigung gegen die 
Weiber“), äthiop. “änin „impotentia“ (DiLLmAanN 992) nicht ohne 
weiteres abzulehnen (vgl. BEcHTEı 48 f.). — Oder Hypokoristikon 
eines mit unninu „Flehen“ gebildeten Eigennamens? 


unnusu. 


Trotzdem diese Form nicht direkt belegt ist, muss sie wegen 
unnusütu „Schwäche* (Ideogr. TUR. TUR, v R 23, 25 b. d; 
unnütu, von enü, da’ugquqütu etc.) vorausgesetzt werden. unnusu 
also „Schwächling* o. ä. 


ussulu vide ussulu. 
u-su-mi-a. 


Ci xxvrı 3, 14. 4,5. 5, 85. 14, 35: Sionma sinnistu "-su-ni-a 
tülıd. Jedenfalls Name irgend einer Abnormität. Was aber damit 
anzufangen ist, entzielit sich meinem Urteil. Etwa Nebenform zu 
samt (s. u.), wie nhbr. jäsam zu s’m?? 


30 HAarRIı HoLMa. BAIIL: 


ussudu. 


v R 20 a—b 12 (CT xıx, 16) koınmt unter lauter Ausdrücken 
für Körperfehler auch us-su-du vor, das schon sein Ideogramm, ZD. 
LÄL, als hierbergehörig erweist: ID= „Arm“ und LÄL „gebun- 
den“, „lahm“. Auch die Etymologie weist in diese Richtung hin, 
denn ussudu ist ıı, 1 von esödu „ernten“, wahrscheinlich auch „bin- 
den“, vgl. hebr. qgr „ernten“, ass. qusäru „binden“ u. a. ähnliche 
Semasiologien. ussudu also allem Anscheine nach „am Arm 
gebunden, gelähint* (vgl. Ubburu). — Zum Gesagten ba. noch 
folgendes. Ass. esedu „ernten“ entspricht genau äthiop. “adüdü 


„metere* Im syr. scheint das doppelte ° vermieden worden zu 
sein, daher h’sad „ernten“ (arab. husada erst daraus entlehnt !)! 
Arab. “adada bedeutet dagegen „schneiden“, welche Bedeutung 
auch im Hebr. für den Stamm °sd anzunehmen ist, wegen ma“"sad 
„Axt“ (Ges.-BuuL!5 4426, wo also esedu, ussudu nachzutragen). 
Die Verschiedenheit der Bedeutungsentwicklung im ass. einerseits, 
im hebr. und arab. andererseits beruht darauf, dass man bei 
diesem Wort an verschiedene Handlungen bei der Ernte dachte. 
Vgl. ähnlich ass. kasü „binden“, dagegen hebr., arab., aram. Ash 
„abschneiden (ein Gewächs)*, „beschneiden (Wein)* etc. (GESs.- 
Bun1!5 352°* nachzutragen). 

Die Bedeutung „binden“ ıst aber auch ım Arab. für den 
Stamm “ld noch nachweisbar; vgl. “adadı „zwei Lasttiere an den 
Oberschenkeln an einander binden“. Der Begriff der „Gebun- 
denlheit, Lahmheit des Armes“ des assyr. pass. ussudu kommt 
ferner zum Ausdruck im arab. pass. *udida „am Arme Schmerz 
empfinden“, “adıda „Schmerz im Oberschenkel haben (Kameel)*, 
‘adadun „Armschmerz“,; vgl. insbesondere “adıdun „carnosum, to- 
rosum (brachium)“, iadun "adidatun „manus, culus brachium breve 
est“, und namentlich ’adadı „dünn- oder kurzarmig“, „is, culus 
unum brachium breve est“! Man wäre sogar geneigt, bei \ä-= 
(mit mehrfacher Vokalisation) und 'adidatun die Bedeutung „Arm“ 
für sekundär zu halten. 


' Vgl. schon FRAENKEL, Lehnwörter 132 f. 


BXlIll»2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 31 


Ussulu. 
S. darüber DHWB 121, M.—A. 752 und 86%. Dazu CT 
xxvım, 16, 82-3—23, 84, 10: [Summu.........: sepa]P!-$u urba(-ba) 
uz-zu-la ....... ; zu ergänzen nach ibid. 30, Rm. 2, 107, 4: 3umma 


sisttu 1 tülid-ma Scpär'-su us-su-la. Vgl. Jastrow, Religion ıı, 
356°, 8841", Als N. pr. VSchr. ıx 58, 10: Üs-su-lım. 

ussulu jedenfalls! zu esölu „binden“ zu stellen, das = arab. 
wasala (zur sonstigen Etymologie s. Ges -BuaL'? 61®). ussulu also 
„gebunden“, d. h. „lahm“, „gelähmt*, was auch aus den Ideo- 
grammen für ussulu hervorgeht; so auch schon DELITzZSCH a. a. O. 
Ba. SAI. 4733. 7626. Vgl. Ubluru, ussudu u.a. 


Ugqqaupup). 

Wie die Namen Ugupu/i, Uqupatu etc. (Tarıavist, Neub. Nb. 
306’; Assyr. Names 242») zu beurteilen sind, wage ich nicht za 
entscheiden. Vielleicht stammesgleich mit Jqubu, Aggqubu, Iqubu, 
Equbütu (BE vım), altbab. Ikıbum etc. und dann eventuell zum 
Stamıne von Jwagob zu führen. Vgl. RankE 98. Oder etwa ein 
fremdl. Wort, urspr. Appellatıv, das als Name ıns Assyrische 
gedrungen und entstellt worden ist. Über blosse Vermutungen 
können wir vorläufig hier nıcht hınauskommen. Dass ın Uqupu’ 
-patu aber eine urspr. quttulu-Form vorliege, scheint mir ziemlich 
ausgeschlossen. 


uqququ. 

Über ugqugu s. DHWB 124%, wo Der. auf Grund der Ideo- 
gramme die Bedeutung „stumm“ vorgeschlagen hat, sicher mit 
Recht?. Etymologisch lässt sich aber soviel ich sehe diese Be- 
deutung noch nicht sichern. Ob. syr. “aqgeq „viuxit“ hierher- 
gehört? Ob der Name Ukukku (vgl. Ikukku) bei CnAay zu ver- 


gleichen ist, scheint mir unsicher. — Vgl. auch unten Hurrusu. 
' Zusammenhang mit hebr. ‘sl. aram. tl. arab. '/l „trägge sein, zögern“ 
(GES.-BuHnL!® 605%), wovon hebr. sl 1, arab. ZU, aram. tl, „hinken* (ibid. 
65794) wohl nicht zu trennen, dürfte abzuweisen sein. 
® Zu den dort vorgeführten Formen des Stammes eyeyu vl. noch CT 
xxvım 4l a 20: i-te ig-ki-ig. 


32 Harrı HoLMma. BXIIL; 


nl m A ee m nn 


Urrudu (Urdu). 


JADD N:r 661, 11: Ur-ru-d/ta!. — Eventuell auf denselben 
Stamm zu führen, wovon ar-a/ti-ı$ „eilends“, dessen Bedeutung 
durch den Parallelismus mit arhts (s. unten urruhu) bestätigt wird. 
Zum Stamm ba. folgendes. Kaum von arädu 3 y, 7 abzuleiten. 
Vgl. vielmehr arab. 'arida „fliehen“, nhbr. 'ärad „verjagen“. Von 
diesem Stamm ‘rd urspr. „eilig sein“ haben wir ferner ohne Zweifel 
hebr. "äröd, syr. ‘rädä?®, arab. “ardun „Wildesel“ abzuleiten (so 
schon Levy ım 696b), und vgl. die Nn. prr. “Aröd (Levv), "Arad, 
‘Irad (Ges.-BunLt5)s, — Vielleicht gehört hierher auch der Name 
Ur-duli (JADD z. B. 311,36; 394,26; 464,16; 623,7. 32; 640,34; etc.; 
Invent. de Tello ı n. 1083, 1141), wenn dieser nicht einfach als 
Nebenform von Ardu aufzufassen sein wird, zumal da neben ar- 
dätu auch die Form urdütu belegt ist*. — Jedenfalls scheint Ur- 
radu® Adjektivbildung zu sein und wird, wenn die obige Ableı- 
tung sich bewahrheiten sollte, „eilig“, „schnellfüssig* heissen. 
Vgl. Uggulu und urruhu. Ähnliche Namen z. B. im schwed.: 
Flınk, Flinck, Snabb; finn. Laukkanen, Hoppu; usw. 


Urruzu. 


Cravy, PBS ı, 2: 95, 8 (Cass. Names 143; BE xv 45°): Ur- 
ru-zu. Nur hier belegt. Vgl. TarıLavist, Assyr. Names 10P: Ar-ri-zır. 
Betreffs der Etymologie weiss ich nichts Sicheres vorzu- 
schlagen. Eventuell stammverwandt mit arab. harida „an Leib 
u. Seele geschwächt sein* etc, womit äthiop. härädä „commi- 
nuere“, „conterere“* identisch sein wird. Oder hat man an eine 


ı TALLQVIST, Assyr. Names 243), 

? Die syr.-hebr. Form weist auf urspr. Adjektivbedeutung hin! 

® Für Namen des Wildesels als Nn. prr. s. NÖLDEKE Beitr. zur sem. 
Sprachwiss. 81 f. und Enc. Bibl. 3298. Vgl. auch Hess, Beduinennamen 
p. 39: “Ered <’Uraid, " Ardän u. a. 

* Vgl. andererseits bibl. N. pr. 'Ard und 'Ardön, zumal TAaLLevist, 
Assyr. Names, auch einen Namen Urdiünu hat. Ein sicheres Urteil ist also 
. vorläufig unmöglich. 

5 Urrutu (bei TALLQvIsT a. a. O.) ist als Fremdwort zu trennen. 


BXUILs Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form qultulu. 33 


etwaige Nebenform zu Hurruzu=syr. hrää= Flavius zu den- 
ken (s. d.), trotz Auräsu; vgl. aber arab. wr> (mit h) „gelb sein“! ı 


urruhn. 


Dies wegen des Adverbums urrukis „eilends“ vorauszusetzende 
Adjektiv kann nichts anderes als „schnell(füssig)* bedeutet haben, 
und gehört also gewissermassen zu der uns hier beschäftigenden 
Gruppe von Adjektiven der Form guttulu, zumal da übermässige 
Beweglichkeit bei den Alten für eine Abnormität galt. S. auch 
Einl. Ob nicht der assyr. Stamm ’r% (11) für die Wörter des „Schnell- 
seins“ in letzter Linie Weiterbildung von ’rh „Weg“ sein wird ? 2 
— Vgl. UgguWu, Urrudu, Hungulu. 


Ussuru. 


US-$ü-ri BE xıv 19, 603. Es ist allerdings möglich, dass 
USsuru aus einem Namen, der mit einer Form von e$eru gebildet 
ist, verkürzt sein könnte. Nicht ganz abzulehnen ist jedoch ein ety- 
mologischer Zusammenhang mit arab. jasarun, "aisaru bzw. ’a'saru 
„linkshändig“* (’a'saru jasarun „der die beiden Hände gleich gut 
braucht“) Wenn dem so ist, hat man Namen wie hebr. ’After 
(ba. ’itter „linkshändig*), gr. Ixäsog, lat. Scaevola (BEcHTEL 49), 
unser Linck(e) etc. zu vergleichen. S. auch unten Hurruku. --- 
Möglich wäre auch an den Stamm gr „üppig, reich, voll sein“ 
zu denken (Gzs.-BuHL!5 620%). Vgl. Unnubu, Hunnubu u.ä. Über 
blosse Vermutungen kommen wir also vorläufig nicht hinaus. 


ı Vgl. ZDMUG 40, 728. 

2 Zum assyr. arhu „Wildochs“ vgl. arab. a’irkun „Junger Stier“! Für 
arhu 1:0 schnell 2:0 Wildochs vgl. oben Uggulu und Urrudu. 

3 Vgl. Tigl.-Pil. ıv, Ann. 162: U-Sü-ru? 

* Zu iasara „glücklich sein* vgl. GES.-Bunn!® 72b (ob aber wirklich von 
= zu trennen?); ist iasarun „linkshändig* ein Euphemismus? Jedenfalls 
haben die Stämme ssr und ‘sr kontaminierend auf einander eingewirkt. S. 
übrigens die arab. Wbb. 


3 


34 HarrRı HoLMa. B X11Il.: 


Uttumuf). 


Harper, Letters 1032 Rev. 8: U-tu-mu. Vgl. arab. ’a'tamu 
„mit mehr weissen als schwarzen Haaren“? Oder ’agtamı „un- 
verständlich redend“? Unsicher. Vgl. Assyr. Names 47° Altumu. 


Bunzüa. 


PEiserR, Urkunden d. 3. Dyn. 101, 16: Bu-un-zu-(u-)a. Even- 
tnell karitative Bildung von Bunzü < Buzzü. Etymologisch weiss 
ich allerdings nichts Sicheres vorzuschlagen. Es könnten viele 
Stäinme in Betracht gezogen werden, doch scheint kein einziger 
den absoluten Vorzug zu haben. Möglich wäre jedoch — wenn 
Bunzüa ein semitischer Name ist — Punzü(a) zu lesen und dies = 
Puzzü < Pussü zu fassen. pussä, das auch sonst zu belegen ist, 
wäre als echtassyr. Bildung neben pissit (s. d.) „hinkend“ auf- 
zufassen. Zur Etymologie vgl. arab. fasaka neben fasaha „ver- 
renken“, womit doch wohl ass. pisst, hebr. pissö"h verwandt (s. 
Ges.-BuHnn!5 645%). Möglich ist auch, dass das Ideogr. für piss«, 
BA.AN.ZA, auf diese Form bunzü zurückgeht bzw. umgekehrt 
darauf eingewirkt het (s. Jastrow, Die Religion ır 911!!). Jedoch 


unsicher. 


Buzzuru s. Bussuru. 


Bullulu. 


GENotıLtAc, Tabl. de Drehem 13? und CT xxxır, 50 c 27 
(Drehem): Bu-lu-lu. Tauroviıst, Assyr. Names: Bul-lul!. Viel- 
leicht von daldlu „mischen* (in med. Texten), dann „verwirren“, 
„zerstören“, wie u. a. JASTROW, Religion ıı 1123, 6931, 698° zeigt. 
Bullulu also etwa = mussuku (s. unten) „verwirrt“, „geistig(?) we- 
stört“ (vgl. schwed. vulg. „bortblandad“, finn. „sekaisin“). 


Bunnutu. 


BE xıv 73, 23 sowie PBS ı1,2, 118, 18: " Bu-un-nu-tum. BE 
xıv 10, 42: » Du-nu-tum. 


ı Vgl. BE vn Ba-l-lum, sowie Bu-la-lu RAnKE 768 u.a. Assyr. Names 275». 


BXIl2 Die A-syrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 35 


—— 


m mm mm nn 71100 nn u 0 


Nach Cray, Cass. Names 166° Weiterbildung von bunnu, 
bünu „Sohn“, „Kind“. Vielmehr Hypokoristikon von den zahl- 
reichen mit bunnü gebildeten Eigennamen der Kassitenzeit. 
Kaum ı1,ı einer Wurzel nt. 


Bussutu s Pussutu. 


Bussulu. 
S. zunächst DHWB 181%. M.—A. 181. Ferner CT xxvın 
36, 12: [summa..... ] ditto sepäar'-su bu-us-su-la.. Demnach auch 


CT xxvı 49, K. 4031 Obv. 5 zu ergänzen. Als N. pr. Bu-us-su- 
lum Crav, Cass. Names 68%; Bu-(uz-)zu-lim BE v1. N:r 59, 1. 10. 
12. Lanopon, KiS xxıu, 11: Bu-zu-lum. CT xxxıu 48 a 12: 
Bu(!)-su-lu-um(!); unsicher. 

Wıe schon Der. richtig erkannte, muss die Bedeutung von 
bussulu, ursprünglich „gebunden“, etwa „lahm“ o.ä. sein, || ussudu, 
kussuru, kussudu u. ä& Dahin weisen ausserdem die Ideogramme: 
ID. LÄL, ID.SU.NER.TAR etc. „mit gebundenen Gliedern“! 
Zu diesem Stamm basälu „binden“, wovon bei DEL«. basıltu „Kopf- 
binde*, gehört wahrscheinlich auch Hunger, Becherwahrsagung 
A 46: pi-zi-tl-tum „Fesselung(?)*, wozu vgl. v R 48, beim 14. 
Ijjär: b2-1s-lda-tum !. Die Bedeutung steht somit fest. 

Die Etymologie von basalu, bussulu macht dagegen Schwierig- 
keiten. Zunächst kann der erste Radikal entweder p oder D sein. 
Für b spricht baszltu „Kopfbinde*, für p dagegen CT xxvıı 46 
Rev. 8 ff.: $Zumma iz-bu sepi-su Sa imitti bzw. Sumeli bzw. $epa?-Su 
mahrätir! ana KI. DI pa-as/s-lat bzw. pa-as’s-la, wenn hier wirklich 
dlasselbe Wort vorliegt?. Auch der zweite Radikal ıst nicht mit 
Sicherheit zu bestimmen. Für urspr. s spricht das Arabische. 
Vgl. nämlich: baslun „vir adspectu deformis“, basılun ditto, viel- 
leicht sogar basala „torvius contraxit vultum*. Ferner arab. fasıla 


' Mitteilung LANDSRERGERS. 

t Vgl. auch Fossey, Presages tires des’naissances 182, 3. Ba. ferner 
die Nn. prr. Pazzalum (RANKE, Names 13) sowie Pa-si-la-tum VSchr. vıı 155, 39. 
LanGsovon, Kis xvun, 15 dagegen Ba-za-lum! Assyr. Names 532: Ba-sa-l? An- 
ders HomMEL, Grundriss 129, 


36 HAarrı HOLMA. BAIII.: 


ee. eG ee 


„vilis, pravus fuit“, faslun „homo vilis“, fislun „stultus* (BELoT: 
„sot“, „insensd*)!; vgl. auch faslun „Rebsetzling“ d. h. „zwerg- 
hafte Rebe“. Ziehen wir noch arab. tıbzilatun „zwerghaft“ heran, 
haben wir wohl alles genannt, was in den semitischen Sprachen 
vom Stamme des assyr. bussulu erhalten ist. 


Bussuru. 


BE xv 290: Bu-uz-zu-ri?. Cuav, Cass. Names 117® liest da- 
gegen Puzzuri. Allem Anscheine nach von basär« „abschneiden“ 
(hebr. „Trauben lesen“, Ges.-BuuL!5 109). Vgl. dann das zu 
ussudu Gesagte. bussuru danach eine Art Krüppelgestalt. Ge- 
hört hierher v R 28 e—f 9: Sum-mu-ru || bu-us-su-ru? 


Barmu, Barmatu, Barundu. 


Für Belege s. Cray, Cass. Names 63°. Alle drei sind wohl 
aın besten vom Stamme Dbrm, wovon auch burrumu und bitrumu 
„bunt“, abzuleiten. Die Namen hatten wohl ursprünglich Bezug 
auf die bunte Haar- oder Hautfarbe des Namenträgers. Vgl. Adirtu, 
Sämu, Salimtu u. ä& — Zu Barundu < Barumtu vgl. SAI.2542: 
ba-ru-un-[du/tu?). CT ıv 5, 22: NU.NU ba-ru-un-di „ein bunter 
Spinnfaden“ (Frank, Studien ı 119; LANDSBERGER in LEHMANNS 
Textbuch 133). 


Burruqgu, Burrugtu. 


Mehrere Belege s. bei Crav, Cass. Names 67 (BE xv 29", 
47°): Bur-ru-qu‘i, Bur-ru-ug-tum (vgl. Bur-bu-ru-ug-tum? ibid. 67°). 
Zweifelsohne von brg „blitzen“ (urspr. Bedeutung wohl „plötz- 
lich aufleuchten“ o. ä.) abzuleiten. Betreffs der Bedeutung von 
burrugu können aber mehrere Erklärungen in Betracht kommen. 


ı Vgl. bassala „babiller* (Dozy). Ba. den schwankenden 1. Radikal' 

? Vgl. jetzt PBS ı12 N:r 95, 21. [Auch ibid. 118, 39 wird nach Torczr- 
NER (Rez. von CrLay in ZDMG 1913) [Bu-ulz-zurum zu lesen sein. CLar, 
Cass. Names 66a ist statt Bu-li-zu-ri jedenfalls mit T. Bu-uz(!)-zu-ri zu lesen). 


BXIIa Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 37 


Zuerst kann burrugu „versengt“, „verbrannt“ und daher (?) „fleckig“, 
„ bunt“ !, vielleicht sogar „aussätzig“ sein, wie arab. ’abraqgu „fleckig“, 
burgänun „schimmernd“, „bunt“ 2. Oder vielmehr „(von plötzlich 
aufleuchtendem Lichte) geblendet“, „erblindet* (vgl. Levy ı 270°), 
wozu vgl. arab. bara/iga „demeurer stupefait“ (BELoT) „he was 
amazed or stupified of seeing the gleam of lightning“* (Lane). Im 
syr. b’ragqg „hebes, obtusus fuit (inbezug auf die Zähne)“, wovon 
b’ragäa „stupor, stridor (dentium)“, Wrägjüha „obtusi sc. dentes“. 
burrugqu könnte also „stumpfizähnig)* sein. Näheres lässt sich 
über burruqu vorläufig kaum sagen. — Vgl. hebr. N. pr. Bäräq? 
Vgl. auch Barruqu bei Tarıavist, Ass. Names 52? und Buragu 
Neub. Nb. 51%. T. vergleicht auch palm. pa (s. Cook 34 und 
LEDRAIN 16) und sab. t>n2. 


Buru3a’, BuruS3ätu etc. 


BE x 97, 14: /Bu-ru-u3-Sa-a-td. Crvay in PBS ızı p. 41: Bu- 
ru-uS-Sa-tu, Bu-ur-sa-tu, Bu-ru-sa-a-lu (vgl. auch Burustis, Buru’- 
$ati3 daselbst). TarLavıst, Assyr. Names 67“ hat mehrere Belege 
für den Namen Bu-ru-$a. Vgl. auch Crav, Cass. Names 67° = 
Tn.-Dangın, Lettres et contrats 238, 42: Bu-ur-34°. Endlich viel- 
leicht Mär-Bu-ru-us PSBA 29, 273 ff. pl. ı Obv. 5. 

Wenn wir es hier mit einem semitischen Namen zu tun haben #, 
so scheint dieser auf einen vierradikaligen Stamm, und zwar ulti- 
mae ° oder ’, zurückgeführt werden zu müssen BuruSa' etc. ıst 
aber zweifellos von pursu’u „Floh“ zu trennen, das auch als N. pr. 
nicht nur im Assyr., sondern auch im Hebr., Arab. u. a. vor- 
kommt (vgl. Tautevist, Neubab. Nbuch; Ges.-BunL!3 655°; NÖLDEKE 
Beiträge z. sem. Sprachwiss. 89). Dagegen ist unser Name wohl 


ı Oder „glimmernd*, „schillernd* und daher „bunt“? 

2 Hierher gehört wohl auch syr. brrägä „pustula, ulcus non maturum“ 
(PSuıtH), entweder von der Bedeutung „brennen“ oder von „fleckig“, „bunt“ 
entwickelt. Vgl. „Kleine Beiträge“ 18° u. a., sowie Cnristians Bespr. dieser 
Arbeit in WZKM xxvır (1913) n:r 1 (zu umsatu). 

3 Wenn nicht dies vielmehr Hypokoristikon von mit Bir gebildeten 
Namen; vgl. RAnKE p. 19. 

* Zu Gunsten fremdl. Ursprungs spricht allerdings die Endung -is. 


38 HARRIı HOLMA. BXIII: 


mit dem hebr. Namen Birsa‘ (Gen. 14, 2) zu identifizieren (so auch 
bei Bur3a schon CLay, Cass. Names 167°). Derselbe Stamm liegt 
auch im Arabischen vor, vgl. nämlich arab. birsi'un, birsa’un 
„gross u. dick“, „hartköpfig“, „dumm“ etc. Wenn aber, was nicht 
unwahrscheinlich ist, arab. „u.,, hebr. sön2 aus dem arab. 
basia „hässlich sein“ zugrunde liegenden semitischen Stamm 
lautlich wie inhaltlich differenziert worden ist, so könnte der 
assyr. Name als entlehnt betrachtet werden. Jedenfalls hat sich 
das Wort im Assyrischen der Form der Wörter für Körperfehler 
angepasst, also urspr. etwa Burus3uu, Buru3Su’atu usw. gelautet. 
[Jetzt hat auch Pırter in PSBA 1913, 213 ff. bibl. Birsa“ mit 
dem arab. Wort birsıfun identifiziert.] 


Burrutu. 


BE xvır 39, 13: Bu-ur-ru-ti (CLay, Cass. Names 67°). 

Der Stamm fehlt sonst im Assyrischen, Ba. dagegen arab. 
barita „erstaunt, verwirrt sein“ !, womit ohne Zweifel stammver- 
wandt arab. farita „schwachsinnig werden“. burrutu also wohl 
„blödsinnig“ 0. ä& Vgl. Bullulu und Lillu. 


Butturu. 


In Mär- Bu-ut-tu-ri BE xıv 12, 10. 

Bulturu gehört jedenfalls zu dem Stamıme, wovon assyr. 
mubattiru „ein das Getreide verheerendes Insekt“. bataru ım,ı 
also „verstümmeln“, „abschneiden“ etc., wozu vgl. hebr. ba)ar, 
arab. bufara (auch matara, vgl. äthiop. mätärä) „zerschneiden, ver- 
stümmeln“. Ba. insbesondere arab. ’abtaru „verstümmelt*, „ver- 
waist*, 'ubatirun „Zwerg“ (FreyrTac)! Vgl. Bussuru, Burrulu u. ä. 


Gubbuhu. 


VSchr. vır 134,28: G@u-ub-bu-hu (vgl. UnanAp, Dilbat 81). 
BE xıv, 8, 12; 10, 29. 44; 22, 11; 25, 19; 52, 15; 166, 18: Gu-ub- 


ı (Trans. barala „zerschneiden“, wozu vgl. DILLmaxN 504. Vgl. Bus- 
suru u. ä.!] 


BXIl2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form gutlulu. 34 


bLu-hulhi). BE xv 19, 17: Gu-ub-bu-hu; 188 ıv 21: Gu-bu-hi. BE 
xıv 89, 12; 99 a, 37. 42; 101, 13; 110, 18: Gub-bu-hu!. Weitere 
Belege bei CLay, Cass. Names 77%. 

Gubbuhu hat ın. W. bisher keine Erklärung gefunden, auch 
ist der Stamm im Assyrischen sonst nicht nachzuweisen. Es ist 
aber über alle Zweifel erhaben, dass gubbuhu hebr. gibbe"h „kahl- 
köpfig* (vgl. gabbahab „Kahlheit“), syr. grödahä, ditto (vgl. yröä- 
hüha „calvities“) genau entspricht ?! Ges-BunL!5 125 vergleicht 
auch arab. ’agbahu ® „hochstirnig“, yabhalun „Stirn“ etc., die aber 
m. E. in erster Linie zu dem Stamme glıh „hoch sein“ (GEs.- 
BunL!5 124°) zu stellen sind. Inwieweit gbh „kahl sein* und ybh 
„hoch sein (speziell von der Stirn)“ etwa urverwandt und später 
differenziert worden sind, sei hier dahingestellt. 

Zu Gubbuhu als N. pr. vgl. palm. snms3 (Cook p. 35), lat. 
Calvus, unser Kahl etc. S. auch unten zu Gurrudu und Qarha'. 


Guddudu(). 


BE ın, 1 Nir 73, 3: Gu-Hdu-du. Desgleichen ZA xı p. 346 
N:r 202. Vgl. Dilbat: @u-da-du; Tarvavist, Neub. Nb. 64: @u- 
da-du-u, Gu-da-di-tum tı. 

Wenn der Naıne mit g anzusetzen ist, könnte ınan ılın zum 
Stamme gdd stellen, dessen Grundbedeutung als „abschneiden“, 
„abstumpfen“ anzusetzen ist (s. GEs.-BuHt!5 s. v.). guddudu daher 
etwa einer, bei dein irgendein Glied abgestumpft ist. Vgl. arab. 
gaddäa’u parvis mammis praedita vel cuius mammae amputatae 
sunt; ea cuius aures amputatae sunt. Der Stamm fehlt allerdings 
sonst ım Ass.-Babyl. Vgl. oben Bussuru, Burrutu, Bidturu. — Oder 
mit g anzusetzen und mit dem unten besprochenen gyrdgqurddu zu 
verbinden? 


! In dem Namenverzeichnis zu BE xıv liest CnAay unrichtig Du-bu-hu, 
Cass. Names 77b dagegen richtig. 

2 Urspr. von LANDSBERGER mir mitgeteilt. 

® Dies Wort soll nach LaxGvon in OLZ 1910, 13 als N. pr. in dem 
altbabylonischen, arabische Elemente enthaltenden Text VSchr. vır 14, 10 
vorliegen: Ag-ba-hu-um. \gl. aber schon RANKE 67a = Agbi-ahum! 


40 HARRIı HOLMA. B XIll. 


U nn nn m I en nn nn m mm 


Guzummuaäa (P). 


Ob /Gu-zu-um-mu/ma (für Belege s. Tarıavist, Neub. Nbuch) 
zu dieser Art von Namen zu stellen sei, kann ich nıcht mit Sicher- 
heit ausmachen. Dagegen spricht allerdings das Fehlen der Fe- 
mininendung, die sonst in diesen Wörtern nicht fehlt. Anderer- 
seits könnte guzummu (statt guzzumu; vgl. Hulugga, Kurukku?, 
Mulussu; s. Einleitung) Name eines dem weiblichen Körper eigen- 
tümlichen Fehlers sein, wodurch die Fem.endung überflüssig er- 
scheinen müsste. Ich möchte gegebenenfalls guzummu vom Stamme 
gdm „abschneiden“ ableiten, wozu Ges.-BuaL!5 135°. Ba. ins- 
besondere arab. ’agfamu, nhbr. giddem (Levy) u. ä. „mit verstüm- 
melten Fingern“. Vgl. oben Bussuru, Burrutu, Butturu etc. — 
Andererseits könnte G@uzummu/a ein Appellativ sein Für jeden 
Fall ist der altarab. Frauenname Gudämatu (vgl. GratzL 36) zu 
vergleichen !. 


Guhuru. 


HaArPpER, Letters 552, 3: Gu-hu-ru. Tarreavist, Neub. Nbuch 
311, Ass. Names 81®. 

Es kann m. E. kein Zweitel darüber herrschen, dass wir 
guhuru < *guhhuru zu dem arab. Stamme dhr zu stellen haben, 
llessen Bedeutung „stinken“ zu sein scheint, und wovon mehrere 
Ableitungen, wie gahtrun „hässlich“ etc. (vgl. FREYTAG), Jahrä’u 
„stinkend* (Frau), „klein u. triefend“ (Auge) etc. in den Wbb. 
gebucht sınd. Ferner gehört zu diesem Staınme zweifelsohne 
syr. g'har excreare (ausräuspern u. ä.), wovon g’härä excreatio 
pituitae, sonus nah emissio, emunctio. Allen diesen Wörtern 
scheint eine Grundbedeutung „hässlich stinken* (insbesondere von 
den Absonderungen der Öffnungen des Körpers gesagt) zu grunde 
zu liegen. — Ob nicht auch der alttestamentliche Name Gahar 
Esr. 2, 47, Neh. 7, 49 hierher gehört! Der Stamm scheint sonst 
ıım Assyrischen zu fehlen. Vgl. unten Zuhhuntu. 


! TArLLqvisT a. a. O. 311b stellt Guzummu zu dem in Eigennamen nicht 
seltenen Element güzu. Wie wäre aber die Endung zu erklären? — LAnDs- 
BERGER vergleicht bibl. n. pr. Gazzäm, das = gäzäm „Heuschrecke“. Ist Gu- 
zummu danach Tiername (etwa = kisimmu)? 


BXIL: Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 41 


Gullubtu. 


Tn.-Dancın, Lettres et contrats 23, 10: Gu-lu-ub-tum. Wohl 
von galäbuw! abzuleiten. Gullubtu dann „eine (von der Geburt 
an?) wie mit einem Sklavenmale versehene Frau* (als Abnormität 
betrachtet). Oder einfach „die Geschorene“? 


Gulusu(P). 


Ob der von TarLavisr, Assyr. Personal Names 82*, aus JADD 
857 ıı 11; 860 ııı 22 herangezogene Name Gu-lu-su ? als hierher- 
gehörig oder als ein aramäisches Wort? zu erklären sei, ent- 
zieht sich meinem Urteil. Wenn jenes der Fall sein wird, könnte 
man arab. gilsın, vir blaesus, mentis inops, vergleichen. Sehr 
unsicher. Vgl. jedoch den nabat. Namen “c=i, Cook 36. 


Gu-su-ri. 
Cray, PBS ı1ı p. 22°. Neubabylonisch. Unsicher. 


[.) 


Gurrü. 


CT xxıx 16, 6: Gur-ru-u-um. GAUTIER 65, 9: Gu-ru-um. 
VSchr. vıı 204, 42: Gu-ri. Vgl. TauLavist, Assyr. Names 82°: 
Gu-ra- und Gur-ra-a-a*t. Fem. VSchr. vırı 14, 3: Gu-ra-tum. 

Gurrü haben wir wohl als quitulu-Bildung aufzufassen (vgl. 
Kurü5 und dıe da angeführten Schreibarten). Etymologie unsicher. 
Ob nicht mit bibl. N. pr. Ger& zusammenzustellen, das viel- 
leicht urspr. geftel-Bildung .vertritt? — Oder sind alle diese Namen 
mit hebr. ger (Stamın "13 ı) zu verbinden? Vgl. palm. n. pr. x“, 
Tovgas. Dann Güru zu lesen. — Was ist g/qur-ru-u v R 27 
g—h 45? 

ı Ausser dem von JENSEN, KB vı, 1, 377 f., verglichenen syr. grlaf 
„einmeisseln* vgl. auch DiLLmann 1142: galafa „sculpere* und wohl auch 


arab. galafa „aufkratzen“, EN ‚„abschaben* (verschiedene Hand- 
lungen des Einmeisselns!). 

°ı T. vergleicht den Namen eines aram. Stammes mmelGu-lu-su ıı R 67, 
6(!). Für Namen von Stämmen und Völkern der Form gultulu s. oben S. 18. 

’ So 'TALLQVIST. 

* Stammname; vgl. STRECK in MVAG 1906, Nr. 21. 

5 Womit es jedoch sicher nicht gleichgestellt werden darf. 


42 Harrı HoLMma. BXIIl: 


Gurrubu. 


Jonns, Ass. Doomsday Book 2 ı 19: Gur-ra-ba-a. Wie schon 
JoAans und SCHIFFER, Die Aramäer S. 33 f., nachgewiesen haben, 
muss hier die Endung -& als unter Einwirkung des aram. status 
emphaticus entstanden aufgefasst werden. gurrabä entspricht 
wohl arab. ’agrabu, syr. garba „aussätzig“, vom St. grb, wovon 
im Assyr. bekanntlich garäbu „Aussatz“, „Krätze“. Vgl. Kleine 
Beiträge S. 8. Wenn dem so ist, liegt- in Gurrabä eine leicht 
zu erklärende Verschreibung statt Gurrubä vor, wenn es nicht 
einfach aramäisch ist, wie viele von den JADB vorkommen- 
den Eigennamen. Dass Gurrabä! inhaltlich so zu fassen ist, 
scheint mir ziemlich sicher, zumal da RankE 83 einen Namen 
Ga-ru-bu-um hat. Denselben Namen können wir auch in mehre- 
ren anderen semitischen Sprachen nachweisen: bibl. Gäred (auch 
Name eines „krätzig* aussehenden Hügels), palm. xa%, 235 
(Cook 37 und LeprAm 17), sab. 2-5, arab. Juraib, Jarba (vel. 
Ence. Bibl. 3297). | | 


Gurrudu. 


Für Belege dieses, insbesoudere in der altbabylonischen Zeit 
anscheinend gewöhnlichen Namens vgl. RAnke 85° (auch BE vı ı); 
CT ıv 26° 5; VSchr. vıı 15, 23; 142, 8; 155, 7; ıbid. ıx 25, 4; 
BE vı, 2 (PoegeL) N:r 135, 5; Friedrich, N:r. 12,6. Tn.-Dancıx, 
Lettres et contrats 138, 3; 162, 7. Geschrieben G@u(r)-ru-du(-um). 
Vgl. Tarnevist, Ass. Names 79°: Ga-ri-da-[a] (aram.). 

In seinem Dilbat-Buch, p. 101, lies Unanap diesen Namen 
Qurrudu und leitete ihn von dem bekannten Stamm grad „stark“ 
ab. So auch durchgehend in den von ihm bearbeiteten Teilen von 
„Hammurabts Gesetz“ hrsgg. von KoHLER, PEISER und UnanaD ?. 
Trotzdem diese Lesung an und für sich möglich wäre — die regel- 
rechte Schreibung des Naınens mit g, nie mit q, k, müsste allerdings 
auffallen — ist jedoch der Name überall Gurrudu zu lesen, weil 
wir für ıhn eine vortreffliche Etymologie nachweisen können. Es 


! SCHIFFER liest unrichtig Gurrub:. 
®? Vgl. auch MEISSNER in GGAÄ 1911, 138. 


BXUI» Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 43 


kann nämlich kein Zweifel darüber herrschen, dass gurrudu zu 
dem im Aram.,, Arab. und Hebr. nachzuweisenden Stamm grd 
„kratzen“, „schaben“, „entblössen“ zu stellen ist, wovon bekannt- 
lich arab. ’agradu, syr. gräda „kahlköpfig*! Gurrudu, die ty- 
pische assyrische Entsprechung der arab. und syr. Formen, ist 
also jedenfalls „kahlköpfig“ und Synonym zu Gubbuhu (s. oben; 
daselbst Parallelen für diesen Namen aus anderen Sprachen !) und 
Qarha’ (s. unten). 

Der Stamm liegt vielleicht auch im assyr. “""gardu vor, 
s. ZDMG 65, 1182. 


Gurrum. 


M. W. nur einmal belegt, VSchr. ıx 32, 8: GQu-ru-ru-um. 

Etymologie unsicher. Vgl. jedoch assyr. gararu „laufen“, 
gwrruru daher „schnellfüssig*? Oder hat man an ıı R 34 e 70: 
gur-ru-ru Sa ri-313 „qurruru gesagt vom Kopf“ zu denken, wenn 
dies als Nomen, nicht als Verbum zu fassen wäre? Vorläufig 
werden wir jedoch hier zu keiner Entscheidung kommen. Auch 


wäre die Lesung Qurruru möglich. 


Duhummu. 


Tarnavıst, Neub. Nb. 54: Dir/i-h-ton(-mu). Unsicher ob 
hierhergehörig. 


Dallalu. 


Dieser an der bekannten Stelle des Gilgaiınes-Epos vı, 76 (KB 
vLı, 170) vorkommende Name einer mythologischen Mischpgestalt 
geliört gewissermassen auch zu dieser Gruppe von Wörtern, zumal 


' Für Ygrdin arab. Nn. pır. vgl. den altarab. Frauennamen (Beinamen) 
Mutagjarrid(at)un, GRATZL p. 39. 

® [Nachtrag. \jl. jetzt auch Morsan nm Nr. 4, 27: Wweöga-ar-du-i-a. 
Jedenfalls identisch mit nhbr. gurdı, gardai etc., syr. gard«iaiä, woraus gr. 
yeodıos, gerdius, „Weber“! Stamm also unser garädu. Vgl. Levy ı 357.] 

® In DHWB von garäru „laufen“ getrennt und als ein grr 2? gebucht. 


44 HARRIı HOLMA. BXIUI. 


m. E. kein zwingender Grund vorhanden ist, darin ursprünglich 
einen Tiernamen oder gar Vogelnamen ! zu erblicken. Dallalu 
gehört natürlich zum Stamme dalälu, dessen Grundbedeutung naclı 
Ges.-Bunn!5 161® „schwach, niedrig sein“ gewesen sein muss. Ähn- 
liche Bedeutung haben übrigens auch dullulu (Ad). und Verbum!), 
ein Synonym zu hablu (s. Wbb.), und das parallel mit aA stehende 
(Strassm. AV 325) di-el-Iu. Dallalu also etwa „von geringer Sta- 
tur“, „Zwerg“, o. ä& Dass diese Erklärung richtig sein wird, zeigt 
auch der ibid. vorkommende Name JIsullänu, der mit dem eine 
Art Krüppelgestalt bezeichnenden sullänu (s. unten) identisch sein 
muss. Eine andere Frage ist, was für Vorstellungen man später 
an diese Namen geknüpft hat. 


Dullupu. 


Für diesen, insbesondere wie es scheint in neubabylonischer 
Zeit nicht seltenen Namen vgl. Tarzevist, Neubab. Nbuch 54°: 
Dul-lu-b/pu. Auch in der Kassitenzeit, CLay, Cass. Names 70°: 
Du-w-lu-b/pu, sowie vielleicht PBS ı 2, 132, 29: Du-ul-b’/pu (kon- 
trahiert) 2, vgl. BE xv 30%3. 

Dullub/pu möchte ich nicht zu daläbu „in Not sein* stellen, 
weil dieser Stamm äussere, von aussen her kommende Not, 
Bedrängnis, keine konstante körperliche oder geistige Eigenschaft 
bezeichnet. Dagegen scheint ein Zusammenhang mit dem DHWB 
217 unter daläbu 2 gebuchten Stamm, der mit alaku synonym ist, 
nicht nur wahrscheinlich, sondern sogar geboten. Dieser Stamm 
ist, wie zuerst JoHnsTtoX (JAOS xıx 62), insbesondere aber JENSEN, 
KB vı,, 338 u. 475 und Bknrens (Briefe S. 2) unter Heranzie- 
hen mehrerer Belege * nachgewiesen haben, jedoch mit p anzu- 


ı So AuLsrEecHT in OLZ 1913, 213. Seinen Erklärungsversuch kann ich 
nur als weniger wahrscheinlich bezeichnen. 

? Wenn nicht Dulbu mit dem hett.-mit. Eleinent Duldi in Dulbi-:enni 
etc. identisch ist (so CrLAY)? 

2 ()b der Amarna-Name Trlubbi (KxuUprzon 27, 60) nach OLay (Cass. 
Names 1706; vgl. WEBER bei Kxtprzon p. 1064) mit Dullub/pu zusammen- 
zustellen ist, erscheint jedoch recht fraglich. Vielmehr hettitisch. Vgl]. bei 
SUNDWALL, Die einheimischen Namen der Lykier p. 209 (Kııo, Beiheft XI) 
das kleinasiat. Element tlbda! 

‘ Vgl. auch Gray, Samas Rel. Texts p. 14 Col. 1 44: dul-pa-la „du eilst“. 


BX1llIl2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form gutlulu. 45 


m —— nn nn an _—— ——n 1 —. 


setzen. Das beweist übrigens auch arab. dalafa „(schwer und 
mühsam) mit kurzen Schritten gehen, als ob die Füsse gebunden 
wären“. Eigentümlicherweise hat sich ım Arabischen aus dieser, 
wie es scheint, Grundbedeutung des Stammes eine äusserlich ent- 
gegengesetzte Bedeutung „schnell gehen“, „eilen“ entwickelt — 
wahrscheinlich weil der schnell Gehende mit kurzen Schritten 
dahinschreitet. Interessant ist aber, dass auch assyr. dalüpu ge- 
rade die Bedeutungsnüance „eilen“ zu haben scheint !. 

Dass Dullub/pu zu diesem Stamm daläpu „eilen“, arab. da- 
lafa, zu stellen ist, scheint mir ziemlich sicher 2. Weil es aber 
unmöglich ist, der Bedeutungsentwickelung des assyr. daläpu in 
sprachgeschichtlicher Zeit nachzugehen, muss die Feststellung der 
genauen Bedeutung von dullupu vorläufig dahingestellt werden: 
entweder „der mit kurzen Schritten Dahineilende“ oder „der müh- 
sam sich Bewegende* ? — Sind die bibl. Namen Dalfon und 
Jidlaf zu vergleichen? 


Dullugqu. 


RankE 79* (vgl. BE vı,1) hat die altbabyl. Belege für diesen 
Namen zusammengetragen, geschrieben Du-lu-kum(ku-um). Vgl. 


! Inwieweit die im Hebr., Aram. und \Vulg.-arab. für diesen Stamm 
nachzuweisende Bedeutung „träufeln“ in letzter Linie mit der oben besproche- 
nen identisch ist, ist schwer zu sagen. Hat man dabei etwa an das in 
kurzen Intervallen d. h. tropfenweise sich fortsetzende Fliessen des Was- 
sers zu denken? Oder vielleicht onomatopoetisch? Vgl. arab. darafa „ent 
rinnen“ (aber auch „wie ein Kranker dahinschreiten“!), deutsch tropfen, 
triefen, engl. drop, schwed. droppa, drypa etc. S. auch P’Surru 908! 

?2 Dozy 'adlafu „ayant le nez plat“ kann nicht verglichen werden, 
weil dies sekundär für 'adlafu. (Vgl. dazu wieder den altarab. Frauennamen 
dalfa’u (GRATZı, 33) und bibl. Zilpä! Vgl. unten Surundu.) — Die Annahme 
arischen Ursprungs (vgl. ScHErTEL.OWwITZ 42) ist m. E. aufzugeben. 

3 Weil unser Name auch für die Kassitenzeit nachweisbar ist, kann 
er sehr gut altbabylonisch sein — trotzdem dies bis jetzt nicht zu belegen 
ist — wie auch die qultwlu-Wörter überhaupt dem ältesten Sprachgut an- 
zugehören scheinen (vgl. Einleitung). Es kann daher in diesen Wörtern 
manche alte Bedeutung sich erhalten haben, die in der sonstigen Sprache 
verloren gegangen ist. Die Annahme einer Bedeutung wie „triefend“, „mit 
triefenden (Augen o. ä)“ für dullupu (vgl. nhbr. dol-fäna) könnte daher na- 
türlich auch in Frage kommen, muss aber, weil die Bedeutung „tropfen“, 
„triefen* für dalapu iin Assyr. sonst nicht nachweisbar ist, vorläufig als 
ausschliesslich hypothetisch betrachtet werden. 


46 HAarrı HOoLMA. BXIII.: 


dazu VSchr. vırı 58, 32 x 30, 10 und das einmalige Da-al-kum 
RankeE 776, Dass der Stanım mit q anzusetzen ist, lehrt uns der 
Frauenname Du-lu-ga-tum VSchr. ıx 178, 2. 

Die ursprüngliche Bedeutung dieses Namens, dessen Stamın 
sonst im Assyr. nicht nachzuweisen ist, gibt uns wieder das 
Arabische. Dullugu entspricht nämlich genau arab. ’adlugu „zahn- 
los“ ! [ba. dalaga „herausziehen (das Schwert aus der Scheide)“]. 
RAnKE vergleicht noch den arab. Namen 5m. | 


Duppußu. 


BE xv 133, 4: Dup-pu-3& fasst CLay als N. pr. Lies mit ToRCZYNER, 
Rez. besser dub-bu gät .... Also kein Eigenname. 


Daqqum, Diqqum. 


Für die Namen Da-aq-qum und Di-ig-gqum s. Ranke 78% b, 
auch BE vı,2, 23, 27 und sonst. Vielleicht auch BE ıx 57: Di-igq- 
di-iq und Digdigu, Dugduqu bei RAanKE 39, wenn diese nicht viel- 
mehr als Vogelnamen zu fassen sind (M.-A. 265). 

Jedenfalls vom Stamme dyq „klein, gering sein“ abzuleiten; 
Da/iqgqu also „der Kleine“, „der Zwerg“. Ba. auch (s. Wbb.) die 
ein Adj. dugguqu voraussetzende Form dugqugütu (neben daggagitu). 
Für ähnliche Namen vgl]. Quttunu (s. u.), Kuruku(?), bibl. Haggätan 2, 
pun. x:&> (Lipzsarskı, Handb. 362), sin. cr (CooK 104), talm. 
NOT, man, nun, gr. Suixooc u. ä. (BECHTEL 9 ff.), lat. Pumilio, 
Pusilla, unser Kleın, schwed. Lille etc. KreıypauL 99. 


Durruku(?) s. Kuruku. 


I! WAHRMUND. Vgl. FREYTAG. 

: Der in den hebräischen Nomina propria m. W. nur in Haggätan zu 
belezende Artikel zeigt nach meinem Dafürhalten, wie stark die appellative 
Bedeutung diesartiger Namen noch relativ spät empfunden worden ist. 
Möglich dass hier auch arabischer Einfluss zu spüren ist, da in arab. Namen, 
insbesondere in den Zagab-Namen, der Artikel gar nicht selten vorkommt. 
Vel. z. B. GrATzL 32 f., Lacus, Lärokurs i arab. spr. S 527. 


BXlllı Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 47 


Du$Suptu. 


Der Vollständigkeit halber sei hier — weil nach Muster der 
quttulu-Namen gebildet — auch dieser Name angeführt, trotzdem 
dusSup(&u keinen Körperfehler, sondern vielmehr eine lobenswerte 
Eigenschaft bezeichnet. Dus3uptu (Belege: VSchr. vıı 16, 4. 5. 
7. 11: Du-uS-su-up-tum; PoEBEL, BE v12, N:r 8, 1: Du-su-up-tum; 
desgleichen Ta.-Danaın, Lettres et contrats n. 77, 7) kann näm- 
lich wohl nur zum Stamm dasäipu „süss sein* (zur Etymologie 
Ges-BuaL!5 154*) gestellt werden. Vgl. auch Unaenap, Dilbat 89 
Anm. 7. Für ähnliche Namen vgl. Enc. Bibl. 3297 sub art. 
Laudatory Names. | 


Zuburu 


bei Cray 172* ist sicherı ein Subst., also nicht hierhergehörig. 
Vgl. Meıssser in LZBl 1913, 953 f. 


Zuduru, Zunduru, Zundurtu s. unter 5. 


Zuhhuntu. 


VSchr. vır 10, 1. 12. 19; 11, 10. 19. 21: Zu-hu-un-tum. Poe- 
BEL BE vi,2, N:r 45, 6: Su-hu-un-tum. Sind BE ıx 69: Sa-ah-ma- 
und Sah-ma-a zu vergleichen? 

Schon Unenap, Dilbat 124 t. bat diesen Namen m. E. richtig 
zum Stamme zhın, Jessen ı1,ı im Hamm. Cod. x r 18: X-za-ah- 
ha-mu-$i vorliegt, gestellt. Die dem Kontext der Hamm. Stelle 
für zkm ı1,ı entnommene Bedeutung „schikanieren* (Uxaxap) 
o. ä. scheint sich auch durch die Etymologie zu bestätigen. zım 
ontspricht sicher arab. zhm, wovon intr. zahima „stinken* (vel. 
zahmäa’u „Frau mit stinkendem Atem“), trans. zahama, zuhhama 
„verstossen“, welche letztere Bedeutung gerade an der Hamm. 
Stelle vorzüglichen Sinn gibt (vgl. WinckLer’s Übersetzung'). 
Diese zwei Bedeutungen, von denen die transitive als sekundär 
(„als ekelhaft, abscheulich verwerfen“; so gegen BartH, Wurzel- 
untersuchungen 14) betrachtet werden muss, weist übrigens auch 


die mit zhım staımmverwandte hebr. Wurzel r:r auf: Hiph. „Gestank 


48 Harrı HoLMA. BXIll. 


von sich geben“, Kal „verwerfen“!! Auch assyr. zhm scheinen 
daher diese beiden Bedeutungen zuzukommen: zhm ı1,ı „ver- 
stossen“, „schikanieren“ o. ä., zuhhumu fem. zukhuntu < zuhhumtu. 
allem Anscheine nach „stinkend“, „mit stinkendem Atem“ o. ä. 
Der Nachweis der Doppelbedeutung dieses Stammes im assyr., 
arab. und hebr. dürfte nicht unwichtig sein für das Feststellen 
des Bedeutungswandels diesartiger Stämme. — LANDSBERGER Will 
einer brieflichen Mitteilung zufolge Zuhuntum als < *Zuhhuttu, 
fem. von Z/Suhhulu, fassen, 8. d. 


Zuhhutu s. Suhhutu. 
Zäriqu. 


Der bisher etymologisch verkannte Name Zäriqu gehört, 
trotzdem er keine guitulu-Bildung darstellt, doch zu unserer Gruppe 
von Nn. prr. Belege: Meissner, APR n. 70, 17: Za-ri-qum; 
n. 98, 32: Za-ar-ri-gqum. VSchr. vı 176, 7: Za-rt-ig-tum?. RanKe 
1798: Za-ri-gum (1 = Meissner n. 70; 2=CT vm 47®); vgl. auch 
141: Sa-ri-gum. BE v1: Sa-ri-ku-um und Za-ri-qum. CT vum 421 
2: Za-ri-gum. Ta.-Dancın, Lettres et contrats 74, 6. 11. 17. 21; 
81, 24; 137, 11: Za-ri-gum; 73, 8; 130, 25; 131, 27: Za-ar-ri-qum. 
Ferner VSchr. vu 15, 21; 102, 18; ıx 64, 17; GAUTIER n. 30, 29 
und wohl auch 32, 14 zu ergänzen; STRASSMAIER, Warka 102, 32; 
ScheEit, Sippar n. 87, 27; CT xxxıu 48 a 19. -— Wohl auch Ge- 
NOUILLAC, Tabl. de Drehem, Namenverzeichnis, und CT xxxnı 19 
I 18 (Drehem): Za-ri-ik. Learaın, Namenverzeichnis. 

In etymologischer Hinsicht wollte Unanap (Dilbat 1192) 
den Namen mit s ansetzen und darin, allerdings fragend, eine 
Ableitung des Stammes srq „libieren“ erblicken; vgl. auch Raxkr 


ı Vgl. arab. zaniha „riechen“. Hebr. mr „verwerfen“ zu arab. 


„fern sein“ zu stellen (BARTH) ist also gar nicht nötig. GES.-BunHL!® 20 ist 
m. E. zkm nachzutragen. — Stammverwandt sind ausserdem hebr. “rx und 


die von Gks.-BunL'® 674b dazu gestellten Aequivalente (kaum jedoch assır. 
senu „schlecht“ wegen Ah des Stammes; vgl. ZA xvın 47%; xıx, 254; GGA 
1900, 863) sowie arab. haniza „stinken“. Cfr. auch altäg. kns, arab. sanıha 
„stinken“. 

2 Verl. Unanap, Dilbat 79. 


BXUIl?2 Die Assyrisch-babyl Personennamen d. Form qultulu. 49 


141°. Indessen ist das Wort sicher mit z anzusetzen, denn Zärigıu 
ist nichts anderes als part. act. vom Stamme zaräqu, dem arab. 
zaraga „schielen* sprachlich wie inhaltlich entspricht, und dem 
wir in den Omina des öfteren begegnen !, vgl. Körperteile S. 15! 
Zäriqu daher einfach „schieläugig“?. Für ähnliche Namen in 
anderen Sprachen vgl. den arab. Frauennamen alZarga’u (GRATZL 
34), wohl auch Zargäuwi (in Algier, vgl. ZDMG 53, 491), gr. Yre«- 
Pat, Sroaßov u. a. (BEcHTEL 23 f.), lat. Strabo, unser Schil- 
ler (< Schieler), den schwed. Familiennamen Scheele etc. 

Man könnte gegen das oben Gesagte hervorheben, dass Zä- 
riqu auch als Gottesname vorkommt. Vgl. zuerst TALLgvist, 
Neub. Nbuch 217 f., wo mehrere mit "Zärigu zZusammengesetzte 
Namen angeführt sind, ferner — worauf mich LAnvsBErGER freund- 
lichst aufmerksam machte — CT xv 1, 11: "Za-ri-ya und CT zxıv 
36, 63a: "Za-ri-qu?. Gerade die letzte Stelle scheint uns aber 
hier zur Klarheit gelangen zu lassen. Weil nämlich “Züriqu dort 
zum Nergalkreise gehört, kann er sehr gut eine Mischgestalt sein, 
die als schieläugig dargestellt wurde; vgl. "Lillu, "Sukkuku u. 8.4 
Der Gottesname würde dann relativ späten Ursprungs sein, wie es 
auch bezeichnend ist, dass Zäriqu als Personenname — nie mit 
dem Gottesdeterminativ versehen! — nur in altbabyl. Texten vor- 
kommt, wogegen mit "Zäriqu zusainmengesetzte Namen ausschliess- 
lich aus der neubabyl. Zeit stammen! Dass der wahrscheinlich 
einer niedrigeren Stufe angehörende Gott "Zäriqu in der Onomato- 
logie der Spätzeit eine ziemlich ausgedehnte Anwendung bekam, 
beruhte natürlich darauf, dass das Appellatıv Zariqu von vorn- 
herein in Babylonien als Eigenname geläufig war. 


Eine andere Frage, worauf hier nicht des näheren eingegan- 


! Gewöhnlich: summa Enäsu zarrig/k'gäd. 

? Ist zaräyu „schielen* identisch mit zarayu „streuen“, „sprengen“, über 
dessen Etymologie s. (i£8.-Bunn!® 2056? — Die im arab., äthiop., aram. (zarga) 
nachzuweisende Bed. „blau sein“, kann für assyr. zaräqu m. E. nicht in 
Frage kommen, weil dies unter den gewöhnlichen Wörtern für Farben nie 
vorkommt. 

: Vgl. auch SAT. 7514. 

+ 2. B. USalimüti, U Sukkulu. Für missgestaltete Götterbilder vgl. CT 
xvıı 42 ff. und für das Ägyptische BaLLop, Prolegomena zur Geschichte 
der zwerghaften (iötter in Ägypten. Münchener Diss. 1913. 


4 


50 Hırrı HoLMAa. BAIIL: 
gen werden soll, ist die, ob Sa-ri-gum (vgl. RankE 141) mit Za- 
riqu gleichgesetzt werden soll!, oder ob wir darin mit RaNKE 
einen ausländischen, näher arabischen Namen zu erblicken haben. 
Im Hinblick. aber darauf, dass in Omina neben zarägu „schielen“ 
auch sarägu vorkommt (z. B. CT xxvıı 28, 12 b), möchte ıch, 
trotz den von RankE herangezogenen arab. Nn. prr., Särigqu mit 
Zärigu ıdentifizieren. Wie sich die arab. Namen „or etc. hierzu 


verhalten, scı dahingestellt. 


Hubbudu. 


VSchr. ıx 79, 4; 125, 1: Hu-bu-du-um. Bu. 91--5—9, 857 
(WATERMAN in AJSL xxıx 171) Obv. 4: Hu-bu-di. Vgl. RankE 87% 
und GAtUTIER 5l, 14: Hu-bu-di-ia?. Etymologie unklar. Ob als 
Nebenforn der dem oben besprochenen N. pr. Ubbultum zugrunde 
liegenden Wurzel var zu fassen? Vielleicht jedoch westsemitisch, 
vom Stamme 3°. Dann kein Körperfehler. Vgl. Tarıevıst, 
Neub. Nbuch 66% sowie Laxepon, Kıs xxıx 23: Ha-ab-di-ia; 
CT ıv 16, 256, 20: Ha-ab-:/u-um. Vgl. trotz allem auch Uxenan, 
Dilbat 15: Hu-bi-da, Hu-bi-[A]/ sowie Lxeraın Nr. 358, 16: Hu- 


bi-dam. 


Hubbusu, Hubbustu. 


VSchr. vır 147, 16: Hu-bu-sum. Tarwevist, Neubab. Nbuch 
682: /Hu-bu-su, Hu-bu-us-tum, Hu-um-Lu-us-tum. Die letzte Form 
zeigt unzweideutig, dass MHubbusu für die Grundform zu halten ist. 

Hubbusu, wie Hibusu, Hubası?, Habasitum und Hibusditzenn 
(alles bei Taucavist a. a. O.), sind als Adjektivbildungen des 
Stammes habäsu „strotzen*, „üppig sein* (vgl. schon DHWB 268, 
auch KB vı, 1, 323) aufzufassen. Der Name, = „üppig“, war, 
wie aus dem Öbigen ersichtlich, besonders als Frauenname selhır 
beliebt. Val. oben Unnubtu, unten Huzzubu* Hunnubu u. ä. 

ı Vgl. Suduru neben Zuduru, Suhunlu neben Zuhhuniu etc. 

® In.-Danein: Mue-bu-ul-ta-tum, VSchr. ıx 58, 3 und 67—8, 3: Hu-bu-la- 
lum sowie CLAY, Cass. Names 80: //u-bu-ti-tum, Hu-bu-ut-ta-tum, Hu-bu-ut-te-te 
möchte ich dagegen als Appellativa fassen, vgl DHWB 269». 


® Auch CT vın 26b, 20: Hu-ba-sum. 
ı Womit MHubbusu vielleicht stammverwandt. 


BXIUI2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 91 


Hubbußu. 


VSchr. ıx 10/11, 28: Hu-bu-sSum. Cuay, Cass. Names 80%: 
Hu-w-bu-3u. Tautavist, Ass. Pers. Names 90%: Fu-um-bu-us-ti, 
Hum-bu-uS-te (Harper, Letters 896, 2; 517, 13). 

Hubbusu gehört zweifelsohne zum Staıinme hubäsu „binden“ 2 
und ist also etwa Synonym zu ussulu, bussulu etc. Also „gebun- 
den, was die Extremitäten anbelangt“, „lahm“ o.ä. Dass deın so 
ist, zeigen Stellen wie CT xxvıı 18, 16 —=xxvınm 2, 23: Jumma 
sınnislu tülid-ma ditto-ma hu-ub-bu-u$ „wenn eine Frau (einen 
Knaben) gebiert und (mit diesem) der Fall derselbe ist, und er 
‚gebunden‘ ist. Ba. aber insbesondere CT xxvır 5, 27: $umma 
sinnistu hu-ub-bu-3a tülid „wenn eine Frau einen hubbusu gebiert“. 
Aus dieser Stelle geht also mit grösster Sicherheit hervor, dass 
hubbusu substantivisch, als Bezeichnung einer besonderen Art 
ınenschlicher Krüppelgestalt — ba. den Kontext — gebraucht wurde. 
Dass unser Name damit identisch ist, braucht nicht besonders 
hervorgehoben zu werden. — Vgl. auchK. 2061 12: ....... LUM 
(oder -lum) || hu-ub-bu-3&. Vielleicht ist auch der Name CT vı 
40 b 12: Hu-ub-Su-um als aus Hubbusu kontrahiert aufzufassen ?. 

Von demselben Stamme sind wohl auch die Namen Habbasu, 
Habasin(na)tum (Tarıavist, Neub. Nbuch), ubasäte (DHWB), 
sowie viell. ass. Habasu/i (Tauıavist, Ass. Pers. N. 82°) abzulei- 
ten. Zu trennen (wohl Fremdwörter) sind dagegen walhırschein- 
lich Ha-am-bu-su und /Ha-am-bu-su (Aram. docket Mar), wozu 


ı T, vergleicht neubab. Yurnbustum, lies aber /Jumbustum = Iuhbustum 
(s. oben). 

? Zur Etymologie Ges.-Bunr'® 210, sub Yan, was sicher —- trotz arab. 

> — mit habüsu identisch ist (vgl. auch arab. vu> „mit der Hand 

ergreifen“). JENSEN (KB vi, ı, 470) stellte zu W277 assyr. epesu „beschwö- 
ren“, das aber mit epeäw „machen“ identisch ist. Arab. A =: assyr. h in ha- 
bäsu beruht wohl auf dem Zischlaut. — Nicht uninteressant ist. dass assyr. 
hubsu (vom Stamme habäsu „binden“) genau arab. Ahubusun (von habasa 
„hemmen“ u. ä.) „pedites“ (Freyras, Dozy) entspricht, was für Bestimmung 
der Bed. von hubsu (ı KxunTzon-WEBER zweifelnd „Bauer“; PEiser, OLZ 1907, 
623? „Neubürger“, „Metöke*) nicht unwichtig sein dürfte. Dazu stimmt, 
dass in einem unveröffentlichten Omenkommentar K. 4229 (von mirin L,on- 
don kopiert) Obv. 11 hu-ub-si gerade mit gäber! glossiert wird. 

> Wenn nicht identisch mit dem in der vorigen Anm. besprochenen 
Worte. 


52 i HARRI HOLMA. BAIIl.: 


TarLovist a. a. O. 846! altbab. = Ha-am-bu-zu-ü (Ta.-Dancın, Lett- 
res et contrats) vergleicht. — Vgl. endlich den phoen. Namen 
van, Lınzsarskı, Handb. 270%. 


Hungulu, Hugulu etc. 


BE v1, ı, n. 105, 5. 14. 18: Hu-un-gu-lum; ibid. 95, 19. 21: 
Hu-gu-ul-tum. Cuay, Cass. Names 80 f.: Hu-gu-lum und Hu-un- 
qu-lu. CT ıv 41 a 14: Au-un-gu-lu. 

RankKkE 253 und Cray 173b verglichen hegallıı und übersetz- 
ten hungulu „abundance“, was aber voraussetzt, dass das sum. 
Lehnwort schon in altbabylonischer Zeit als ein semitischer Stamm 
behandelt worden ist (vgl. syr. h’gal „libidinosa fuıt mulier“), 
was sonst nicht zu belegen. — Viel natürlicher scheint es mir, 
hungulu < *huggulu zum Stamme 3 zu stellen (arab. h — assyr. 
h wegen der Muta und Liquida des Stammes, vgl. MEISSNER, Ass. 
Gr. 8 8 b), dessen ursprüngliche Bedeutung „hüpfen“, „springend 
laufen“ gewesen zu sein scheint, und wovon die semitischen 
Sprachen nicht ungern nomina propria derivieren. Vgl. vor al- 
lem bibl. n. pr. Hogla und s. NöLDERE, Beiträge zur sem. Sprach- 
wiss. 85 f. Von demselben Stamme arab. hagalun, aram. haqlä 
„Rebhuhn“, arab. hagılun „Rabe“ (vincto quasi pede incedens; 
vgl. Dırımann 130N)2. Hungulu, quitulu-Bildung desselben Stam- 
mes, bedeutet demnach etwa „hüpfend (wie ein Vogel) dahin- 
schreitend“ o. ä& Vgl. oben Uyula! 


! Daselbst sind auch die resp. Belege zu finden. Vgl. auch Coox 5, 
LipzuArsKkı, Handb. 2708. 

: Vgl. haglun „Fussfessel* (die den hüpfenden Gang verursacht!) und 
(sekundär) ’ahgjalu „weissfüssig“. Weitere Verwandtschaften s. oben Ugula. 
[Nachtrag. Mit LANDSBERGER könnte man auch arab. hagala „hüpfen“ als 
von haglun „Fussfessel“ denominiert auffassen. Vgl. arab. hagara „impe- 
dire“, hebr.-aram. “ır „binden“, „gürten“, aram. h‘gar „hinken“, assyr. itguru, 
Sulöguru „gürten*, u. a. Hungulu dann wie Ussulu, Bussulu u. &. zu erklären 
und von der unter Ugula besprochenen Wurzel zu trennen. Inhaltlich würde 
dies das oben Gesagte nicht viel ändern. Vgl. Dı.umAann 109. 130, S. jetzt 
auch OLZ 1914, 68.] 


BXIIL2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personenname: d. Form quetulu. 93 


Hudultu. 


CT vı 43, 25: Hu-du-ul-tım Ibid. 49 b 5: Hu-du-ul-tim. 
RAnKkE 187° vergleicht zweifelnd hadasatu „Braut“. Dass 
aber Hudultum auf ein *Huddustum zurückgehe, scheint mir ganz 


unwahrscheinlich. Unsicher ist gleichfalls, ob wır — wenn 
Hudultum mit ursprünglicheın ! anzusetzen ist — diesen Namen 


zu dem v R45 vı 22, vııı 22 belegten Stamm Adl bzw. hl! zu stel- 
len haben, weil die Bedeutung dieses Stammes noch dunkel ist. 
Zunächst möchte ich hier an arab. hadıla „dick und rund sein“, 
„dicke und runde Glieder haben (Frau)“, hadla’u etc. „mit dicken 
und runden Gliedern (Frau)“ denken. Huddultu, also vielleicht 
„dick und rund“, ist tatsächlich bisjetzt nur als Frauenname zu 
belegen ?. Oder ist vielleicht arab. hadıla „eine Schulter höher als 
die andere haben“, ’ahdalu „liukshändig* etc. zu vergleichen? 
Vorläufig scheint also hier keine Entscheidung möglich zu sein. 
— Jedentalls scheint bibl. Hadlai zum Stamme von HAudullu zu 


gehören. 


Hunzü. 


Tarrgvist, Nbab. Nbuch 688, CLay, Cass. Names 8lb. Hunzü könnte 
der Form nach aus *huzzü. bzw. husst entstanden sein®, doch weist die 
schwankende Schreibung: Hu-un-zu-ü, Hu-un-zu, Ilu-un-zu-'-u, wohl auch 
Hu-un-zu-hu *, auf nichtsemitischen Ursprung hin. Ba. dazu vR4 Col. nı 45: 
mHu-un-zu- in der nichtsemitischen Kolumne, erklärt (sie!) durch sem. 
m sl Een-Ul-mu-di-e-niserl. Vgl. JADD 46 Rev. 21: Hu-un-zu-di-t. 


Huzzubu. 


Rev. d’Ass. 1911, 76 N:r v, 7 und Siegel, 2: Ilu-zu-bu-um 
(vgl. Lips N:r 1560). Vgl. Gautier Ner ıxv, 5: Ha-zi-ba-tum 
und RankeE 87%: MHa-az-zi-bu-tum. 


ı Vgl. SAT. 225. 

: Ob der Tiername khadilu (vgl. den Pflanzennamen "mhadilu) zu die- 
sem Stamme oder zu dem Grs.-Bunn'5 212b gebuchten Stamme Sr oder 
zu keinem von beiden gehört, bleibt auch vorläufig unentschieden. 

3 Vgl. arab. 'ahda'u „mit von Natur aus gekrümmtem Rücken“? 

* Alles bei CU'LAY a. a. 0. 


54 HAarrı HoLMaA. BXIII, 


Etymologie unklar. Nach RAnkeE westsem. (vgl. Bibl. “4z#5« 
von ‘zb). Vielımehr zu demselben Stamıne, wovon hisbu „Körper- 
fülle*, zu stellen. Dann wären Namen wie Unnubu, Hunnubu. 
Hubbusu, Kunzubtu „mit üppiger Figur“ u. a. zu vergleichen. 
Zum Stamme von hisbu vgl. arab. hasaba „fruchtbar sein“ sowie 
haziba „angeschwollen sein“, „vor Fett geschwollen scheinen“: 
assyr. habäsı „strotzen“, „üppig sein“, s. 0. 


Huzzulu. 


VSchr. ıx 50, 5: Hu-zu-lum. Dieselbe Person VSchr. ıx 
202, 121: Hu-zu-lum ?. 

Ftymologie unsicher. Ob von dem Stamme, wovon die be- 
kannten (westsem.?) Namen Huzälum, Huzälä, Huzälatum etc. 
„Gazelle(?)* abgeleitet sind?, zu trennen? Dann vielleicht zu 
arab. hazala, hazila „schwerfällig gehen, wie mit gebrochenem 
Rücken*, 'ahzalu „mit gebrochenem Rücken“ zu stellen. Vgl. 
auch äthiop. hüzala DiLLmann 119. 


Huzzumu, hazämu. 


hazämu ı 1 und ıı 1 perm. „taub sein“. Vgl. Körperteile 
29 und Nachträge; Boıssiıer, DA. 123, 8—-10 und 141, 11 = 
CT xxvır 16, 8-10 und 33, 11; 37, T f.: uznu-su ha-az-mat 
(ma-at) bzw. uznd-3u hu-uz-zu-ma. Vgl. syr. h’zimä „taub“! N. pr. 
Hu-zu-mu-um bei Lanenon, Kis xıx, 1. Ein Adjektiv kuzzumu 
(Plur. hu-uz-zu-mu-tu) belegt durch Harrer, Letters 462 Rev. 9. 
Vgl. Fıeunta, Briefwechsel Bel-ıbni’s S. 40 f., wo jedoch die Be- 
deutung dieses Stammes dem Verfasser unbekannt geblieben ist. 
Vgl. oben Ameru und unten päqı. 


! = MEISSNER, Altbab. PR. n. 77. 

? Tarnavıst. Neub. Nbuch 3156 ]. dagegen Hu-za-lum statt Hu-zu-lunm. 

» Vgl. RAnKE 87. UnaNan, Dilbat 92. Daneben auch Uzälu, Uzallu u.ä. 
Vgl. arab. gazalun Gazelle! Assyr. aszlu, Tiername, worüber zuletzt 
KB vı (1) 418, usw. 


un EEE ii, Minuten — AEEEEEEETE  nggt" mm EEE mer __ emp ur (EEE + 


BXIIN: Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. l’orm gullulu. 59 


mm _ DL —— 7 ne 2 m nn mn mn rn 


Hullula. 


CT vı 15 ır 24: Hu-lu-lum. Wohl nur eine Analogie- 
bildung und zwar eine Nebenform zu den häufigen Hulalu'!, Ha- 
lu, Halilu etc., worüber Tarıavist, Neub. Nbuch 315b, Crav, 
Cass. Names 174? etc. Zum Staınme: „bohren“ vgl. unten Hur- 
ruruı von "om „bohren“. [VSchr. ıx 202, 12: Hu-lu-lum.) 


Hulugaqu. 


CT ıı 21, 24: Hu-lu-ug-qga. 

Cray, Cass. Names 174, nimınt zweifelnd für Huluqga het- 
titisch-mitannischen Ursprung an. Oder hat man an den semi- 
tischen Staınm pbr „glatt machen oder sein“ (GEs.-Bunnt? 233) zu 
denken? Vgl. arab. ’ahlagu „glatt (Stirn)*, halaga „das Haar sche- 
ren“, äg. hy „rasieren“ etc. Hulugqu, statt Hullugu(?), dann etwa 
„kahlköpfig* o. ä. Vgl. G@ubbuhu etc. — Oder sind die biblischen, 
von „sr ıı abgeleiteten Namen wie Helgai, Hilgiia etc. heranzu- 
ziehen? 2 | 


Hu-mu-um 8. Umu. 
Hummuzu. 


CT mw 9 b 16: Hu-mu-zum. RaxkE 87%. Wohl auch Th.- 
Danaın, Lettres et contrats 62, 3: Hi-mu-sa-tum. 

RankE vergleicht pun. n. pr. y:>”. Ob nicht besser zum 
assyr. Stamme hamasu (Etymologie GESs.-Bun1.! 239%) „bedrücken*“, 
„vergewaltigen“ 3 zu stellen? Für ı1, 1 dieses Stammes s. ausser 


Wbb. auclı Brüss. Vokab. (Rev. d’Ass. x) Col. ıv 39: GIR. GIR 


! Dies vielleicht doch besser einfach = kulälu, e. Edelstein. 

?: Vgl. den allerdings unsicheren nabatäischen Namen ron, Linz- 
BARSKI, Handbuch 27:8, 

® Anders JENSEN KB vr, 1, 474: „ausziehen“, wozu vgl. die unten er- 
wähnte Syllabarstelle, wo Akummusu in einer Gruppe mit 3ulhutu „auszie- 
hen“ und tabilu „wegnehmen“ steht, sowie KLAUBER, Pol.-rel. Texte 114: 
himgatu (Mitteilung LaxvsgerGers). Vgl. aber andererseits den mit y-:r 
jedenfalls verwandten Stamm sur „vergewaltigen“, 


56 HAarRrRı HoLMA. BAXUI,. 


hu-um-mu-su. — Jedoch sind auch andere Erklärungsversuche 
möglich. Hummuzu könnte bibl. haınüs „hochrot“ entsprechen. 
Oder mit himsu „eine Art Aussatz“ (Kl. Btr. 9 f.) zu verbinden? 
Vgl. oben Gwrubu! Kaum syr. hewäsä, Strabo. Zur Klarheit 
können wir hier vorläufig nicht gelangen. 


Hummuru, Hummurtu. 


Für Belege dieses, wie es scheint, ziemlich häufigen Namens 
s. RAnKkE 875: Hu-mu-rum, Hu-mu-ru-um; Crav, Cass. N. 81°: 
Hu-um-mu-rum, Hu-mu-ru(m), Hu-mur-titum,; ın neubab. Zeit 
Nbk. 118, 3: Hum-mu-ru (Tauievist, Neubab. Nb. 65* zweifelnd 
Gummuru); auch Harper, Letters 965 Rev. 11: Hu-um-mu-ru 
(aus Uruk!). TaLrovist, Assyr. Names 90°. Vgl. endlich den 
Ortsnamen: Hu-mur-ti' (Dungi, Jahr 44); vielleicht ein Ort, wo 
es viele hummurw’s gab? 

Was die Etymologie von Hummuru betrifft, scheint sie ei- 
nige Schwierigkeiten zu bereiten. RankeE vergleicht bibl. "Om: 
und ‘Amräm'!, was m. E. äusserst unwahrscheinlich ist, weil 
diese in keılinschriftlicher Wiedergabe bezeugt sind: Humri'ia, 
Amramu. — Viel wahrscheinlicher scheint mir dagegen LANDSBER- 
gEr’s Vorschlag, in Hummuru die assyr. Entsprechung des dop- 
pelt schwachen hebr 'iwwer, syr. “ira ? „blind“ arab. "a'waru „ein- 
äugig“ zu erblicken 3. Dazu würde stimmen, dass wir ım Ass. bisjetzt 
kein anderes Wort für „blind“ belegen konnten (vgl. oben Enu 
und la nätılu, ferner spricht dafür ıv R3 a 23—4: ki-ma pu- 
ri-me $a ha-am-ra &nd!rl-Zu u-pi-c* ma-la-a „wie ein Wildesel, des- 
sen Augen h. (und) von ‚Gewölk’ voll sind“. Vgl. vielleicht SA. 
279: TAR (HAS) = hu-um-mu-rum. Dieses humäru „blind bzw. 
einäugig (cfr. arab.) sein“ müsste wohl dann von dem von KÜCHLER 
116 vermuteten hamiruı „wallen“ (Etymol. GEs.-Bunn!5 239°) ge- 


a a 


ı Verl. auch Livzrarskı. Handbuch 343 f. 

2: TırnLavist, Assyr. Names 48% hat einen Namen A-u-t-ra-a, der auf 
die aram. Form zurückgehen könnte. 

® Etymologie GERs.-Bumn!® 567b, 

® Vgl. CT xxıu, 23, 2: enät-su bir-ra-ti i-pi-bi i-8i-tu. 


BXII?2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form qulitulu. 97 


trennt werden. Der Wechsel von sonst. * und ass. % ist ja in diesen 
Namen nicht selten. — Gegen die Identifizierung von hummuru 
mit dem Stamm “wr könnte allerdings hervorgehoben werden, dass 
das assyr. Wort für „Blindheit* türtu (< *ta'wartu) vom schwa- 
chen Stamme “wr herkommt !!, weshalb wir, wenn das oben Ge- 
sarte sich bewahrheiten sollte, gezwungen sind, zwei Nebenfor- 
men dieses Stammes für das Assyr. anzunehmen, was allerdings 
nicht ohne Parallelen ist. — Für ähnliche Namen vgl. talm. 
Samja (Levv ım 542%); lat. Luscus, Cocles etc. Vgl. auch 
KıeımpauL, Die deutschen Personennamen 102: Einauge etc. 

Abzulehnen sind wohl arab. hawwärun, äthiop. hewür 
„Schwächling“. — An arab. Ursprung, etwa entlehnt von ’ahmaru 
(auch als Name) = Rufus, /Zvoegoc „rot(haarıg)* (talm. N. pr. 
rc?) ıst wohl kauın zu denken. 


Hunnubu, Hunnubtu. 


Ranke 87°: Hu-nu-bu-um. 187%: Hu-nu-ub-tum. STRASSMAIER, 
Warka Nr. 85, 22: Hu-nu-bu-um. Cuay, Cass. N. 81: Hu-un-nu- 
bu,bi, Hu-nu-bi, Hu-un-nu-ub-lum/ti. VSchr. vın 17,20; 50, 10: Hu- 
nu-bu-um. 123/124, Siegel c: Hu-nu-bu-[um]. ıx 160/161, 1: Hu-un- 
nu-bu-um; 171, 17: Hu-nu-ub-tum. CT ı1 30, 24: Hu-nu-ub-tum. Ta.- 
Dancın, Lettres et contrats 62, 20 und 69, sceau: Hu-nu-bu-um. 
CT vıı 38b 5: Hu-nu-ub-tum. Lispı n:r 968 (Como 4), 25: Hu- 
nu-bu-um. GAUTIER 12, 26: Hu-nu-bi-ta. Wohl auch Bu. 91—5—9, 
2487, 12 (AJSL xxıx 163) zu ergänzen. 

Hunnubu haben wir sicherlich zum Stamme hnb „üppig sein“ 
zu stellen, der wohl als eine Nebentorm des Stammes 'nb (woraus 
der Name Unnubu!) * anzusehen ist. Hunnubu also „kräftig ent- 
wickelt“, „dick“ „mit üppiger Figur (Frau)* ete. Vgl. eventuell 


.m—— 


! Vgl. Körperteilnamen, Nachtr. zu S. 15. 

? Vgl. namäru:nüru; lamü:lawi u. ä. Übrigens hat auch die Ähn- 
lichkeit des Stammes mit dem Oppos. amäru „sehen“ das Beibehalten des 
m in hummuru befürworten können. 

® Vgl. Roth, Rossini, Rousseau etc. S. KrLeinrarL 104. — Vgl. 
Hussu, Mugquru, Samu etc. 

* Vgl. für das h auch das oben zu Hummuru Gesagte. 


58 . HarrRı HOLMA. B XIII, 


v R 19 a—b 8: hu-un-nu-bu. Auf denselben Stamm! sind ferner 
die nach anderen Nominalformen gebildeten. Namen wie Hanbu, 
Hambu, Hanbatu, Hannabu, Hunnubtum, Hunäbu etc. zurückzu- 
führen. — Cfr. Hubbusu, Huzzubu, Kubburu, auch Namen wie 
Lalü, Lulti u. ä. 


Hunnunu. 


 Unanap’s (Hamm. v 95) Lesung Hu-un-nu-nu in CT vı 15 
ıı 18. 192 ist zu unsicher, um irgendwelche Vermutungen be- 
treffs der Herkunft des Namens zu ermöglichen. Vgl. Unnunn. 
Oder westsemitisch? — IAANDSBERGER machte ınich auf den Orts- 
namen Hu-nu-un-tum (ScreıL, Sippar 10, 7) aufmerksam. 


Hupü, Huppi, Hupütu. 


Taruovist, Neub. Nb. 68°: Hu-pu-u. Cuay, Cass. N. 81b: 
Hu-up-pi-i. Wohl auch VSchr. ıx 176 (177), 4 (5): Hu-pu-«-tum. 

Wahrscheinlich ı1ı von hepä? „zerschlagen“; Auppü daher 
wohl Name irgendeines Körperfehlers (vgl. hepu 3innä „zahn- 
lückig“'). Vgl. hupptt DHWB 286” und hussulu. Näheres lässt 
sich über diesen Namen vorläufig kaum sagen. 


Hüru. 


Tartgvist, Neub. Nb. 68; 315: Hu-u-ru und Hu(?)-ra-a. Stamnı 
sicherlich “rn (Ges.-BuHL 216°) „weiss sein“, wovon bibl. N. pr. 
Hür. Oder aus diesem entlehnt? 


Hurruk/qu. 


Auf diese Form muss wohl der Name Hu-ru-uk’g, Cuay 81®, 
zurückgeführt werden. Ob aber hier die qutiulu-Form des im 


ı Vgl. zu hanabu auch KB vi (1) #25 f. — Vgl. 3e'u hunnubu in ZA 
vr 200 £., Sch. 23. 

. So auch Lixor Nr. 1411. 

® Zur Etymologie s. jetzt OLZ 1913, 493. Vgl. auch die Bedeutung 
„schlaff sein (Gelenke)“ des arab. hara‘a. Ba. altäg. fk „auflösen“ „zerstören“. 


BXIN? Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 59 


EEE ESSEN 


Assyr. belegten Stammes Ark „einschneiden“ (hurruku also irgend- 
wie „geschnitten“)! vorliegt, oder ob wir dabei an arab. hariga 
„dumm, närrisch sein“, wovon ’ahragu „linkhändig“?, zu denken 
haben, vermag ich nicht zu entscheiden. Unsicher. 


Hurrumu. 


Reısner, Tempelurk. aus Telloh 125 ıı 3; Tn.-Daxeın, Re- 
cueil 419 Obv. 13 Rev. 3; GenoviLLac, Tabl. de Drehem 15°: 
Hu-ru-mu. 

Hurrumu lässt sich etymologisch kaum aus irgend einem 
Stamme des uns sonst bekannten assyrischen Wortschatzes erklä- 
ren. Dagegen halte ich es für äusserst wahrscheinlich, dass Hur- 
rumu auf den Stamm Arm „durchstechen“ 3 zurückgeht, wovon 
das auch als N. pr. vorkommende arab. "uhramu „durchstochene 
Augen, Ohren od. Nasenscheidewand habend“ und hebr. häram 
„spaltnäsig“ herkommen. Auch das bibl. n. pr. Hrümaf ist wohl 
aus (diesem Worte + ’af „Nase“ zusammengesetzt! — Vgl. SA. 
8560. — Cfr. Hullulu, Hwrruru, Hurrutu. 


Hurruzu. 


Range 875: Hu-ru-zum (=Kıxa, Hamm. 15, 17). JADD 
352, 2: Hur-ru-s[u]. Vol. Ranke a. a. O.: Hur’Hu-ur-za-(a-)nim, 
Tu.-Dancıs, Lettres et contrats 71, 15: Jlu-ur-za-nu-um, 15, 25: 
Hu-ru-za-nu-um, RanKE 187°, Tn.-DanGin 220, 21: Hu-ra-za-tum. 
VSchr. ıx 60, 22: Hu-ra-zua-ni. 

Hurruz’su gehört natürlich zu demselben Stamme, wovon 
huräisu „Gold“, und bedeutet demgemäss „gelb-, gold-, blond(haa- 


ı Vgl. das zu ussudu (iesagte. 

: Vgl. oben Ü’ssuru und Burrutu. 

’ Vgl. auch äthiop. härawä „perforare*, wozu arab. hurwalun „Loch, 
Ohr des Beils“. Arab. hariun „Schriftstück* geht wohl auf die spezielle 
Bedeutung „literas insculpere* des äthiop. häräm/wä zurück (vgl. hermat 
„litera“). Stammverwandt sind endlich Yhır „bohren“, sowie ass. hirü „gra- 
ben“. — Mit Haupr liegt ja dieser Stamm Arm dem assyr. harimtu „Hiero- 
dule“ zugrunde. 


60 HARRI HOLMA. B XII: 


rig)“, dem hebr. N. pr. Härüs (sin. zn) genau entsprechend. 
Vgl. ferner gr. Savdoc, lat. Flavius, unser Gehlhaar etc. S: 
oben Urruzu. Vgl. KLEinpatL 105. 

Zu trennen ! sind Namen wie Hajirisäia, Harisannu etc. (von 
harisu „Graben“) vgl. Tarıavist, Neub. Nb. 316%. 


Hurruru. 


CT vı 17 ıv 31: Hu-ru-ru-um; VSchr. ıx 79, 3; 119, 7; 121, 
12 sowie ScHEIL, Sippar, 572, 2 und FRIEDrIıcH 45, 6: Hu-ru-rum. 
Hurruru ist jedenfalls vom Stamme hardru „bohren“ abzu- 
leiten. Die Bedeutung bleibt trotzdem unsicher: „mit durch- 
stochenem, durchbohrtem X“. Vgl. oben Hullulu, Hurrumu, unten 


Hurrutu. 


Hurrusn. 


BE xıv 120, 36: Hu-ur-ru-Sü; Cray, Cass. N. 81°. 

Nach Cray a. a. O. 175 soll Hurrusu ein als N. pr. ge- 
brauchter Pflanzenname sein. Dies scheint mir jedoch sehr un- 
wahrscheinlich, da der Pflanzenname eigentlich Aurussu heisst 
(vgl. SAI. 2961. 2964) und Hurrusu daher besser als die quttulu- 
Form eines Stammes hr$ aufzufassen sein wird. Was den Stamm 
von Hurrusu betrifft, so liegt es auf der Hand, dabei an hebr. 
häras, syr. h’res, arab. harısa „stumm sein“, hebr. herzs (< hirres), 
arab. ’ahrasu etc. „stumm“? zu denken, zumal da, soviel ıch weiss, 
ein Wort für „stumm“ bisher ım Assyr. nicht mit Sicherheit zu 
belegen war (vgl. oben jedoch uyququ). ? 


ı Oder haben wir, mit LANDSBERGER, Hurruzu von haräsu „einschnei- 
den“ abzuleiten? Vgl. Hurruku. Hurrumu, Hurruru, Hurrutu! 

? O)b davon ass. harurtu (<harustu) „Kehle* = syr. harasta (vgl. Körper- 
teile 42)? 

> Oder von w“r ı „einschneiden“ (vgl. Hurrumu, Hurruzu?, Hurruru, 
Hurrutu) abzuleiten, im Hinblick auf «darhar-$u u. amelhargu, wenn dies aus 
harisu. GES.-BUAL s. v. vergleicht allerdings ass. erösu „das Feld b>stellen*“. 
— Assyr. haräsu ı bedeutet nicht „zurückhalten“, „binden“, sondern „auf- 
pflanzen* (KB vı, 1, 494); daraus hursu „Bergwald“. — Zu den von Ges.- 
Bunr'!® 2600 bei heres I herangezogenen arab. hursun „Speise der Wöchnerin“, 
assyr. haristu „die Gebärende* vgl. jedenfalls äthiop. häräsa „nutrire“! 


BXIlI»2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 6l 


Für ähnliche Namen vgl. bibl. Here$ und Harsa, palm. wur, 
arab. "Ahrasu (Enc. Bibl. 3297), unser Stumme u. ä. 


Hurrutu. 


Revue d’Ass. vırn 142. 144: Hu-ru-ta. 

Huruta ist wohl auf einen sonst nicht belegten assyr. Stamm 
hrt zurückzuführen, der arab. haruta, hebr. hrt „einschneiden“, „ein- 
graben“ entspricht (vgl. für das Etymon Ges.-BunHL!? var ı, man) ! 
IIuruta inhaltlich also etwa identisch mit Hurrumu, Hurruru 
(s. oben). 


Hußütu. 


Vgl. RAnKE 187, wo mehrere Belege: Hu-Sü-tum (p. 21 ver- 
gleicht R. auch Ha-s:-ia). Desgleichen Ta.-Dancın, Lettres et 
contrats und WATERMAN in AJSL xxıx 145 ff. passim. Ob CT 
vı 48 a 17 Hu-Sü(!)-tum statt Hu-3a(?)-tum zu lesen? 

Vielleicht mit RankeE 21 als Hussütu zu fassen. Etymologie 
und Bedeutung bleiben mir trotzdem unsicher. Ob fem. zu hussü, 
khusü „herrlich* DHWB 295°, KB vı (1) 570 (etwa „rot“ 2)? Oder 
zu hebr. min ı? „schweigen“? Vielmehr jedoch von hasü „binden, 
fest zusammenschnüren, erwürgen* (M.-A.)*. Hus($)ütu dann eine 
ähnliche Bildung wie ussulu, bussulu etc.: „gebunden“, d. h. „ge- 
lähmt“ o. ä. 


hasikku 


„taub“ s. Wbb. und Ges.-BunL!5 261%. Vel. dazu arab. hasaka 
„den Sack vollstopfen“. — Syr. hassicha „blind“ gehört dagegen 
zum Stamme des syr. h’sech „finster sein“, assyr. asakku „Fin- 
sternis“. 


! Zu den zahlreichen von hr weitergebildeten semitischen Stämmen 
der Bedeutung „einschneiden“ vgl. endlich auch an, GESs.-BunHL s. v. 

3 Vgl. Hummuru(?), Mugquru, Samu etc. 

» Vgl. KB vı (1) 513. 

* Vgl. jetzt auch Scnorr in VAB v Index: hasü „binden“, sowie hizu 
„Kopfbinde“ und das von Tu.-DaxnGin RA. vım 125 Anm. 1 festgestellte higu 
„Schuldschein“, wie w’iltu von ”! „binden“! (Mitteilung LANDSBERGERS). 


62 Haırrı HouLMa. BÄXlIIl. 


hussulu. 


CT xxvu 5, 26: $umma sinnistu hu-sü-lam tülid. Voran 
gehen: lä nätılla, ki-ta-at lib-bi, ku-ub-bu-lam, sukkuka, $ü-la-nam, 
es folgt hu-ub-bu-sa ete. fülid.- Auch hussulu muss daher Name 
einer körperlich fehlerhaft gebildeten Gestalt sein und scheint 
sprachlich zum Stamme hasilu! „zerschlagen“ gestellt werden zu 
ınüssen. Inbaltlich also etwa identisch mit Huppü (s. oben) :. 
Oder haben wir hu3sulr mit hebr. nh’satım „Schwächlinge“ (St. hs! 
„schwach sein“, Nebenform zu hls, wovon hallä$ „Schwächlins*“) 
zu verbinden? Vgl. auch äthiop. häasala „capistro coörcere*, h’sal 
„capistrum, vinculum“ und vgl. das oben zu ussulu, bussulu u. 
a. ä. (Gresagte. 


huttutu s. kıtat libhi. 


tummumu 


„taub“ (Etymologie Ges.-Bunn!5 274)°; als Name s. Sukkuku. 


Turruku(?) s. Kuruku. 


Kubbubu, Kubbubtu. 


Cıay, Cass. N. 100: Ku-ub-bu-bu und Ku-bu-ub-tı. TanLavist, 
Assyr. N. 1165: Ku-bu-bu. Poren Nr. 89, 7: Ku-bu-bu. S. auch 
unten Lubbubu! 

Demgemäss wohl FrıEvrich 62, 19 mit Unanan, Hamın. 
Nr. 1409, zu lesen: Ku(!)-bu-bu, statt Bu-bu-bu. | 

Die Etymologie steht nicht ganz fest. Wahrscheinlich je- 
doch, dass Aubbubu zum Stamme kpp „beugen“ „krümmen“ zu 
stellen ist, für dessen Etymologie s. GEs.-BuuL! 355° +. Kubbubu, 
besser Kuppupu, also „mit gekrümmtem Rücken“ o.ä. Vgl. arab. 


’aqabbu „mit schr schmaler Taille“. 


ı Zur Etymologie s. jetzt auch OLZ 1913, 493. 
? Verl. K. 4335 ı1ı 38; SAL 6838. 6840. 

3 Vyrl. viell. auch syr. 'atıma „taub“. 

+ Stammverwandt 955, GeEs.-Bunt 691b. 


BXIll2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form qultulu. 63 


ere EEE CE nn u  — —. 


Kubbulu. 


VSchr. vımı 14, 30; 119, 4= 120, 6: Ku-bu-lum. PoeBeu Nr. 
14, 28: Ku-um-bu-lum. Zu CT xxvu 5, 23: ku-ub-bu-lam s. jedoch 
unter Suppulu. 

Kubbulu gehört jedenfalls zum Stamme /abälu „binden“, 
„fesseln“, über dessen Etymologie GEs.-Bunt!5 330°. Bedeutung 
also: „gebunden“, d. h. „gelähmt“, „verkrümmt“ o.ä. Vgl. ussudu, 
ussulu, bussulu u. a. 


Kubburu. Kubburtu. 


Rasks 117°: Ku-ub-bu-rum. 189%: Kut-ub)-bu-ur-tum. PoEs£ı. 
Nr. 124, 6: Ku-ub-bu-rum. Unanap, Dilbat 100 f. (81), wo meh- 
rere Belege aus VSchr. vır: Ku-ub-bu-rum, Ku-bu-rum, Ku-ub- 
hu-ru. BE vs, 1 Nr. 83, 28: Ku-ub-bu-rum; 70, 23: Ku-ub-bu-ur-tum. 
Vyrl. auch unten Subburu. 

Kubburu ist natürlich ı1,ı vom gemeinsemit. Stamme kbr 
„dick, massig sein“ und bedeutet demnach einfach „dick“, „gross“ 
u. ä& Das ist gr. Meyas, lat. Crassus, unsere Dickmann, 
Groth, Groos etc., finn. Paksula u. ä& Krrıspacı 98 f. Vgl. 
Unnubu, Hunnubu, Summuhu u. a. 


Kubbutu, Kubbuttu. 


RankE 117%: Kul-ub)-bu-tım. Uxexap, Dilbat 101% (81), wo 
Belege aus VSchr. vıı, ferner Tn.-Daneın, Lettres et contrats 11, 
13; 65, 51: Ku-ub-bu-tum. Porseı Nr. 54, 28: Au-bu-tum. Lane- 
Don Kis xxxı, 21: An-bu-tum. BE xv 198, 65: Mär-Ku-ub-bu-ti. 
Tarıavıst, Neub. Nb. 92°: Kub-bu-tu und fem.: Ku-ub-bu(-ut)-tum, 
Kubt-ub)-bu-(ul-)tum. S. auch Lubbiti! 

T. liest, m. E. mit Unrecht, Auyputu etc. und hat die Na- 
men unter kpp gebucht (320%). KAubbutu haben wir zweifellos zu 


kabütu „schwer sein“ zu stellen. Bedeutung also „schwer“, „gross“ 


ı»8 
u.ä Man vergleiche das obire Aubburu! 


64 f Hargı HoLMa. B XIII. 


Kun-gu-la, 


Reısner, Telloh 2 ıı 13 (Huser, Personennamen 127). Unsicher. 


Kuzü s. kasiü. 


Kunzubtu. 


BE xv 188 v 12; Peiser, Urk. d. m Dyn. 127, 8: Ku-un- 
zu-ub-tum (Cray, Cass. N. 101%; Tarıoviıst, Assyr. Names 1182). 

Mit Cray (a. a. O. 178) ist Kunzubtu von kuzbu „üppige 
Körperfülle* abzuleiten und steht also für urspr. Kuzzubtu, als 
Frauenname daher = „üppig“, „mit üppiger Figur“. Vgl. DHWB 
824, M.-A. 376%: kunzubu „strotzend* (abnu), ferner SAI. 2258, 
und ba. den Namen Ku-za-ba-tum Ta.-Dancım, Lettres et contrats 
Nr. 108, 7. Vgl. Unnubu, Hunnubu, Hu:zubu u. a. 


Kuzzuzu. 


AO 5508 ıı 3 (GenovILLac, Tabl. de Dr&hem 15%): Ku-zu-zu !. 
Wohl von gasäsu „abhauen“, „abschneiden“ (Ges.-BunL!> 716%) 2. 
Kuzzuzu daher etwa „mit verstümmelten Gliedern“ o. ä. S. auch 
CT xxvuı 47, 4 f.: $umma tz-bu qur-sin-ni imitti-Xu ka-az-za-at bzw. 
qur-sin-na-3u ka-az-za. — Vgl. Kurrutu u. a. 


Kunzuru s. Äussuru. 
Kullü. 


Tarrevist, Neub. Nb. 92: Kul-lu-« und Kuf?)-Iu-u. Viel- 
leicht m,ı eines schwachen Stammes Al’ oder klw/i. Dann wohl 
von kalü „absperren“ abzuleiten, zu dessen Etymologie vgl. Gks.- 
BvnL!5 342°. kullü dann etwa „ein (in seiner körperlichen Ent- 


wickelung) gehemmter“, „verwachsen“, „verkrüppelt“ o.ä. — Kaum 
zu arab. kala‘a „schmutzig, hässlich, krätzig sein“ zu stellen. 


! Prof. Tauı.gvıst machte mich auf diesen Namen aufmerksam. 
? Verwandt 052 „kauen“ und Con „abreissen“. 


BXIlle Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 65 


Kuluhhu, 


Crav, Cass. N. 101%. Unsicher. Vgl. arab. galiha „schmutzgelbe 
Zähne haben“? 


kamü s. kasiü. 


Kunnum. 


Ta.-Dancın, Lettres et contrats 145, 25; 200, 4: Ku-nu-rum. 
Die Etymologie von Kunurum, das wir wohl jedenfalls auf urspr. 
Kunnurum zurückzuführen haben, steht nicht ganz; fest. Der 
Stamm fehlt in den meisten semitischen Sprachen, nur in den 
arab. mukannirun und maknürun, wofür Freytag die Bedeutung 
„crassus et simul deformis“ gibt, scheint er fortzuleben. Ob nicht 
kunnuru gerade zu diesen arabischen Wörtern zu stellen sei? 


Kuzü, kasü. 


Wir sahen schon oben (S. 30), dass es in den semitischen 
Sprachen eine Reihe von Stämmen gibt, die — ursprünglich ver- 
schiedene Handlungen bei der Ernte bezeichnend — bald „bin- 
den“ bald „schneiden“ (abschneiden) bedeuten. Zu dieser Art 
von Wörtern möchte ıch auch assyr. kasü „binden“ zählen und 
es mit dem gemeinsemitischen Stamm ksh „abschneiden“ (bes. 
Wein, Gewächse etc.; Ges.-BunL!5 352°) verbinden ! und zwar 
aus folg. Gründen. v R 20 a—b 16 (CT xıx 16) findet sich die 
Gleichung ID. LAL = ka-su-u. Im Hinblick auf Aussudu, ussulu, 
bussulu und kamü der nachstehenden Zeilen und auf das Ideo- 
gramm I/D.LAL== „mit hängendem Arm“? kann dies kastt nur 
als Adj., keinesfalls als Verbum (so Wbb.), und zwar mit der 
Bedeutung „mit gebundenen Gliedern“ d. h. „lahm“ o. ä., gefasst 
werden. Dazu stimmt vorzüglich, dass arab. kasiha „gelähmt wer- 


ı Hebr. kesep kann trotzdem sehr gut auf ass. kastı zurückgehen (GES.- 
Bunr!® 353b), denn die Entlehnung scheint spät zu sein. — Zu trennen ist 
kasü „bedecken?“, worüber GrES.-BunHL'!® 351a. 

® Vgl. S. 14 u. Anm. 


66 HARRI HOLMA,. BAXIIL: 


den“ und ’aksahu „lahm“ heissen! kasiüt Adj. also 1:0 (wörtlich) 
„gebunden“ | sabtu, 2:0 „lahm“ | ussulu etc. 

Dass diese Erklärung das Richtige treffen dürfte, zeigt jetzt 
auch der spätbabyl. Name Ku-zu-ü (Morgan m), der sicher = 
Kussü zu fassen ist und also arab. ’uksahu „lahm“ sprachlich wie 
auch inhaltlich entspricht. 

Auch v R 20 a—b 15 ID. LAL = ka-mu-u möchte ich als 
Ad)., | kast, nicht als Verbum fassen. kamiü ist natürlich von 
kamü „binden“ abzuleiten. Etymologisch wird dies kamü mit 
dem semit. Stamm kmh „schwach insbes. blind sein* (hebr. 
„schmachten“)! zu verbinden sein?. Alle Bedeutungen dieses 
Stammes in den verschiedenen Sprachen müssen m. E. auf 
eine Grundbedeutung „schwach, gebunden sein“ zurückgeführt 
werden (vom Tageslichte: „grau werden“, von der Gesichtsfarbe: 
„fahl werden“, vom Auge: „schwachsichtig, blind werden“ etc.). 
Vgl. noch, dass assyr. kamüt das Ideogramm LAL hat, das spe- 
ziell für Schwäche, körperliche Schwäche verwendet wird! 


Kuppupu s. Aubbubu. 
kussudu. 


vR20 a—b 13: ID. LAL = ku-us-su-du (vgl. 2. 7; SAI. 
4735). Im Hinblick auf die nahestehenden Wörter (ussulu, akü 
etc.) und das Ideograımm = „Arm“ + „gebunden“, muss kussudu als 
ein Wort für „lahm“ o. ä. aufgefasst werden. Beachte ferner 
Sp. II 265 a vu 10 (ZA x 6, 76)): Ü an-nu ku-us-su-du pa-na-an-ni 
Itl-lü. — Etymologie unsicher. Ob arab. gasada „zerbrechen“ zu 
vergleichen? kussud« dann „mit zerbrochenen Gliedern“. 


Kussuru. 


Der durch Unenap, Dilbat 81. 101% belegte Name ÄKu-un-zu- 
rum muss natürlich, wie schon Unanap richtig bemerkte, auf 
*Kussuru zurückgeführt und daher vom’ Stamm k/gsr „knoten‘ 


! Gehört bibl. n. pr. Kimhän'n hierher? 
2 Vgl. Gzs.-Bunt.'® 346, 


BXIIl2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen J. Form quitulu. 67 


abgeleitet werden. Kunzuru bedeutet also „ein (an Irgend einem 
Körperglied) gebundener“, „verkrüppelt“, „lahm“, „hinkend“ o. ä. 
Für ähnliche Wörter s. schon oben ussudu, ussulu, bussulu u. a. 
Durch diesen Namen gewinnt übrigens auch Jdıe Zusammen- 
gehörigkeit der zwei von Ges.-BuHL'° getrennten seimitischen 
Stämme gsr an Wahrscheinlichkeit. Im Hinblick auf das zu us- 
sudu sowie zu anderen ähnlichen Wörtern Gesagte scheint es 
nämlich äusserst wahrscheinlich, dass gsr ıı „kurz sein“ nichts 
anderes ist als die intransitive Form des transitiven gsr ı „ernten“ 
urspr. „binden“. gsr ıı also ursprünglich einfach „gebunden sein“ 
(hebr. qaser < *qusira), d. h. „verkrüppelt, kurz sein“. Beachte 
dass hebr. gsr ıı sich gern mit äd „Hand“ verbindet. Wichtig ist 
ferner die hebr. passivische Form gqisär „verkürzt sein“, die 
also eine transitive Bedeutung für Qal, „kurz machen“, d. h. etwa 
„binden“, voraussetzt (vgl. die Bedeutungen des arab. gsr!). Vgl. 
endlich arab. ’agsaru „mit vertrockneter, d. h. wohl zusaınmen- 
geschnürter Kehle“ sowie gasiru-Igaddi „Zwerg“. 


Kurü, Kuri, Kuritu. 

Tr.-Dancın, Lettres et contrats 61, 18; 220, 29: Ku-ru-um. 
PoeBEL Nr. 24, 4. 15. 22: Ku-ri-tum. VSchr. vıı 134, 42: Ku(!)- 
ru-ü. vıı 69, 12 = 70, 15: Ku-rı-tum. vıı 52, 32 =53, 30: 
Ku-ru-um. SCHEIL, Sippar 242, 4: Ku-ru-um. Cray, Cass. Names 
101—102: Ku-ru-4, Ku-ri-t, Ku-ri-tum/tu, Ku-ri-ı-ti. Auch Ku-ri- 
ta-ni. Tautavıst, Assyr. Names 118°: Au-rr-e. 

Es kann m. E. kein Zweifel darüber herrschen, dass dieser 
Name nichts mit deın kassitischen Element kur? (z. B. in Kuri- 
galzu) gemeinsam hat, dass er vielmehr auf einen seinitischen 
Stamm zurückgeht. In der Tat lässt sich dieses olıne weiteres 
nachweisen. Kurü ist nämlich für jeden Fall identisch mit as- 
syr. kurü (<*kurrü) „kurz (als körperlicher Mangel)“, welche 
Form als ı1,ı von karü „kurz sein“ aufzufassen ist. Zu diesem 
Stamm ! vgl. ausser Wbb. KB vı (1) 356; Br. 10192; SAI. 7675; 

ı Etymologisch natürlich mit syr. krä „brevis, decurtatus fuit“ iden- 


tischh — Die Ges.-Bunn!® 3576 vorgeschlagene Etymologie hat mich nicht 
überzeugt. 


68 HARRIı HOLMA. BXIIL: 


vor allem ÖLZ 1911, 476; MSuppl. 50°; in den Omina passim 
(z. B. Jastrow, Religion ıı 252%, 337 f., 921 etc.; K. 12861 ın CT 
xxvım 17 etc.); Körperteile 25, usw.! Dass man an kurü, das 
natürlich auch in der Bedeutung „kurz (schlechthin)“ vorkommt 
(vgl. z. B. Siddu kurü „Kurzseite“), ganz spezielle körperliche 
Schwächen und Fehler knüpfte, geht aus den vielen Omen-Stel- 
len (in K. 12861 durchwegs von $öpu gesagt), insbesondere aber 
aus v R 29 g—.h 73 f., wo ku-ru-[u] auf pr-is-su-[u] „hinkend* 
folgt, hervor. Kurt also sicherlich „mit (zu) kurzen, verküm- 
merten Extremitäten“, „lahm“, „hinkend“ o. ä. 

Ähnliche Namen gr. AwAoc, lat. Claudius, unser Hinke etc. 
S. auch oben zu bussulu u.a. Vgl. samit, pissü, Subburu, Suppulu. 


Kuruku () 


JADD. 228, 6: Ku-ru-ku. BE xıv Nr. 12, 31: Ku-ru-uk-...... 

Im letzten Worte könnte man, wenn dies in Ku-ru-uk-[ku] 
zu ergänzen, den Vogelnamen kuruliku (auch SAI. 8031) erblicken. 
In Ku-ru-ku liegt wohl dagegen eine quitulu-Form vor. Ob wir 
aber Ku-ru-ku oder T/D/Tur-ru-Au zu lesen haben, steht nicht 
fest. In jenem Falle könnte man an arab. karika „hochrot sein“ 
oder qariga „Hodenbruch haben“ denken?. Wahrscheinlicher 
scheint mir jedoch die letztere Alternative, wenn auch der erste 
Radıkal nicht sicher ist. Entweder gehört das Wort zu dem- 
selben Stamm drk, wovon im assyr. dirku „klein“, dirkatu „Nach- 
kommenschaft* und der Name Da-ri-Aum, RAnKke 783, oder wir 
haben es Turruku zu lesen und mit arab. ’atragu „krummbeinig“ 
— vgl. lat. n. pr. Varus, gr. KriAos* — zu verbinden. Zur 
Entscheidung können wir vorläufig hier nicht kommen >. 


ı Vgl. Boissırr. Choix ı 50, 18: ki-ra-ti gatä®(!)-\a, nach B. „Paralysie 
meiner Hände“ Vgl. jedoch JASTROW Iı 257'. 

? Vgl. auch assyr. karaku, wahrsch. „umdrehen*“, syr. krrach. Cfr. 
M.-A. 436, BEHRENS 35, 76, sowie HARPER 312, 10: me& kar-ku. Babylon. ıv 185. 

s Für ähnliche Namen vgl. oben zu Daggum. [Vgl. auch Inventaire de 
Tello ı 3: Du-ur-kum.) 

* Weitere Parallelen hat BEcHTET, 33 f. 

s Möglich ist auch ein Zusammenhang mit bibl. Dargön, das vielleicht 
mit arab. dargun, syr. targä, äthiop. deruk „asper, durus, fortis“ zu verbinden! 


B XII, Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form gultulu. 69 


Kurrutu. 


BE um: Nr. 110 Col. ıx 1: Ku-ur-ru-tu. Lies aber, mit 
LANDSBERGER, nach der Photographie: Ku-ur-ru-ub-e-la-ak, iden- 
tisch mit Äur-br-la-ak LearAın Nr. 355, 4. 


Kuttunu s. Quttunu. 


kitat libbi, kuttutu. 


CT xxvı 5, 22: Summa sinnistu ki-ta-at Kb-bi tülid. Voran 
geht: la nätila „ein blindes Kind“! tülid, es folgt: Sul!)-up-pu- 
lam tülid (s. unten). Es kann meines Dafürhaltens kein Zweifel 
darüber herrschen, dass dieses kifatu von demselben Stamme ft 
(hebr. ktt)2 „zerschlagen“ abzuleiten ıst, wovon bekanntlich die 
quitulu-Form kuttutu, || huttutu, herkommt. Kutat lıbbi haben wir 
wohl, wegen lıbbi, mit Jastrow a. a. O. 911 ın körperlichem Sinne 
zu fassen: „mit schwächlichem (eig. zerschlagenem) Körper“ d.h. 
„Schwächling“, „Krüppel* o. ä Dagegen könnte kultutu wegen 
des Parallelismus mit hutfutu, das zu hatatu „erschrocken sein“, 
hebr. hab „niedergeschlagen, erschrocken sein“ etc.* zu stellen 
ist, auf psychische Schwäche Bezug haben: etwa „schwachsinnig“; 
jedoch lässt sich dies vorläufig nicht abmachen. Vgl. Jedoch auch 
das Ideogramm G@UD.UD.BUL.BUL, wo BUL.BUL „stot- 
tern“ o. ä.! | 

Zu kuttultu vgl. noch den Namen Ku-ta-tu, Tr.-Dancın, Lett- 
res et contrats Nr. 238, 11. M.—A. 461®, oben, hat, einen Na- 
men Ku-a-tum gebucht; Beleg mir unbekannt. Vgl. den bıbl. 
Namen H°ja). 


Lubbubu. 


Cray, Cass, Names 103%: Lu-ub-bu-bu. Lies, mit TorczYNER, 
Rez., besser Ku-ub-bu-bu' 


ı JAsTRow, Religion ı 911 unrichtig: „etwas, das kein Gesicht hat“, 
„also Aprosopie“. 

? GEs.-Bunr!® 3656. Verwandt: hebr. kt3 „stossen“, wozu assyr. kalddu 
(ZA xvıı 391 xxıı 102) „kämpfen“ und syr. k*pa$ „pugnavit“ zu stellen. 

s Oder von ass. katü „schwach sein“ abzuleiten? 

* Grundbedeutung von Alt, wie von ktt, allerdings „schlagen“. 


70 Hargı HoLMma. B XIIl.: 


Lubbumu. 


JADD 912, 8: Lu-ub-bu-mu. TauLavist, Ass. Names. Der 
Stamm fehlt, soviel ich sehe, sonst im Assyrischen. Dagegen 
möchte ich arab. labima „ungleich sein (Schulter)“ vergleichen. 
Lubbumu dann „mit ungleichen Schultern“, „krummachselig“ o. ä. 
Unsicher. 


Luhhutu. 


CT vıı 43 b 24: Lu(!)-hu-tum; RAnkeE 1185. Unsicher. Vgl. 
vielleicht arab. lahtun „beleibt“, „gross“, und cfr. den Volksnamen 
Luhuti bei ScHiFFER, Die Aramäer 58 f. Oder vielleicht besser 
Zu(!)-hu-tum zu lesen? 


Lillu. 


Dieser durch Unanap, Dilbat 1028: La-d-Iu, Li-U-lum! be- 
legte Name ist gewiss nichts anderes als das dem syr. lellä 
entsprechende assyr. lillu, dessen Ursprung wohl onomatopoe- 
tisch zu fassen ist: „der Iuallende“, „blödsinnig“, „stultus“. Für 
dieses Wort verweise ich hier auf die Wbb. sowie BoissıEr, 
Choix ıı 50, 20; 52; SAI. 4791; FRANK, Studien ı 154; JASTRow, 
Religion ıı 854°. 91011. 911!. 9139. 920%. 9311; Reısner, Hymnen 
110, 22; Kına, 7 Tablets ıı 80, 59; ZA xvı 170, 40. Nomen 
abstr. also lillütu. Zu, lllu als Namen eines Gottes ba. ausser 
ıv R 27 a 56 noch CT xxıv 26 a 107, wonach iıbid. 18, 59 zu er- 
gänzen, ferner die bei Rapau, Nin-ıb (BE xıx, 1) S. 18 Anm. 6 
angeführten Stellen, vgl. auch Tarravıst, Neub. Nb. 321°. Für 
ähnliche Götternamen vgl. "Zärigqu (oben) und "Sukkuk/lu (unten). 

Als N. pr. ıst Zillu urspr. ein typischer Spitzname. 


Lummunu. 
VSchr. vııı 14, 29: Zu-mu-ni. Wohl ıu,ı von Imn „schlecht 


sein“, lummunu also „schlecht gemacht“, „verletzt“ o. &., wohl auf 


! HARPER, Letters 630, 3: Li-l-i(?) möchte ich nicht mit TALLavist, 
Assyr. Names 121b heranziehen. 


BXIl2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form gquttulu. 71 
irgend eine körperliche Schwäche Bezug habend. Das erste 
Zeichen könnte allerdings auch Su- sein, vgl. aber Inventaire de 
Tello n p. 44 n. 918: Lum-ma-num. 


Lussumu. 


JADD. 444, 12: Lu-su-mu. TarLevist, Assyr. Names 122». 
Wohl auch Ge£xorvirLac, Tabl. de Drehem 16%: Lü-su-me. [Vgl. 
die von Leoraın Index S. 121 sub Su-a* angeführten Stellen, wo 
der Name als Volksname vorliegt. LANDSBERGER.] 

Lusumu < *lussumu kann gut vom assyr. Stamm lasanu 
„munter, feurig sein, galoppieren“ etc. abgeleitet werden. lussumu 
dann „feurig, eifrig, schnell“ u. ä. Oder haben wir an arab. la- 
sima „vor Ermüdung verstummen* zu denken? lussumu dann 
etwa = hurrusu (s. oben). 


Lupputu. 


VSchr. vııı 14, 28: Lu-b/pu-tum!. Entweder aus einem mit 
Lipit zusammengesetzten Namen verkürzt oder im Hinblick auf 
liptu „Schlag Gottes“ d. h. „Aussatz“ (Kleine Beiträge 10 f.) als 
„von Gott geschlagen“ d. h. „aussätzig“ zu fassen. Vgl. hebr. 
nega® „Aussatz“ von näga* „berühren“, assyr. mus3u von masisu, 
lat. contagio von tangere etc. — Oder hat es etwas mit SAT. 
10981 (vgl. ZA xvı 1687; CT xxıı 41 Col. u 1) zu tun? 


Mulluk/gqtu. 


Poeser, BE vı1a Nr. 85, 2: Mu-ul-lu-uk-tim(!). 

Vielleicht zu hebr. mälaq „mit dein Nagel abkneipen“, syr. 
mrlag (vgl. arab. malaha v u. vıı, äth. mäleha) „evellere, eratlı- 
care, exstirpare*; mulluktu dann: „eine Frau, der irgend ein Glied 
bzw. irgend welche Glieder (Haar, Augen, Zähne, Nägel o. ä.) feh- 
len“. Oder „unfruchtbar*? Unsicher. Vgl. folg. 


ı Es wäre verlockend einfach Ku«!)-bu-tum zu lesen, jedoch sieht das 
erste Zeichen nicht wie Ku- aus (vgl. Z. 30!). 


72 Hıarrı HoLMA. 


m nn 0 — me —_ EN 


B XIIls 


Mullusu. 


Genov1LLao, Tabl. de Drehem AO. 5508 R. ııı 7: Mu-lu-us. 
Vgl. Tarzaevist, Neubab. Nb. 112%: Mu-lu-us-su. 

Allem Anscheine nach haben wir das Wort zu arab. malasa 
„ausreissen*, malusa „glatt sein“, "amlasu „kurzhaarig* (urspr.: 
einer, dem die Haare ausgerupft sind) zu stellen. Derselbe Stamm 
liegt auch im assyr. tu-mal-la-$a v R 45 ıı 21 vor. — Stamm- 
verwandt sind: assyr. maläsu, arab. ınalasa „ausrupfen“, „enthaa- 
ren“, äthiop. mäläsä& „polire“; ferner arab. malata ('amlatu „unbe- 
baart“), hebr. mälat, syr. m’lat, äthiop. mäläta !; arab. malasa (am- 
- lası „kurzhaarig“, „kahl*), hebr. mälas etc, denen allen die 
Bedeutung „rupfen“ bzw. intrans. „gerupft“, d. h. „glatt, 
schlüpfrig sein“ deutlich zugrunde liegt. Vgl. Dıuımann 146. 154. 
— Vgl. @Qubbuhku und Gurrudu sowie Nuttubtu. 


mussuku. 


CT xxvu 5, 31 =4, 1: $umma sinnistu mu-us-su-ka tülld. Es 
gehen mehrere Namen für körperlich und geistig Schwache voran, 
von Z. 29 ab: rihüt WSul-pa-& „Sul-pa-e-Erzeugnis“ ? (30) viel- 
leicht (trotz 17 f.) d-kam? In zikari lü sinnisti, es folgen: (32) 
ru- -lam bzw. ru’tam „eine schleimige Masse“ (33) su/su-un-du-ru/ra 
(s. unten) usw. | | 

Es ist zweifellos, dass auch mussuku irgend ein anomalisches 
Geschöpf bezeichnen muss. In der Tat lässt sich dies, soviel 
ich sehe, auch etymologisch vorzüglich sichern. Zu mussuku ha- 
ben wir m. E. in erster Linie hebr. mäsach „mischen“, speziell 
(Jes. 19, 14) „einen Geist der Verwirrung mischen“ heranzuzie- 
hen. Demnach müsste mussuku soviel sein als „einer, dessen 
Verstand verworren ist“, „gestörter“, was an unsrer Stelle vor- 
züglichen Sinn gibt (vgl. zunduru). — Dass der von den Wbb. 


ı Vgl. auch RA vn 160 Anm. 1. 

? Es ist vielleicht kein Zufall, dass bei ZIMMERN, Götterliste 8. 111, U_Lil 
(= lillu) als ein Sohn des $ul-pa-e und der Göttin Maß erscheint! (Mitteilung 
LANDSBERGERS). 

3 Jastrow's (Religion ı 912’) Erklärung dieser Zeichen scheitert 
schon daran, dass auf ID nicht UZU sondern KAM folgt. — Für Z. 29 vgl. 
ibid. Anm. 6, und s. CT xxvır 14, 33. Vgl. ri-hu-ut UA-nım wvB2bil. 


BXII.. Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form guttıdu. 73 


gebuchte assyr. Stamm msk mit dem unsrigen identisch ist, ist 
äusserst wahrscheinlich. Die von Der. allerdings zweifelnd vor- 
geschlagene Bedeutung „vorenthalten“ würde dann nicht zutref- 
fen (vgl. auch KB v1ı,ı, 386 f.). Dem Richtigen näher kam schon 
ZK rn 340 Anm. 2: „to alter“. Demnach möchte ich ıv R? 60* 
C Obv. 14—15: Sa dam-gat ra-ma-nu-uS a-na ili qul-lul-tum (15) 
34 ina lib-bi-su mu-us-su-kät eli ıli-su dam-qgat folgendermassen 
übersetzen: „was einem selbst als rein erscheint, ist vor Gott eine 
Schande, was aber im eigenen Herzen als ‚gemischt‘ d. h. ver- 
kehrt erscheint, findet Gnade vor Gott“. 

Es ıst ferner kein Grund vorhanden, dieses msi 11,1 „mischen“, 
„stören* von msk ılı,ı „von seinem Platze rücken“, „zerstören“ 
zu trennen, wie es MEıssner-Rost (BA ım 280) wollten !. Eine 
andere Frage ist es, inwieweit nasiku und masäku stamm- 
verwandt sind, was freilich nicht unwahrscheinlich. — Ba. übri- 
gens das schwed. Wort rubba = $Sumsuku, part. pass. rubbad 
(gestört) = mussuku! 

In der häufigen Form usamzaku, u3azaku < usamsaku hat 
der Sonorlaut seinen Stimmton auch deın folgenden Radikal ver- 
liehen (vgl. BROCKELMANN, Grundriss ı 854 d). Demnach scheint 
es mir so gut wie sicher, dass assyr. munziqu, munzuqu „ge- 
mischter Wein“ auf munsuku < mussuku zurückgeht, was schon 
Ges.-BuaL'® 435° vermutete. munziqu liegt übrigens bekanntlich 
auch ım bibl. mezeq vor (Ges.-Buar 406). Der Wechsel k >gq/g 
beruht teils auf demselben Sonorlaut (vgl. Brocken. a. a. 0. 
mom. &; MEıIssxer, Ass. Gr. 8 15) teils auf dem sekundären z. 
In den übrigen semitischen Aequivalenten ist tatsächlich weder 
s noch k rein erhalten: syr. m’zag, arab. madaqa, mapaga, ma- 
zaga?, alles „mischen“. 


Muqquru(:). 
JADD 225 Rev. 9: Mu-qu-ru. Tarıovist, Assyr. Names 
140°. Etymologie ganz unsicher. Gewiss nicht mit mugaru (in 
ı Vgl. Tn.-Dancın in RA vımı 140 Anm. 5 und Sargon 37, Anm. 7. 


Dadurch wird die Bedeutung „zerstören“ auch für ıı,ı tatsächlich bezeugt! 
? Vgl. Dozy: mäzaga(ın)-l"agla „troubler la töte, la cervelle*“! 


74 Harrı HoLMma. | B XII. 
CT xxvu 5, 4 verglichen mit xxvıu 40, K. 6286, 7: Jumma sin- 
nistu mu-ga-ra tülild) zu verbinden, weil dies allem Anscheine 
nach gleich syr. mügrä „luteum (ovi)“!, was an den citierten 
Stellen gut passt. Wohl auch nicht zu megeru „bewässern“ zu 
stellen, trotzdem dies nach MVAG 1910, 517 (MEIssnER) mit q 
anzusetzen sein wird (vgl. dagegen jedoch arab. makara „bewäs- 
sern“!)2 Kaum endlich syr. m’chärä „rubica sinopica“, arab. 
makira „rot sein“ (für solche Namen vgl. oben Hummuru). 


nu’u. 


Hierher gehört gewiss auch das von DHWB 460b, M.—A. 
627° gebuchte nu’u, ILı von nu „hemmen“3. nu’u mit Der. 
daher „in der körperlichen oder geistigen Entwickelung gehenmt“, 
„untauglich“, „gebrechlich* u. ä, was auch durch den Kontext 
der ın den Wbb. zitierten Stellen feststeht. Vgl. KB vı,ı 309. 


N uhhuru. 


Cray, Cass. Names 113P: Mär-Nu-uh-hu-ri. 

Nuhhuru gehört gewiss zu demselben onomatopoetischen 
Stamme nhr, wovon nahiru etc. „Nasenloch* (Körperteile p. 20), 
und der im hebr., syr., arab. und äthiop. in der Bedeutung 
„schnauben“, „schnarchen“ vorliegt. Ges.-BunL!! 493%. Nuhhuru 
daher wahrscheinlich „einer, der schnaubt, durch die Nase spricht“ 
o.4&. Ist Br. 81:.... HAL = nu-hu-rum in Betracht zu ziehen? 
Inhaltlich identisch sind TauLavist, Assyr. Names 166°: XNa-hi- 
ri(-), CT xxxıı 16, 12: Na-hi-ri sowie CLay, Cass. Names 110: 
Nu-hi-ra-ni. Vgl. oben S. 12, Anm. 2. — Vgl. bibl. N. pr. Nahör 
und vielleicht Nahrrai, Nahrai. Könıse, Wbuch 2736, 


ı ]st arab. magrun etc. „foetus in utero (ovis, camelae)“ damit ver- 
wandt? 

? Stammverwandt: arab. magira „den Magen mit Wasser gefüllt haben, 
ohne satt zu sein“, magara „dürsten“. 

° Etymologie GES.-BunuL!® 4858. 


BXIII2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form guttulu. 15 


Nummunm. 

Mehrere Belege bei Tarravist, Neub. Nb. 1685: Nu-un- 
mu-ru. Desgleichen Rev. d’Ass. x 53. Gewiss qutiulu-Bildung 
von dem bekannten Stamme namdäru „fröhlich, heiter sein“, num- 
muru also mit T. „heiter“. 


Nummußu. 
Nk. 95, 8: Nu-mu-$um. Tarrovist, Neub. Nb. 169%. Vgl. 
Ta.-Dancın, Lettres et contrats Nr. 147, sceau: Au-mu-..... 


Oder vielmehr Au-mu-[rum] zu ergänzen? Tarıavist 324° verglich 
bibl. N. pr. Nim&. Hat man für die Bedeutung an arab. "anınasu 
„fuscus, turbido colore praeditus* bzw. namisa „fleckig sein“, 
„Sommersprossen haben“, ’anmasu „plein de taches de rousseur“ 
(Dozy)! zu denken?? [Tn.-Dancın 37°: NMa-ma/mi-Sü. Assyr. Na- 
mes 167%: Nam-sa-a....] 


Nurrubu, Nurrubtu. 


RankeE 21. 135°: Nu-ru-bu-um. Bu. 91—5—9, 2189 (WATER- 
MAN in AJSL xxıx 173) Rev. 5 und Bu. 91-5--9, 2189 A (ibid.) 
Obv. 17: Nu-ru-bu-um. CT u 30, 9: Nu-ru-ub-tum. Vgl. Rankk 
1926: Narubtum (auch CT xxxım, 27, 4; SCHEIL, Sippar 139 = 
FRIEDRICH 5l, 2; u. ö.), sowie Na-ar-bu-um Rev. d’Ass. vın 76 und 
Na-ar-bat-tum, Tarıavist, Assyr. Names 168%. 

Der Stamm dieser Namen ist wohl der in den Wbb. unter 
naräbu gebuchte, dessen Bedeutung etwa „zerreissen, zerstören“ 
sein wird. ı1ı nicht selten in Omina: Jastrow, Religion ıı 339. 
341. 355 („zerfasert“)., SAI. 3656. nurrubu daher wohl etwa 
„zerstört“, „verstümmelt* „verkrüppelt* o. ä. 


Nuttubtu, Nuntubtu. 


Ranke 193%: Nu-tu-ub-tum (4-mal). Dazu VSchr. ıx 9, 8: 
Nu-ut-tu-ub-Ium, Z. 14: Nu-un(!)-tu-ub-tum. Ibid. Nr. 172, 41: 
! Vgl. Hess, Beduinennamen 5la! 


? Die von König, Wbuch 279a gegebene Erklärung wirkt nicht über- 
zeugend. 


76 | HArRIı HoLMAa. BXILL: 


Märat-Nu-tu-u[lb-tum], ähnlich Nr. 174, 28: Märat- Nu-tu-[ub-lum). 
Nr. 196, 11 = 197, 15: Nu-tu-ub-bum. | 

Die Etymologie ist etwas unsicher. Eventuell arab. nataha 
„eminuit“, „etumuit“, nuttubu dann etwa „geschwollen“, „gross“? 
Oder vielmehr von arab. natafa, syr. n‘haf „ausreissen“, „rupfen“, 
wozu vgl. oben Mulluktu und Mullusu. Dann Nuttuptu zu lesen. 


Sungugu. 


Kıns, Hamm. ı1ı Nr. xxxı, 4: Su-un-gu-gu-um. BRankE 
166°. 253. Wohl < Suggugu. 

Etymologie mir unklar. Vielleicht stamınverwandt mit dem 
N. pr. Z/Sugägu (RAnKkE 166%), das ich jedoch kaum zu assyr. 
sugäqu (syr. &*qäqgä, arab. zugäqun!)! „enge Strasse“ stellen 
möchte. Kauın arab. ’asaggu „mit einer Stirnnarbe“, weil dieser 
Stamm im Assyr. mit $ anzusetzen zu sein scheint (Kleine Bei- 
träge 18%). Eher arab. ’azaggu „mit langen, feinen, dünnen Augen- 
brauen*. — Ob nicht Z/Sugägu jedoch im Hinblick auf arab. zu- 
gagun „Email, Krystall, Glas“ einen Edelstein o. ä. bezeichnete? 
(Für ähnliche Namen vgl. Elınesum, Dilbat u. ö.; Hulalu, s. oben; 
im Griechischen s. Fick 330: BnyevAlos, Zucopaydos,  Aus$voros 


etc.). 


Sugguru. 


Cray, Cass. Names 127°: Su-gu-ra. Damit ist wohl das von 
Weipxer in OLZ 1913, 206 f. besprochene Wort su-un-gu-ru 
(P. 206, 2) zu verbinden. Wie aber W. zu der Bedeutung „be- 
rufener“ für sunguru kommt, leuchtet nicht ein, im Gegenteil for- 
dert der ganze, allerdings äusserst schlecht erhaltene Abschnitt 
Zz. 1-5 der betr. Tafel für sunguru eine Art körperlicher oder 
geistiger Schwäche, wenn ihm überhaupt etwas zu entnehmen ist. 
Demgemäss scheint es mir ziemlich naheliegend, suyguru von 
sikeru „verschliessen, verstopfen“ abzuleiten, zumal da stköru ul a 


! Vgl. BA nı 582 Anm. 2, 


BXUl2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form gqultulu. 77 


gerade vom Verstopftsein der Ohren, wie hebr. skr Nif.! vom 
Verstopftwerden des Mundes gebraucht werden. Die Form sug- 
guru gegenüber sukkuru ıst zu beurteilen wie hebr. sägar, syr. 
segar (vgl. z/gar „obtumescere fecit“!), arab. zagara und sagana, 
alles „verschliessen“, „abhalten“, gegenüber hbr. skr, syr. s’char, 
arab. sakara etc.? Nach dem Gesagten müsste suyyuru so viel 
sein wie „einer, dessen Sinne verstopft sınd“, „dessen Sinne in 
ihrer Entwickelung wie gehemmt sind“ 3. Das würde auch oben 
P. 206, besonders ım Hinblick auf Z. 5, Sinn geben. -— \Vgl. 
Ameru, Sulkulku u. . 


Suddu’u. 


Crav, Cass. Names 127°: Su-ud-du-/ü. Mit Cray in BE xv 
42° sicher = sudd“ =!/, Segel und somit nicht hierhergehörig. 
Für aus Münznamen gebildete Eigennamen verweise ich hier 
kurz auf Kreisraut, Die deutschen Personennamen 108 ff., wo 
mehrere Parallelen. Vgl. finn. Markka, Markkanen. 


Suddurtu s. Suddurn. 
Sukkuku, Sakku. 


Ursprüngliche Bedeutung „gestopft“, dann „taub“ (s. Wbb,.; 
SAI. 4029—4031. 4318. 43424; für die Etymologie Ges.-Bunu! 
537%). Als Name: Uray, Cass. Names 1270: Su-uk-ku-ku, 122®: 
Sa-ak-ka. CT ı1 13 (225), 16: Sa-ak-kum (vgl. VAB v, Schorr, 
p. 151). BRankE 180%: Zu-(uk-Jku-kum, auch "IS. KU. PI.LAL, 
d. bh. S/Zukkukum (HıLprecHts Erklärung daselbst von Sukkukum 
als Hypokoristikon ist also irreführend). Vielleicht auch GAUTIER 


ı Ges-Bunt'® 538b, wo Etymologisches. 

2 Urverwandt gemeinsem. skk „verstopfen“? hasikku „taub“? 

® Abseits stehen wohl syr. m’sagar „strabo“; arab. 'asgaru „mit roten 
Adern im Weissen des Auges“. 

* Vgl. auch JAa8TROw, Die Religion ıı 911’® und CT xxvım 3, 2: Zumma 
3arralu suk-ku-ku t[ülid. Demnach xxvıı 5, 24 nicht tummumu sondern 
sukkuku zu lesen. — Vgl. auch hasikku. 


78 Harrı HoLMmA. BXIIL: 


7, 10: Suw(')-ku-ku-um(!) zu lesen. Vgl. Sa-ku-ku JADD 860 ıı 14 
(TarLavist, Assyr. Names 190°). Demnach Kına, Hamm. ıı Nr. 
xı, 4. 12. 18. 20 nicht Ame£l-Tummumu, sondern besser Amel- 
Sukkuku bzw. möigukkuku zu transkribieren. — Vgl. endlich CT 
xxıv 28 b 74: "Su-[uk-]ku-ku (16, 20 dagegen "Suk-ku-lu!), einer 
der Hunde Marduks; (vgl. "Lillu und "Zäriqu). — S. oben Ameru, 
Huzzumu, tummumu und Sugguru, sowie unten pihü (Puhü) und päqu. 


Suluntu, 


CLay, Cass. Names 127b, ist wohl < Sullumtum, also fem. zu dem gewöhn- 
lichen Hypokoristikon Sullumu. 


Samu, 


bekanntlich „dunkelfarbig“, „braun“ (Wbb., KB v1, 570), als 
Name BE vum, 63°: Sa-a-mu, Tauroviıst, Neub. Nb. 180° (326°): 
Sa-a-mu, Assyr. Names 191 u. 192%: Sa-a-mi, Sa-’-mu, Cuav, Cass. 
Names 1225 (versehentlich zweimal gebucht): Sa-a-mu/mi. Dem- 
nach wohl auch Ranke 141°: Sa-mu-um und als Kosename 140%: 
Sa-mi-ia. BE v1, 5l® und Anm.: Sa-mi-ia?. Der Name hatte 
entweder auf die braune Farbe des Haares oder auf die Ge- 
sichtsfarbe des Betreffenden Bezug. Die „braunfarbigen“ scheinen, 
ım Hinblick auf Boıssier Choix 11 50, 23 (Ideogr. SAI. 2440), wo 
die sämu’s zusammen mit sukkuku’s (SAI. 4318), la nätilu's und 
auderen körperlich oder geistig Geschwächten angeführt werden, 
für irgendwie unnormal gegolten zu haben. Vgl. auch "Sa-a-mu 
M.-A. 765°, Craıc, Rel. Texts ı 36 Rev. 2. 

Für Farbennamen als Nn. prr. vgl. das zu Adirtu, Umu, 
Hummuru, Hus$ü, Mugqquru, Salımtu u. a. Gesagte. 

Dem Namen Säamu entsprechen inhaltlich lat. Fuscus, 
unsere Braunfe), Bruhn, Bruun, Brunou, Brown etc. Vgl. 
KırinpauL a. a. O. 104 f. 


ı sukkulu = saklu „töricht“. GESs.-BuHnL!® 538a, 

2 Vgl. Nk. 310, 2: Sa-mu-üt-a?! — Das von RANKE zu Samu Gesagte gilt 
in erster Linie für Salimtu. 

®? Geschrieben DIR»!l. Die Lesung adru wäre auch möglich. 


BXIlI2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 79 


samü. 


Für samü s. oben unter önw, wo der Erweis gebracht wurde, 
dass samü kaum „blind“ heissen kann. Zu demselben Resultat 
ist nunmehr auch MEISsnER (Ass. St. vı 59 f.) auf etymologischem 
Wege gekommen, indem er mit Recht samü die Bedeutung „blind“ 
abspricht. Die von ihm! gegebene Bedeutung „hinkend“, „lahm“ 
o. ä. scheint den Vorzug zu haben. samü von aram. s‘mi etc. 
„blind“ etymologisch zu trennen, scheint mir aber nicht gefor- 
dert. Es kann diesem Stamme eine Grundbedeutung wie „schwach 
sein“ zugrunde liegen, die dann verschiedener Spezialisierung an- 
heimgefallen ıst. Vgl. oben kasit! — Die unter Sämu gebuchten 
Schreibungen Sa-mu-um und Sa-mi-ia könnten natürlich auch samıı 
darstellen, s. BE v1,ı, 51 Anm. — Vgl. Kurü, pissü, Subburu u. ä. 


Surundu. 


Tarıovist, Neub. Nb. 184: Su-ru-un-du. Das ist wohl 2 
< *Surrumtu, was zu syr. strämä „plattnasig“, arab. Sarama „die 
Nasenspitze abschneiden“, ’asramu „mit verstümmelter Nase“ 3 zu 
stellen sein wird. Vgl. gr. Siuoc, Sıuulas etc. (Fick S. 251, 
BeEcHTEL, Spitznamen 25 f... Ba. auch bibl. Zilp@ und s. dazu 
oben Dullupu (S. 45 Anm. 2). 


Säriqu vide Züriqu. 
Puzzuru 


Cray, Cass. Names 117°. S. Bussuru. 


! Wegen syr. ’asmi „hinken“ 

2 Surundu könnte, weil der betr. Text aus persischer Zeit stammt, 
persisches Lehnwort sein; vgl. VULLERS 11 288. 

® Fem. Zarmä’u auch „ruptam habens vulvam, ut duo eius meatus in 
unum coiverint“, „mit durchbohrtem perineum“, „entjungfert“. Jedoch 
möchte ich der obigen Bed. den Vorzug geben. 

Etymologisch zu trennen: surummu „After“ (Körperteile, 68. 172) = 
arab. surmun „anus“. — sa-ar-me |) kKistu und !ssaramd, vgl. arab. dJarmun, no- 
men arboris. 


8 


HarrRı HOLMA. BXIII: 


Puhum; pihü. 


BE vyı, Nr. 99, 2: Pu-hu-um. Ähnlich Ranke 76%: BiPu- 
hu-um und B/Pu-ha-nu-um. Nach Meissner erklärte RankE den 
Namen für Pühum „Tausch“, „Ersatz“, was an und für sıch am 
nächsten zu liegen scheint. Jedoch fällt es auf, dass der ent- 
sprechende fem. Name (Rec. de Trav. xxıur 12 f.) Pu-hu-tum lautet. 
Von pühu kann aber, so viel ich sehe, die fem. Form nur pühtu bzw. 
pühatu heissen. pu-hu-tum setzt dagegen die Lesung puhülu, masc. 
yuhü voraus. Pu-hu-um stünde also für Puht, wie oben Ku-ru-um 
für Kurt, @u-ru-um für Gurrü. Wenn dem so ist, muss puhü, fem. 
puhütu, m. E. eine Nebenform von pıhü „verschlossen“ speziell 
„taub* (DHWB 519)! darstellen und auf eine ursprüngliche gad- 
tulu-Form *puhhüt „taub“ zurückgehen 2. Für puhü könnten JADD 
310 Rev. 18: Pu-hi-i, dagegen die von CLav, Cass. Names 164 
angeführten Formen wie Bu-u-ki etc. sprechen, wenn diese se- 
mitisch sind. Auch könnten in diesen Namen beide Wurzeln 
stecken. S. auch TarLavıst, Assyr. Names 65°. 182%. — Vel. 
Ameru, Huzzumu, Sunguru, Sukkuku, päqu. 

Übrigens hat man, soviel mir bekannt, bis jetzt keine Etymo- 
logie für prhü gefunden. pihü ist wohl arab. kafa „verbergen“ 
(synon. katama wie pihü || katämu!), ’ahfa „verbergen“, „verschlies- 
sen“, hebr. en, aram. ser „verbergen“, „bedecken“, mit denen 
folgg. Stämme stammverwandt sind: arab. haba’a, äthiop. habe?a. 
hebr. xar und ar usw. alles „bedecken“, „verbergen“. Vgl. 
endlich altäg. h’p „verbergen“. Ba. auch, dass für diese Wörter 
bisher kein assyr. Aequivalent nachzuweisen war. 


Puhhuru, Hypokoristikon, s. Einl. 
pissü 


„hinkend“, hebr. piss&h (Etymologie Ges.-BunHL!5 645%). Littera- 
tur über piss@: OLZ 1911, 476; Boıssıer, Choix ıı 52; M.-A. 
815° piss« 1 und pisü; DHWB 532%; Ideogr. BA.AN.ZA SAI. 


ı Vgl. SAI. 4032! 
: pihü verhält sich zu puhü wie pissu zu pussü (s. unten). 


BXIUI2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 8l 


9818 (DHWB 180°) und PY. EL. LAL (LAL s. Einl.!) SAI 5960 
(vgl. 5962). CT xxvuı 5, 15 f, 8b 10 f.; 14, 25 f. (vgl. Jastrow, 
Die Religion ır 911!), dazu noch xxx +41 b 16. Neben dieser 
(westsemitischen) ! giftılu-Form scheint auch die (echtassyr.) qut- 
tulu-Form geläufig gewesen zu sein, vgl. DHWB 532°: pu-us-su-u 
(M.-A. 815°, SAI. 4074). Als Name ist soviel ich weiss pissü bis 
Jetzt nicht zu belegen (vgl. jedoch Bunzi!). Dagegen hebr. Pa- 
seh, wozu Namen wie Kurü, arab. ’A’ragu?, Awdoc, Claudius, 
Hinke etc. zu vergleichen sind. Cfr. samü und Subburu. 


Pussutu. 


PSBA xxıx Nov. pl. ıı Rev. 29 (Tarıavıst, Assyr. Names 
182", Cray, Cass. Names 68%): Pu/Bu-us-su-tü. Etymologie un- 
sicher. Weil Pussutu ein männlicher Name ist, hat es wohl nichts 
mit dem obigen Worte zu tun. Dagegen eventuell identisch mit 
dem Stamme pazadu (M.-A. 792b), der parallel mit nupäsu „zer- 
rupfen“ und kazäru „binden“ steht (auch SAI. 5092). Vgl. auch 
SAI. 3657 puzzudu, geschrieben mit demselben Ideogramme wie 
nurrubu (s. oben Nurrubtu) und napäsu. pazädu daher wohl etwa 
„zerstören“ o. ä. Vgl. arab. fusada „verdorben sein“? Vgl. auclhı 
Kussuru. 


päaqu. 


vR 23 d 28 steht als eines der vielen Aequivalente von 
TUR.TUR pa-a-qu (|sihhirätu, dagga'ugütu, sukkukätu „Taub- 
heit“, unnusütu „Schwäche“, unnütu „Gedrücktheit*, rabbu [cfr. 
Boissier, Choix 11 50], dallu „schwach“), dessen Bedeutung bis 
Jetzt nıcht näher zu bestimmen war. Doch kann, im Hinblick auf 
2. 24: sukkukütu, kein Zweifel darüber berrschen, dass piäqu syr. 
pegü „taub“ entspricht. Diese Bedeutung gibt K. 2401 ını 6—7 
(BA ı 628) vorzüglichen Sinn: ma-a ta-qub-bi-a ina libbi-ku-nu (7) 
ma-a I3tar pa-aq-tü Si-i „(sagend:) Ihr sprechet in Eurem Herzen: 


ı Oder u>i wegen des aufgegebenen r,? 
* Vgl. oben Ugula und Hungulu. 


2 Harrı HOoLMa. B XIII: 


‚IStar ıst taub‘“ usw. Allerdings könnte für pigqu an dieser Stelle 
auch die andere Bedeutung des syr. pegi, „balbutiens“-, „garru- 
lus“, eingesetzt werden: _Ihr sprechet: ‚IStar schwätzt nur‘. 
Dem mag so sein, dass aber piqu auch „taub“ bedeutet haben 
muss, werde ich ım folgenden zeigen. 

Zunächst ist püäqu natürlicherweise von dem Verkum pügu 
Il ı „schauen“, „blicken“, _harren” zu trennen. Indessen ist die- 
ses päqu „schauen* besser tertiae infirmae anzusetzen, das zeigen 
Schreibungen wie %-prq-qu-u etc., vor allem aber die Etymologie. 
puqgg@ ist nämlich für jeden Fall mit hebr. yäyah. arab. faqaha 
und faga’a „die Augen aufınachen”, worüber Ges.-BruL!® 649 f. 
identisch! 

Mit päquw „taub“ scheint mir dagegen das von MEISSNER 
MVAG 1910, 517 f. besprochene Adjektivum piqu „eng“, das nur 
ın den Pluralformen pi-qu-te und pi-qa-a-te belegt ist und daher 
ebensogut piqu angesetzt werden kann, zusammengestellt werden 
zu müssen, zumal da die Etymologie dieses Wortes bisher un- 
sicher war. piqu also „verschlossen“, von Pässen und Wegen ge- 
sagt „eng“. Die Bedeutung dieses Stammes „verschlossen sein“ 
liegt ganz deutlich vor CT xxvru 28, 12 b: Summa ditto-ma inu-$u 
$a imitti pi-gat „sein rechtes Auge verschlossen ist* (voran geht: 
sa-ri-gat „schielt*). Dass hier nicht pigqü „schauen“ vorliegen kann, 
zeigt schon der ganze Inhalt, der eine Anomalie fordert. Das 
zeigt ferner ibid. Z. 15: Summa ditto-ma pü-3u pi-ig „sein Mund 
verschlossen ıst*. Auch päqu muss demnach ursp. „verschlossen“, 
speziell „taub“ bedeutet haben. — Ausser im Syrischen finde ich 
in den sonstigen semitischen Sprachen keinen etymologischen 
Anhaltspunkt. Stammverwandt ist wohl das unter Ubbugu be- 
sprochene assyr. epequ, uppuqu „verschliessen“. 


Sudduru 


(Sudrlurtu, Zuduru, Zunduru etc... RANnKE 180°: Zu-du-ru-um. Das 
Fragezeichen bei R. kann im Hinblick auf CT vı 17 Col. vı 27: 
Zu-du-rum getrost getilgt werden. Cray, Cass. Names 146°: Zu- 
un-du-rt, Zu-un-du-ur-tbum. Cray, Cass. Names 90°: Ip-un-ku-tum 


| 
| 


BXIU.2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttulu. 83 


lies mit TorczYNEr, Rez.: Zu(!)-un-dir-tum. Tartgvist, Neub. Nb. 
1830: Su-ud-dür-tum. Vgl. Assyr. Names 247°: Za-an-du-ru. 

Den einzigen Versuch, diesen Namen etymologisch zu erklä- 
ren, hat soviel ich weiss Cray gemacht, der ıhn (S. 193) mit 
sudüru „Panzer“ (s. ZA. xxvım 150 ff.) zusamınenbringen wollte. 
Dass aber diese Erklärung nicht richtig ist, geht aus einigen Omen- 
zeilen hervor, wodurch sich zunduru vielmehr als Namen eines 
körperlich oder geistig unnormalen Geschöpfes erweist. Das sınd 
CT xxvu 4, 3: Summa sinnistu zu-un-du-ra tülid (s. Corrigenda!). 
5, 33: su-un-du-ru. 14, 34: zu-un-du-ru (s. Corrigenda!). Auch 
3, 13 zu ergänzen. zunduru sieht hier regelrecht nach mussıuku 
(s. oben) und ru’tı „eine schleimartige Masse“, weshalb es Fossey 
(Babyloniaca v 8) „vomissement“ übersetzt. Inwieweit FossEy 
dabei an syr. sadar „erbrechen“ denkt, geht nicht hervor, dass 
aber die beiden Wörter etymologisch zusammengehören, scheint mir 
zieinlich sicher. Jedoch möchte ich, trotz des vorangehenden 
ru’tu, im Hinblick auf die sonstige Bedeutung der qutlulu-Wör- 
ter, sunduru etwa als „einer, der (viel) erbricht“ fassen. Vielleicht 
ist die Bedeutung im Assyr. jedoch allgemeinerer Art, wie die 
m. E. zu dieser Sippe zu führenden arab. sadira „verblüfft, ver- 
wirrt sein“, „nicht wissen was tun“, sädirun „verwirrt“, „vom 
Schwindel erfasst“ usw. (vgl. syr. sdr part. pass.: vino obtusus, 
Af.: ebrium fecit) zeigen. Dass in der Tat assyrischem z sudduru 
eine allgemeinere Bedeutung zukam, beweist übrigens K. 11004, 
16 (Babyloniaca ı 197 f.): [Summa ina a]se-Su Enär-Su zu-un-du-ra 
„wenn bei seinem Herausgehen seine Augen verwirrt sind*. Vgl. 
dazu arab. (sekund.) smdr „schwachsichtig, geblendet sein“! Dem 
oben Gesagten gemäss können wir s/zunduru etwa „geblendet, ver- 
wirrt* o. ä. übersetzen. Ganz älınlich wird, wie wir oben sahen, 
Illu „blödsinnig* als Eigenname verwendet. 


Suhhutu. 


PoeseL BE vı 2 Nr. 85, 5: Zu-hu-tım. Beısxer, Telloh 227 
ı 4 (Huser 156»): Zu-hu-ti. VSchr. ıx 199, 4: Zu-hu-tum. BE xv 
46°: Zu-uk-hu-tum (vgl. Cravy, Cass. Names 146%). Desgleichen 


84 HARRIı HoLMA. BXIDI,; 


ze = = BR ——— ee en nn m 


BE xıv 80 a, 8: Zu-uh-hu-tum (von CLay, Cass. Names 127* un- 
richtig unter s gebucht). Vgl. auch oben ZLuhhutu. [Nachtrag: 
Inventaire de Tello ır Nr. 786: Su-hu-tüm.) 

Etymologisch ist Zuhhutu wohl zu sahätu „auspressen* zu 
stellen (ZA xvıı 92; KüchLer, Medizin 144; Ges.-BunL!® 777::; 
OLZ 1905, 247; GGA 1911, 147). Was man unter suhhutu „ge- 
presst“ zu verstehen hat, lehrt uns v R 31 c 69: &nasu uz-za-ha-ta 
„seine Augen sind gepresst“. Zuhhutu also allem Anscheine nach 
„einer, dessen Augen wie gepresst herausstehen“! S. Zuhhruntu. 


Su-lu-lu, 


TALLQvIsT, Ass. Names 206b; ]. Sulülu und s. TaLLqvist, Neub. Nb. 328t. 


Salimtu. 


BE xv 196, 15: Sa-lm-tım. Jedenfalls fem. von salmu 
„schwarz“. Vgl. Crav, Cass. Names 194... Vgl. arab. "Aswadn, 
gr. MiAoc, lat. Niger, unser Schwarz, slaw. Czerny, finn. Mus- 
tala etc. Vgl. Adirtu, Samu, Umu!. Ob Salimtu Name einer Ne- 
gerin (vgl. BE vı ı p. 51 Anm.) ist, ist schwer zu entscheiden. Viel- 
leicht hat nur die dunkle Farbe des Haares, der Haut, der Au- 
gen o. ä. ursprünglich die Veranlassung zu diesem Namen geye- 
ben. Ob Salmu (CLay 134; TauLovist, Assyr. Names 205°) hierher 
gehört oder aus einem mit salmu „Bild“ zusammengesetzten Voll- 
namen verkürzt ist, muss dahingestellt werden. Vgl. auch ibid. 
Salmüti/e und den Namen einer weiblichen Gottheit Salamüti. 


qudquddu. 


CT xxvu 5, 28: Summa sinnistu qud-qud-du tülid. Vgl. 3, 
ll und 14, 32. Jastrow, Religion rı 9125 liest 3ullutu (Br. 387), 
was jedoch unmöglich ist, weil das Zeichen TAR im Sınne von 
“ salätu die Aussprache SIZ, nicht QUD hat. Vielmehr phonetisch 


ı Vgl. KLEmPAUL a. a. O. 104. 


bXIMN2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quttlulu. 85 


zu lesen und als deminutive redupl. Bildung (vgl. oben Digdiqu. 
und sSerseru bei RAnKE) von gadädu, > „beugen“ zu fassen. 
qudquddu dann wohl „mit gekrümmtem Körper“, „Krüppel“* o.ä. 
Vgl. Guddudu. 


Qunnunu. 


CrAy, Cass. Names 118: Qu-un-nu-nu;ni. Vgl. ıbıd. 101®: 
Ku-nu-nu und 78°: Gu-nu-nu/nt. Vgl. VSchr. vır 114, 4: Ku-un- 
nu-nu. Etymologie mir unklar. Ob von kanänu „sich beugen, 
ducken“? Dann vgl. Kubbubu, qudquddu. 


Qussusu s. Auzzuzu. 
Qussuru s. Kussuru. 


Qarha. 


BE ıx 68°: Qar-ha-; Tartovıst, Neub. Nb. 172%: Qar-ha-a 
und Qa-ri-hi-ia. Sicher westsemit. Lehnwort. Vgl. hebr. n. pr. 
Qäreh, eig. „kahlköpfig*, syr. yrähä, arab. ’aqru'u (vgl. Ges.- 
BuuL'® s. v.). S. oben Gubbuhu und Gurrudu, wo weitere Pa- 
rallelen. | 


Quttunu. 


VSchr. vır 183 ı 10 ıı 27 v 12; 186 ıı 20; 187 ıı 14: Ku-ut- 
tu-nu; ıbid. vıı 119, 5 = 120, 6: Ku-lu-nu-um. Tra.-Daxcın, Lett- 
res et contrats Nr. 170, 5. 16: Ku-ut-tu-ni. Vgl. Ungnap, Dil- 
bat 81; 1283. 

Stamm natürlich galtanı. Weil aber assyr. qalänu nicht 
„klein sein“, sondern „dünn sein“ (opp. kabiru „dick sein“) heisst, 
ist quftunu nicht „klein* (vgl. hebr. n. pr. Haygätfän; s. oben 
Daggqu), sondern „mager“, wie syr. q’fen „tenuis fuit*. Vgl. Ub- 
bulu, gr. Atsvos, Asarivns etc. (BECHTEL 15 f.), unsere Mager, 
Magerfleisch, Hager u. ä.! 


ı Vgl. KLEINPAUL a. a. O. 100. 


86 Harrı HoLMaA. BXIIIs 


Subbubu. 


Cıay, Cass. Names 133%: Sü-ub-bu-bu (BE xıv 10, 22; 251), 9. 
Über die Etymologie wage ich mich nicht zu äussern !. 


Sabäsu, Sabsu s. uhhurı. 


Subburu. 


CT xxxıı 32, 19: Su-ub-bu-rum. Crav, Cass. Names 133°: 
Su-ub-bu-ri?2. Allem Anscheine nach von $eböru „zerbrechen“, £ub- 
buru also „mit zerbrochenen Gliedern“. Was wir darunter zu ver- 
stehen haben, lehrt uns äthiop. sebür „fractus*, speziell „clau- 
dus“ (Stamm “=; DiLLmann 358 f.), was zugleich ein Fingerzeig 
ist für die richtige Beurteilung solcher gut/ulu-Namen, die von 
Verba der Bedeutung „zerbrechen“ u. ä. abgeleitet sind. Für 
$Subburu „claudus“ ist ferner wichtig HArPER, Letters Nr. 462 
Rev. 22 ff.: u ana eli 1 sisi ana massarlıa u 2, 3 sise sub-bu-ru- 
u-tu ana bel Sarrüni belia aspıramma „und in Betreff eines Pfer- 
des für meine Wache und 2—3 Pferde, die hinken, babe ıch 
dem Herrn der Könige, meinem Herrn, Nachricht 3 geschickt“. 
Vgl. Fıaurna, Briefwechsel 38 f., der „die weggeschickt sind“ 
übersetzt. Cfr. BE xıv 41, 4: ku-ri-is-su (des Stieres) ?$-bi-ir-ma 
(vgl. Körperteile 137). — Vgl. Kurü, pissü. 


Sudduäu. 


BE xıv 138, 5: Sud(ud)-du-$uU. Lies aber mit TORCZYNER, Rez. Res- 
agu-gü. So wird auch PEISER, Urk. d.3. Dynastie 97, 25: Bu-ud-du-3u (CLAY, 
C'ass. Names 66°) mit TORCZYNER zu lesen sein. 


ı Wenn von sabäbu „brennen“ abzuleiten, möchte ich oben Kubbubu 
vergleichen, das dann zu kabäbu „brennen“ gestellt werden könnte. Oder 
bietet das Original Aut!)-ub-bu-bu statt Su-ub-bu-bu? [Korrekturzusatz: ToRr- 
CZYNER Rez. liest Aubbubu, was wohl besser.) 

? OT xxxııı könnte Aul!)-ub-bu-rum gelesen werden; BE xv 199, 9 steht 
dagegen ganz deutlich Sü-ub-bu-ri. 

> Nämlich weshalb er diese 3 nicht geschickt hatte. 


iii ugfliigeemuti” * mil (EEE (mie min — en gie  GEEREEEEHEEHTEEGEET> Mi er on „ unit So  ——— | —. nn “ 


BXIIl2 Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form qutiulu. 87 


Sukkubu(P). 


Gautier 7 Verso 2: Sul)-Au-bi(!), gesichert durch ScHeEIL, 
Sippar Nr. 384: Sukubi. Etymologie unklar. [Nachtrag: Ranke 
liest Gimil-ku-bi-im. Cfr. JRAS 1914, 208! Wahrscheinlich also 
keine quitulu-Form.] 


Sulänun. 


CT xxvuı 5, 25; 14, 31 (unter lauter Anomalien): Summa sin- 
nistu Sü-la-nam tülid. Damit ist wohl das eine monströse Gestalt 
bezeichnende /(dswllänu KB vi: 170, 64. 68. 70 zu verbinden 
(vgl. oben Dallalu)!. Die Etymologie zu ermitteln ist mir leider 
nicht gelungen. Grundwort ist kaum das von mir Kleine Bei- 


träge 21 f. besprochene sulu, sulü „Aussatz*, „Lepra*. 


Sulluqu. 


Cray, Cass. Names 133°: Su-ul-Iu-gu. Stamm: Zalägu „auf- 
schlitzen“, „spalten“, „aufreissen“ etc. Vgl. K. 10094, 8 (MSuppl. 
pl. 16): Sull!)-u-qu. CT xxvm 33, 9: Summa iz-bu uznär-Su Su-ul- 
lu-ga „wenn die Ohren des Neugeborenen gespalten (Fossey, Ba- 
byl. v 99: fendues) sind“. Im Hinblick auf eben diese Stelle 
scheint es mir sicher, dass der Stamm Saldqu mit arab. Salaya 
„(das Ohr) der Länge nach spalten“ identisch sein muss. Un- 
klar bleibt trotzdem die spezielle Bedeutung des als Namen ge- 
brauchten Adj. Sulluqu. 


Summuhu. 


RAnKE 152%: Sü-mu-hu-um. Tn.-Dansiın, Lettres et contrats 
Nr. 70, 2: Siü-mu-hi-im. FRIEDRICH 45, 4: Su-um-mu-hu. Cuay, 


ı Dagegen gehüört K. 4195 Rev. 13: Zu-ul-la-nu wohl zu ZuWllü (wovon 
teslitu „Befehl“) urspr. „senden“, wegen des Parallelismus mit mu--ru (von 
ma’äru „senden*). 

? Vgl. CT xxxnı 35, 6 f.: Se-ul-ki? 

’ Vgl. Silga’u „Messer“! misligun „ridendo os aperiens* — Assyr. 
silqu, silqu „gekocht“ entspricht dagegen arab. salaga, syr. Srlag. 


88 HArRı HoLMA. BXIOI. 


Cass. Names 1336: Sum-mu-hi. Vgl. Samhum, Samhatum, Samuk- 
fum etc, RankEe 149°; 194%, Cray 200%, Tarıovist, Neub. Nb. 
333 f. u. ö.! 

Summuhu kommt jedenfalls vom Stamme sJamäku „üppig 
sein“ her und kann demgemäss als Männername nichts anderes 
als „dick*, „fett“ heissen (vgl. Unnubu, Hunnubu, Kubburu'). 
Kommt bekanntlich auch als Attribut des Wortes igisa „Gabe* 
vor: „fette Geschenke“. Für Summuhu als Namen vgl. ausser die 
_ unter Kubburu angeführten Parallelen die griech. [aorgwv, Taorgos, 
Dvoxav etc. (BECHTEL 31 f.), unsere Bauch, Beuchel?. — Den 
von mir, Körperteile 82 f., besprochenen Körperteilnamen $amahhu 
möchte ich nunmehr auch auf diesen Stamm zurückführen und 
darin einen Namen des Bauches, des Magens erblicken. Das 
äthiop. semäh „Milz“ ist dann besser als Lelinwort zu bezeichnen ?. 


Sunundu. 


GENoviLLAc, Tabl. de Drehem 17%: Sü-nu-un-du. Sunundu 
könnte eine guttulu-Form darstellen (< *sunnumtu, vgl. arab. sa- 
nima „buckelig sein“; Sunnumtu „buckelig“?*; vgl. Körperteile 
149). Andererseits begt es nahe, darin den Namen für die 
Schwalbe zu erblicken, zumal da neben sinundu auch die 
Form Sinünütu (mit 3) vorkommt, und das : der ersten Silbe an 
das u der folgenden Silben (ba. arab. sunünuwatun!) > assımiliert 
sein könnte. Vgl. auch K. 8665 c 7 (MSuppl. pl. 14): $d-nun-d[u], 
gefolgt von a-ia-[ü], das nach K. 8229 (von mir ın London ko- 
piert) ebenfalls ein Vogelname ist. Dagegen spricht wieder 
CT xvım 13 a—b 21%, wo $ü-nun-du ohne das Vogeldeterminativ, 


ı Unter diesen Namen können allerdings Verkürzungen aus Voll- 
namen wie Sumuh-Sin u. a. sich finden. Vgl. auch blosses Sü-mu-uh Gau- 
TIER 43, Siegel. — S. DAıcnes. Rechtsurk. 51. 

? Vgl. KLEINPAUL a. a. O. 100. 

3 Anders LAnGpon in AJSL xxx 74. 791. Ich werde auf diese Frage 
anderwärts noch zurückkommen. 

* Vgl. gr. Tuviöas, I[sewv, Kigrov (BECHTEL 31), unsere Buckel, 
Bühel. KrnEınpAuL 101. 

5 Vgl. Kleine Beiträge 52. 

“v R 28 e—f 21 demnach zu korrigieren. 


BXUL: Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form quitulu. 89 


und zwar parallel mit a-we-lu steht. Zur Entscheidung können 
wir vorläufig hier also nicht kommen !. 


Suppulu. 


Fossey (Babyloniaca v 6) liest auf Grund eines Paralleltextes 
(wo?) CT xxvu 5, 23: Summa sinnistu Sul!)-up-pu-lam tülid. Wenn 
dem so ist (vgl. aber auch oben Kubbulu!), haben wir gewiss an Stel- 
len wie OT xxvım 16, 82—3—23, 84, 11—13 zu erinnern: [Summa 
Sepi]-su Sa imitti bzw. $umeli sa-pu-lat bzw. [3epar'-$]u mahräti Sa- 
pu(!)-lal!). CT xxvır 45, K. 4129, 24 f.: [Summa iz-bu] süni-Su 3a 
imitti bzw. Sumeli Sa-pu-[lat| „wenn die rechte bzw. linke Hüfte 
des Neugeborenen ‚niedrig‘ ist“. Ibid. K. 4071, 7—8: $umma 
iz-bu imitti-Su bzw. Sumeli-$u Sa-pu-[lat]| „wenn die rechte bzw. 
linke (Seite) des Neugeborenen niedrig(er) ist“; usw. $uppulu da- 
nach „einer, dessen eine Seite niedriger ist als die andere“, des- 
halb „hinkend“ u. ä Vgl. schwed. läghalt. S. auch Kurüu.a. 
Die Lesung ku-ub-bu-lam ist jedoch nicht ausgeschlossen. 


Sugallulu. 


Unter den mannigfachen Termini für den Begriff „körper- 
lich schwach“ ın v R 20 a—b findet sich auch das bekannte 
Wort sü-gal-lu-Iu, das wir hier dem Inhalt des ganzen Verzeich- 
nisses zufolge kaum infinitivisch, sondern vielmehr adjektivisch 
aufzufassen haben. Entscheidend ıst m. E. hier das Ideogramm 
ID.DA.LÄL „Arm-+ gebunden (bzw. hängend)“, wodurch sich 
sugallulu als ein Parallelwort zu Aussudu, ussudu usw. erweist. 
Die genaue Bedeutung dieses Namens einer körperlichen Schwäche 
ergibt sich wohl aus dem Stamme 3agälu „hängen“; Sugqallulu da- 
nach wohl einer, dessen Arm bzw. Fuss völlig gelähmt ist und 
tot am Körper hängt. Gewissermassen ist hier arab. Jaqula 
„schwerfällig sein“ (wovon jJaglatun etc. „Schwerfälligkeit*, 
„Schwere in den Gliedern“) zu vergleichen, weil dies eigentlich 


ı Kaum vom Stamme des ginnu „Zahn* abzuleiten („mit scharfen, 
hervorstehenden Zähnen“) trotz lat. Dento. 


90 HAırRIı HOLMA. 


BXIIlI. 


„durch grosses, angehängtes Gewicht beschwert sein“ und deshalb 
„schlaff hängen“, „schwerfällig sein“ heisst. Man vergleiche auch 
die in den Wbb. aus ııı R 65 b 44—-46 angeführten Omenzeilen. 
S. oben S. 14. 


ti-ig-ri ili. 

CT xxvıu, 4, 12. 14; 3, 19; 6, 7, 7, K. 3793 Obv. 6. Was 
zur Zeit über tigrz (tilr:, tigri?) ili gesagt werden kann, findet 
man bei Jastrow, Religion 1 9137, 9141, weshalb ich es hier 
nicht wiederhole. Wenn J. — was ich nicht bezweifle — mit 
der Bedeutung „Zwerg“ (der beigefügten Erklärung gemäss einer, 
der sonst normal entwickelt ist: bärtig, redend, beweglich, mit 
Zähnen versehen, nur aber eine „halbe“ ! Gestalt hat) recht behal- 
ten wird — und vielleicht auch in dem Falle, dass sich die Be- 
deutung als eine allgemeinere erweisen würde — könnte man 
für die Etymologie arab. gastarun, gidarun „Zwerg“ vergleichen, 
was vielleicht aus assyr. tigru, besser fögru, entlehnt ist. Wenn Jem 
so ist, haben wir wohl figru vom Stamme agaru „binden“ (ZA 
xxvı, 381; Ges.-BuHL!5 2110) abzuleiten. fögru danach ein ın der 
Entwicklung gehemmter (arab., syr. hgr „hemmen“) Mensch: 
Vgl. arab. mahgärun „pupille“, „orphelin“ (Dozy), syr. h’girä 
„claudus*! Zur Form vgl. migru < (!)migru „Kopfbinde* o. ä. 


ı BAkA la-an-Su. Oder ah län!u „mit fremdartiger Gestalt” zu lesen! 
Dann kaum „Zwerg“, sondern überhaupt „Anomalie“. 


Nachträge. 


'S. 8. Neuerdings hat, wie ich nachträglich sah, auch TorczyxEr 
(ZDMG 67, 652) auf die Verwendung der qutiulu-Form zur 
Bezeichnung von Körperfehlern kurz hingewiesen, ohne der 
Frage nälıer nachzugehen. Auf das dort Gesagte konnte 
nicht mehr Rücksicht genommen werden. 

S. 16 und Anm. Wie aus dem lexikalischen Teil ersichtlich ıst, 
habe ich am meisten auch die in der Onomatologie sich fin- 
denden nicht-quttulu-Formen von solchen Stämmen ange- 
führt, von denen die quttulu-Form zu belegen war. Dies 
geschah nur um zu zeigen, dass die resp. Stämme ın der 
Namengebung sıch allmählich eingebürgert hatten. Ich möchte 
aber besonders hervorheben, dass es sich ın den meisten Fäl- 
len sicherlich nur um blosse Analogiebildungen handelt, unıl 
dass diese Formen mı. E. nur in Ausnahmefällen (wie etwa 
bei Hunnubu u. ä) auch begrifflich als Nebenformen der 
resp. quftulu-Namen angesehen werden dürfen. 

S. 17 f. Gerade das Fehlen mehrerer guttulu-Stämme im As- 
syrisch-babylonischen macht es ın einer Reihe von Fällen 
unmöglich, die genaue Bedeutung der betr. Wörter zu er- 
mitteln. Darauf beruht es, dass wır bei vielen Wörtern 
nur die allgemeine Art der Bedeutung nachweisen können. 

S. 18 Anm. 3. Vgl. auch ZLussumu. 

S. 29. Unnunu. Zu arab. ‘anna „seufzen“* vgl. auch hanna „seuf- 


zen“. 


y2 Hıaırrı HoıMa. PXIIL: 


S. 34. Füge hinzu: Buddusu s. Suddusu. — Bullulu, vgl. auch 
Learaım, Catal. des cylindres orientaux 55: Bu-la-la-tum. 

S. 36. Vielleicht gehört hierher auch Bu-su-su, vgl. TaLıovisrt, 
Assyr. Names 67°; vgl. auch die unter ibid. Bu-za-zu und 
53° Bu-sa-su und Ba-sı-su angeführten Namen. Cfr. RAnKkE 
72 und Tn.-Daxcın, Lettres et contrats, Index. Gehört hier- 
her bıbl. Böses Name eines Felses? Für die Etymologie 
habe ich nichts Sicheres vorzuschlagen. 

S. 41. Gulusu. Der nabat. Name könnte auch etwa G elasios sein. 

S. 47. Füge hinzu: Du-su-mu-um, Lesraın, Le temps des rois 
d’Ur Nr. 182, 9. Ohne Zweifel zum Stamme des hebr. dä- 
$en, arab. dasıma „fett sein“ zu stellen. Zum assımilato- 
rischen Übergang m>n in der Nähe eines Dentals vgl. 
BROCKELMANN, Grundr. ı 8 54 f: Haurt, SBOT Jesaja 133; 
SCHULTHESS in ZA 25, 288. Assyr. dussänu ist nur als spec. 
westländisches Wort angeführt. Verl. Ges.-Bunu!® s. v. Mit- 
teilung LANDSBERGERS. 


S. 48. Bei Züriqu füge hinzu AJSL xxx 296 Rev. 3: Za-ri-qum. 

S. 51. Anm. 2, 2. 3 1. gan. 

S. 52. Anm. 2. Zu hubsu vgl. Tn.-Daxcın, Sargon p. 76 n. 10. 

S. 62. Kubbubu s. auch Subbubu' 

S. 62. Anm. 3. Vgl. hebr. "tn und s. Grs.-Bunt s. v. 

S. 76. Sungugu könnte freilich auch < Sunkuku < Sukkuku sein 
(LANDSBERGER). k >g wegen n. Arab. zugägun s. FRÄNKEL 64. 

Ss. 78. Zu "Sukkuku s. auch CT xxıv Einl. p. 18. In der Tat ist 


„taub“ kein passender Name für einen Hund, daher besser 
Sukkulu, das vielleicht nicht „töricht“, sondern vielmehr „frevel- 
haft“. Vgl. SAl. 2063; dasselbe Ideogramm = aiabu „Feind“ 
und raggu „böse“; cfr. syr. (lJANDSBERGER). PSBA 1914, 31. 
S. 79. Zum Stamme von Surundu vergleicht LANDSBERGER noch 
assyr. Sardınu (mit 3!) „abhauen* (Wbb.; CH 21°, 58; VAB 
vp. xx. 458) Ideogr. SAB, das auch für bagdamu, gasäsu' 
S. 80. Zu pissü, pusstt (Bunzü) vgl. vielleicht auch Bu-zu-u (Ta.- 
Dancıx, Lettres et contrats), Bu-zu-um und Bu-zi-ıa bei 
RankeE: vgl. Assyr. Names 67%. Gegebenenfalls von bibl. 


Biz zu trennen. 


Wörterverzeichnis. 


1. Sonstige besprochene assyrische Wörter. 


aiau Vogelname 
A-u-i-ra-a N. pr. 
ubbutu „fesseln“ 
abbutlu „Sklavenmal“ 
abaku „zerstören“ 
abälu „trocken s.* 
ibqu „Aussatz“ 
abäru „binden“ 
agägu „zürnen“ 
agalu „Kalb“ 
Agalu, Iglänu N. pr. 


agaru, ilguru etc. „binden“ 


ten“ 

miqru „Binde* 

tigru 
Idi, Idaia etc. N. pr. 
Uzalu N. pr. 
Uzna’, Uznänu N. pr. 
Ukukku, Ikukku N. pr. 
ekemu „rauben“ 
elEbu „lang s.“ 
Inia, Inatum N. pr. 
asakku „Finsternis“ 
aslu, Tiername 


Appänu, Appunu N. pr. 


epequ „fest s.“ 
l. upgu „Gesamtheit?“ 
2. upqu 


„gür- 


11°. 
I4°, 
22.82, 


22, 


Zar. 


esedu „ernten“ 


Aqubu, Ayqubu, Iqubu etc. N. pr. 31. 


egequ 

Urdänu N. pr. 

Arrizu N. pr. 

arhu „Weg“ 

arhu „Wildochs* 
Iskänu N. pr. 

Altamu N. pr. 

Buzum, Buzia N. pr. 
Bazalu, Basali N. pr. 
balalu „mischen“ 
basiltu „Kopfbinde* 
bislatu 

basäru „abschneiden* 
batäru „verstümmeln* 
gullubu 

Gulusu 

garäbu „Krätze“ 
Garidä N. pr. 


Nachtr. 


gardn, gardiia (amel) „Weber“ 43°, 


Dulbu N. pr. 
daläpu „eilen* 
dirku „klein“ 
Dariku N. pr. 
Durku N. pr. 
dasäpu „süss 9.“ 
Zugägu N. pr. 


448, 
44 f. 
68. 


94 
zhm 11,1 „verstossen“ 
zaräqu „schielen“ 
Habasıu, Hambusu etc. N. pr. 
habäasu „strotzen* 
habasu „binden“ 
hubsu „pedites“ 
Hubuttatu, N. pr. 
Humu N. pr. 
hamäsu IIU. 
hamäru „wallen“ 
hepu „zerschlagen“ 
hisbu „Körperfülle* 
Harisannu, Halirisaia N. pr. 
harurtu „Kehle“ 
hurussu Pfl.name 
haräsu „aufpflanzen“ 
abanhurgu, amelharsu 
hasit „binden“ 

hisu „Kopfbinde“; 

schein“ 


„Schuld- 


hasalu „zerschlagen“ 
halätu „erschrocken s.* 
kuzbu „Körperfülle“ 
kalü „absperren“ 
kapapu „beugen“ 
karaku „umdrehen*® 
katü „schwach®s.“ 
katasu „kämpfen“ 
katätu „zerschlagen* 


47. 
4y. 
91. 
90. 
912. 


512. Nachtr. 


90°. 
Zi, 
I. 
96. 
98. 
34. 
60. 


HAarrRrı HoLMA. 


BAXIIL: 
lagabbu „Klotz“ ea. 
Lalü, Lulü N. pr. I8. 
lasamu „feurig s.* 71. 
maläsu „rupfen“ 72. 
mugaru 13. 
nuppuqu „verlegen“ | 22 
sukkulu, saklu, !Sukkulu 78. Nachtr. 
sikeru „verschliessen* 16. 
Sapsapu, Sapsapänu N. pr. 11 £. 
sarmu, 'tsaramü 9. 
puzzudu 81. 
pizillu „Fesselung“ 35. 
Pazzalu, Pasilatu N. pr. 35°. 
Pahallu, Pahallanu N. pr. 11 f. 
pasalu 39. 
piqu „verschlossen“, „eng“ 82. 
pugqgü „schauen“ 82. 
sahälu „pressen“ 84. 
gadadı „beugen“ 89. 
Qüqubannu, Qüqubälu N. pr. 12. 


Qagygadänitu, Qaggadinu N. pr. 12. 


2. Besprochene nicht-assyrische Wörter. 


(in Auswahl). 


‘hr „zögern“ gemeinsem. 
'atimä „taub“ syr. (hebr. 'tm‘) 
’4ter N. pr. hebr. 

"uchämä „niger“ syr. 

mr „taub s.“ äg. 

'Ard, ’Ardön N. pr. hebr. 
'arkun „junger Stier“ arab. 
Buz, N. pr. hebr. 


26. 
628. 


| 


! 


Qati N. pr. 11°. 
rabbuı „schwach*® 8. 
gamahhu Körperteil 83. 
daramu „abhauen“ Nachtr. 
Serseru („klein“) N. pr. 85. 
Tulubbi N. pr. 44°, 
türtu „Blindheit“ 28. 
baslun, basılun „deformis“ arab. 35. 
Bös?s N. pr. loci hebr. Nachtr. 
baraga „geblendet 8.“ arab. 37. 

'abraqu „fleckig“ arab. 37. 
beraq „obtusus fuit“ syr. 37. 

berägä „pustula“ syr. 378, 
Bäräq N. pr. hebr. 37. 
Birsa N. pr. hebr. 38. 


BX1Il Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form qultulu. 


birslun „gross u. dick“ arab. 38. 
barila „verwirrt s.“ arab. 38. 
baralta „zerschneiden* arab. 38. 
batara (arab.), bäpar (hebr.) „ver- 
stümmeln“ 38. 
’ubätirun „Zwerg“ arab. 38. 
gabhalun „Stirn*, "agbahu „hoclıh- 
stirnig“ arab. 39. 
gibbeah (hebr.), g:dahä (syr.) „kahl- 
köpfig“ 39. 
gdm „abschneiden*® 40, 
'agdamu arab. 40. 
Gazzäm N. pr. hebr. 401, 
gizam „Heuschrecke“ hebr. 40). 
gahirun „hässlich“ arab. 40. 
gehar „exXcreare* syr. 40. 
Gahar N. pr. hebr. 40. 
gilsun „mentis inops“ arab. 41 
Gera N. pr. hebr. 4l. 
garbä (syr.), 'agrabu (arab.) „krät- 
zig“ 42. 
Gäred N. pr. loci hebr. 42. 
grädä (syr.), 'agradu (arab.) „kahl- 
köpfig“ 43. 
gailarun, gidarun „Zwerg arab. 90. 
dalafa „mühsam gehen“ (arab.) 45. 
Dalfon, Jidlaf N. pr. hebr. 45. 
dlp „träufeln“ 451, 
'adlaqu „zahnlos“* arab. 46. 
Dargöon N. pr. hebr. 68°. 
dargun „asper“ arab. 68°, 
dasima „fett s.“ arab. Nachtr. 
digen „fett s“ hebr. Nachtr. 
'adlafu „plattnasig“ arab. 495°. 
dalfä’u N. pr. arab. 45%, 
zahima „stinken“ arab. 47. 
zahama „verstossen“ arab. 47. 
Zilpä N. pr. hebr. 45. 79. 
znh „stinken“ (Hiph), „verwer- 
fen“ (Kal) hebr. 48. 
zaniha „riechen“ arab. 48!. 
Zargäwi, alZargü’u N. pr. arab. 49. 


95 
hubusun „pedites“, arab. ol?. 
hbs „binden“ hebr. 51? 
hagala „springen“ arab. 25. 52 
higlun „Fussfessel* arab. 2, 
Hoglä N. pr. hebr. 92. 
hagalun (arab.), haglä (syr.) „Reb- 
huhn“ 92, 
hägilun „Rabe“ arab. 92. 
h‘gar „hinken* syr. 23,92%: 
higira „claudus“ 90. 
hgr „binden“ 92%. 90. 
mahgürun „pupille* arab. x. 
hadıla „ungleiche Schulter h.“ 
arab. 93. 
hadıla „dick 8.“ arab. 53. 
Hadlai N. pr. hebr. 93. 
hazila „schwerfällig grhen“ arab. 54. 
hrzima „taub“ syr. 24. 
hlq „glatt s.“ 5. 
Helgai, Hilgiiä N. pr. hebr. 5. 
hl3 „schwach 3.* hebr. 62. 
hüm „schwarz“ hebr. 27. 
hamma „schwarz s.“ arab. als 
hämaüs „hochrot“ hebr. 96. 
hanıza „stinken“ arab. 48!, 
hasaba „fruchtbar s.“ arab. 34. 
h'sad (syr.), hasada (arab.) „ern- 
ten* 30. 
hafü „verbergen“ arab. 80. 
men 80. 
hafüchi „perversus* syr. 23°, 
hafaa arab. 58‘. 
Hür N. pr. hebr. 58. 
hrm „Aurchstechen“ 59. 
Heraämaf N. pr. hebr. 39. 
häarüm „spaltnäsig“ hebr. 99. 
hrräa „flavius“ syr. 33. 
Härus N. pr. hebr. 60. 
harida „geschwächt s.“ arab. 32. 
härädä „comminuere“ äth. 32. 
hariga „dumm 3.“ arab. 99. 
hrr „durchbuhren“ 99°. 60. 


y6 


häräsä „nutrire“ äthiop. 60°, 
harisa „stumm s.“ arab. 60. 

’Ahrasu N. pr. arab. 61. 
hrs „stumm s.“ hebr.-aram. 6. 
Heres, Harsa N. pr. hebr. 61. 


hrt (hebr.), harata (arab.) „ein- 


Harrkı HoLMa, 


mn np m nn  LL——— 


schneiden“ 61. 
hrae/i „durchstechen*“ 99°. 
h'gech „finster s.“ syr. 61 
hasaka „vollstopfen“ 61. 
n«hrsalım „Schwächlinge* hebr. 62. 
hesal „vinculum* äth. 62: 
hap „erschrocken s.* hebr. 69. 
H"pap N. pr. hebr. 69. 
'atragu „krummbeinig“ arab. 68. 
targü „asper“ Syr. 68° 
iasarun, ’aisaru „linkshändig* 

arab. 33. 
kmh „schwach s.“ 66. 
Kimhäm/n N. pr. hebr. 66. 
mukannirun, maknarun „erassus* 

arab. 65. 
ksh „abschneiden“ 65. 
kasiha „gelähmt w.“ arab. 65 f£. 
krrä „kurz 8.“ syr. 67'. 
kerach „involvere“ syr. 68°. 
kts „stossen“ hebr. 69%, 
labima „ungleich s. (Schulter)* 

arab. 70. 
lella „blödsinnig* syr. 10. 
lasima „verstummen“ arab. 71. 
magrun „foetus* arab. 14, 
madgara „dürsten“ arab. 1742, 
m’zag (Syr.), mazaga, madaga etc. 

(arab.) „mischen“ 13. 
mezeg „Wein“ hebr. 73. 
makara „bewässern“ arab. 74. 
makira „rot s.“ 74. 
malaha (arab.), mälchä (äth.) 71. 
mit 72. 
mälag (hebr.), melag (syr.) „evel- 

lere“ etc. 71. 


BXIII; 
malusa „glatt s.“ arab. 12. 
mig ie: 


malasa (arab.) „ausrupfen“, ınd- 


las (äth.) „polieren“ 72, 
mäsach (hebr.) „mischen* 12. 
negeru „bewässern* 14. 
miügrä „luteum*“ syr. 4. 


malara (arab.), mälärä (äth.) s. 
balara. 
Nahör, Nahrrai, Nahrai N. pr. 
hebr. { 
'anmasu „fuscus“ arab. 12. 
Nimsi N. pr. hebr. 1 
nami3a „Sommersprossen h.* arab. 75. 
nalaba „etumuit“ arab. 76. 
natafa (arab.), nepaf (syr.) „rupfen“ 76. 
‘bd 
"iglun (arab.), 'ögel (hebr.) „Kalb“ 25. 


"Egla N. pr. hebr. 25. 
“Eglön N. pr. hebr. 25. 
“Azubä N. pr. hebr. 54 
ama „blind“ arab. 20. 
“Amrdm, ‘Omri N. pr. hebr. 56. 
‘sl „zögern“ hebr. 31'. 
‘ddädä „ernten“ äth. 30, 
‘adada „binden“, „schneiden“ arab. W. 
ma'"gäd „Axt“ hebr. 30, 
‘Anud N. pr. hebr. 28. 
'anabu „mit üppiger Nase“ arab. 29. 
“änög „weichlich“ hebr. 29. 
‘anna „seufzen* arab. 29. 
'nn „impotent s.“ arab., syr., äth. 29. 
“afıka „Aumm s.* arab. 238. 
“aggeq „binden“ syr. 31. 
‘arida „fliehen“ arab. 32. 
“ärad „verjagen“ nhbr. 32. 
“ardun <(arab.), “aröd (hebr.) 

„Wildesel“ 32; 


‘Aröd,' Arüäd, ‘Iräd N. pr. hebr. 32. 


“Ered, ‘Ardän N. pr. arab. 32°. 
'asaru „linkshändig“ arab. 33. 
“wr „blind s.* gemeinsem. 28. 56. 


BATII: Die Assyrisch-babyl. Personennamen d. Form gquttulu. 


ganiga „coquettieren“ arab. 29. 
ganna „näseln“ arab. 29: 
fh „auflösen“ äg. 382, 
peya „taub“ syr. 81. 


pägah (hebr.), fuyaha. faya’ı (arab.) 


„schauen“ 82, 
fürita „schwachsinnig s.“ arab. 38. 


fasıha, fasaha „verrenken“ arab. 34. 


pissch „hinkend* s1. 
fuslun, fislun „stultus“ arab. 36, 
fuslun „Rebsetzling“ aral. 36. 
sadar „erbrechen* syr. 33. 
shn hebr. gt, 
st „hinken“ hebr. 3m, 
dabisa (arab.), dübesö (äth.) 
„schwach 8.“ 26. 
’agabbu „mit schmaler Taille“ 
arab. 62. 
Haggütan N. pr. hebr. 11!. 462. 


qasada „zerbrechen“ arab. vv. 


l 


qsr ı „binden“, „ernten“ 
gsr Iı „Kurz sein“ 


y'rähä (syr.), ’agra u (arab.) „kahl“ 


Qärc"h N. pr. hebr. 
sehur „claudus* äth. 
sudira „verwirrt s.“ arab. 
ekr „verschliessen* 

smi „blind“ syr. 


'asmi „hinken“ syr. 


smdr „schwachsichti:z Ss.“ arab. 


saniha 8. zanıha. 

sunima „buckelig s.“ arab. 

seräma „plattnasig* svr. 

dbr 

Salaya „spalten“ arab. 
silyau „Alesser“ 

Sarama, „üUie Nasenspitze 
schneiden“ arab. 
asramu „plattnasig“ 


wagula „binden arab. 


Die „Marmorgruppe aus Sparta“ 
und ihre Erklärung. 


Von 


Eınar HEIKEL. 


In den Mitteilungen des K. Deutschen Archeologischen Insti- 
tuts (Athenische Abteilung X, S. 177 ff.) gab der hervorragende 
und bekannte deutsche Philolog Friedrich Marx im Jahre 1885 
eine ihrer Ausführung nach altertümliche Marmorgruppe heraus, 
über die er zugleich eine gründliche und, wie bisher ohne Beden- 
ken angenommen worden ist, giltige und in allen Einzelheiten zu- 
treffende Erklärung*gab. Das diesem Artikel beigefügte Bild ist 
der genannten Veröffentlichung Marx’ entliehen. Diese bei Magula 
in der Nähe von Sparta aufgefundene Gruppe ist aus blauem Mar- 
mor gehauen. Ihre Höhe ist 0,48 m. Der Frauenligur in der Mitte 
fehlen der Kopf und der Hals, die linke Schulter und die Brust, die 
Arme -und die Füsse von den Knien an. Zu beiden Seiten der 
Frauengestalt ist: je ein männliches Wesen abgebildet, von denen 
das eine, rechts stehende viel vollständiger erhalten ist als das links 
stehende. Die rechts stehende Figur ist sg mit der Mittelfigur zu- 
sammen gehauen, dass das linke Bein der männlichen Figur beim 
Abbröckeln doch teilweise erhalten ist, da es den rechten Schenkel 
der Frauengestalt entlang gezeichnet ist. Aber das rechte Bein ist, 
da es besonders gehauen war, ein wenig oberhalb des Knies glatt 
abgebrochen. Ein eigentümlicher Zug der Figur ist es, dass die 
rechte Hand, die allein ziemlich deutlich siehbtbar ist, so erhoben 


ID 


Abb. 1. Abb. 2. 


ist, dass die Figur offenbar zwei Finger an die Lippen hält. Von 
der zur linken Seite der Frau stehenden — wie man aus der der 
linken Seite der Mittelfigur zugewandten erhaltenen brüchigen Fläche 
noch schliessen kann — männlichen Gestalt ist nicht viel mehr er- 
halten als die ganze linke Hand und der linke Arm, der so ausge- 
streckt ist, dass die Hand auf dem Leibe der Frau ruht. 

Dass die in dem von Marx veröffentlichten Bilde vorgenom- 
mene Ergänzung annähernd richtig ist, darüber kann kaum ein 
Zweifel herrschen. Die Mittelfigur ist wahrscheinlich kniend dar- 
eestellt gewesen, und die beiden Nebenfiguren zu beiden Seiten 
der Frau stehend und zwar so, dass die kniende Frau und jene 
beiden verhältnismässig viel kleineren, stehenden Nebenfiguren bis 
zu derselben Höhe reichten. 

Diese Gruppe erklärt Marx so, dass in der Mitte eine kreis- 
sende Frau und zu ihren beiden Seiten zwei männliche Geburts- 
dämonen abgebildet sind. Er begründet diese Erklärung damit, 
dass die kniende Stellung im alten Griechenland und auch in Ita- 
lien für die Gebärenden angeblich charakteristisch war, dass ver- 
schiedene griechische Mythen von Geburten erzählen, bei denen die 


Digitized „Google 


Eınar HeEiKeEi.. BAIII: 


BXUI; Die „Marmorgruppe aus Sparta“ und ihre Erklärung. 3 


Gebärende auf den Knien 
lag, oder von Bileithyi, 
der Geburtsgöttin, deren 
Bild in dieser Stellung 
wiedergegeben worden 
sei, wie auch von Damia 
und Auxesia, den Göttin- 
nen der Fruchtbarkeit, 
die der Sage nach auch 
in genannter typischer 
Stellung dargestellt wur- 
den. Ausserdem beruft 
er sich auf die römischen 
Götter Nixi di, die nach 
einer Angabe des Grammatikers Festus Geburtsgötter waren 
und deren Name „die knienden Götter“ auf den wahrscheiu- 
lichen, auch durch einige andere Angaben angedeuteten Umstand 
hinweise, dass auch unter den Römern die kniende Stellung charak- 
teristisch für die Gebärenden gewesen sei. Dazu erbringt der Ver- 
fasser nach Erzählungen verschiedener obstetrischer Schriftsteller 
eine Menge Beweise dafür, dass die kniende Stellung bei verschie- 
denen Völkern, besonders auf einer primitiven Kulturstufe, sowohl 
früher als jetzt eine ganz allgemeine Geburtsstellung war und 
noch ist. 


Die Erklärung, die Marx von der Marmorgruppe aus Sparta 
gibt, und die Theorie, die er in seinem Artikel merklich entwickelt 
hat, ist bisher immer und überall als gültig und gut begründet 
anerkannt worden. Verschiedene Schriftsteller (zuletzt Ernst Sam- 
ter: Geburt, Hochzeit und Tod, Leipzig 1911) haben neuerdings die 
griechischen und römischen Angaben, besonders die griechischen 
Mythen, ausführlich untersucht, in denen die kniende Stellung im 
Zusammenhange mit (Geburten erwähnt wird, und freilich hat überall 
die Erklärung der Marmorgruppe aus Sparta wegen ihrer wissen- 
schaftlichen Gründlichkeit als wichtigstes Beweisstück gedient. Be- 
sonders muss dieser Umstand hervorgehoben werden, der aus dem 
oben Gesagten klar hervorgehen dürfte, dass von allen Bildwerken, 


4 Eınar HeEikeı.. BXII.s 


die seit Marx’ Artikel nacheinander als Stütze für die genannte 
Theorie angeführt worden sind, und die — im Vorbeigehen gesagt 
— nur höchst mangelhaft mit derselben so in Einklang zu bringen 
sind, dass die Gründe und Beweise zuverlässig erscheinen, die Mar- 
morgruppe aus Sparta selbst der wichtigste und nach allen Kritikern 
der klarste und sprechendste Beweis dafür gewesen ist, dass die 
kniende Stellung der Gebärenden wenigstens bei den Griechen be- 
kannt und allgemein und allem Anscheine nach auch ursprünglich 
war. Da ich die Absicht habe in absehbarer Zeit eine kleine 
einheitliche Untersuchung über die hier berührten Fragen heraus- 
zugeben und zugleich sowohl die verschiedenen antiken Quellen wie 
auch die sich darauf gründenden Aussagen eingehender zu behan- 
deln, so muss ich mich hier darauf beschränken die Marmorgruppe 
aus Sparta nur kurz und vorbereitend von einem neuen Gesichts- 
punkte aus zu prüfen. 

Ich bestreite nicht, dass die von dem berühmten deutschen 
Wissenschaftler gegebene Erklärung mit durchaus vorzüglicher Ge- 
nauigkeit und gründlicher Anhäufung und Verwendung von Bewei- 
sen anscheinend so erschöpfend geworden ist, dass man ilıre Be- 
rechtigung nur mit den allerbesten Gegengründen in Zweifel stellen 
und eine neue Erklärung an ihre Stelle setzen kann. Jedoch möchte 
ich auf einen Umstand aufmerksam machen, der meiner Ansicht 
nach weder bei der Behandlung dieses noch mancher anderen ent- 
sprechenden antiken Bildwerke genügend berücksichtigt worden ist: 
da es ein Erzeugnis archaischer Kunst ist, erwartet man von ihm 
unbedingt mehr Naturähnlichkeit und fast roher Offenheit in den 
Einzelzügen, als wir an der Frauengestalt der Marmorgruppe aus 
Sparta beobachten können, wenn sie wirklich so zu erklären ist, 
wie Marx es tut. Ich kann nicht verhehlen, dass Marx’ Darstel- 
lung mir gerade in diesem Punkte erscheint, als ob er diesen Man- 
gel an künstlerischer Aufrichtigkeit durch fast zu starkes Ausmalen 
der Einzelzüge des Bildes ersetzen wollte, sodass er z. B. unnötiger 
Weise von der Tiefe des Körpers spricht !, wo meiner Ansicht nach 
auch nicht der geringste Versuch bei dem Künstler zu bemerken 
ist, verschiedene Teile des mittleren Körpers merklich hervortretend 


ı Vel. a. a. 0. S. 186. 


Die „Marmorgruppe aus Sparta“ und ihre Erklärung. s) 


darzustellen und dadurch die Vorstellung zu unterstützen, die au- 
genscheinlich Marx’ Feder gewissermassen beherrscht hat. 

Besonders sachlich und klar erscheint mir die Darstellung, 
die H. Dressel und A. Milchhoefer in dem von ihnen herausgege- 
benen Verzeichnisse des Spartanischen Museums, in der Ath. Abt. 
der „Mitteilungen* (Bd. II. S. 297) über diese Gruppe gegeben ha- 
ben. Ich entlehne daraus folgendes: 

„Die völlig nackte Frau muss sich, wie aus der Richtung der 
Beine und dem Umstande hervorgeht. dass der Körper rund aus- 
rearbeitet und ohne Ansatzfläche ist, in kauernder Stellung befun- 
den haben. Zu jeder Seite, mit ihrem Körper gleichsam verwach- 
sen, ein nacktes männliches Kind; beide sind wohl neben der Haupt- 
figur auf der Basis stehend zu denken. Das kleinere, in Vorder- 
ansicht an ihrer r. Seite, dem die Unterschenkel fehlen (auch sonst 
mehrfach bestossen). führt beide Daumen zum Munde, um daran zu 
saugen. Der Kopf ist unverhältnismässig gross; die quellenden 
Augen, die stumpfie Nase und die dichte, lange, rings unıschnittene 
Haarmasse (die allerdings für ein Kind sehr wenig passt), erinnern 
an einen männlichen Kopf der bekannten „spartanischen Stele* — 
Von dem zweiten grösseren Knaben ist nur der sehr lange, quer 
über den unterleib der Frau gelegte I. Arm mit geöffneter Hand 
und die Contour des Köpers als Ansatz erkennbar; der obere Kör- 
pertheil muss sich so an die Mittelfigur angeschmiegt haben, dass 
seine Brust der |. Seite der Frau platt auflag. Der Frauenleib ist 
durchaus formlos, flach und viel zu kurz, die Schultern verhältniss- 
mässig breit, die untere Partie läuft dreieckige zu und ist ganz ver- 
kümmert. Die Brüste treten halbkueelförnig hervor, der Nabel ist 
garnicht angegeben, wohl aber die rima. Die eng an einander ge- 
schlossenen Schenkel sind nicht sehr stark und zeigen runde For- 
men. Die Rückseite der Gruppe ist roher behandelt; das ganze ist 
noch stillos und erinnert stark an primitive Idole syrisch-aegyptischer 
Herkunft.“ 

Zur obigen Schilderung möchte ich nur bemerken, dass, soweit 
man mit ziemlicher Klarheit aus dem Bilde schliessen kaun, keine 
Stütze für die Hypothese vorhanden ist, dass die rechts stehende 
Figur ihre beiden Daumen an den Mund halte Mir scheint die 


6 EınAar HEIKEL. B \XIILs 


_ Annahme richtiger, dass Zeige- und Mittelfinger der rechten Hand 
auf dem Unterkinne und der Unterlippe ruben (dass sie nicht im 
Munde stecken, lässt sich klar daraus schliessen, dass der Zwischen- 
raum zwischen den Fingern seiner ganzen proportionellen Länge 
nach sichtbar ist). Die linke Hand hat man sich wahrscheinlich so 
zu denken, dass sie sich nach der rechten Hand dreht, um den 
rechten Ärm zu stützen (siehe bes. Bild 2). 

Soweit ich die abgebildete Gruppe mit anderen Kunsterzeug- 
nissen der alten Zeit vergleichen und ihren Ursprung erraten kann, 
glaube ich, dass man für die oben angeführte Bemerkung Milch- 
hoefers, der zufolge die Gruppe in einigen Beziehungen stark an 
syrisch-ägyptische Erzeugnisse erinnert, auch andere Gründe ausfin- 
dig machen kann als z. B. die stilluse Ausführung der Rückseite, 
welche ja an sich als eines von den am meisten charakteristischen 
Kennzeichen der ägyptischen Kunst gelten kann, weil ihre Bild- 
werke und namentlich die menschlichen Gestalten, unter welchen 
die ältesten als Zierden der Portale und Wände gegen Säulen oder 
architektonissen Kolossen gestützt standen, ursprünglich nur für die 
Vorderansicht bestimmt waren !. 

Um diesmal noch nur einige solche Gesichtspunkte zu bespre- 
chen, will ich bemerken, dass der einzige Gesichtstypus, der in die- 
ser (rruppe erhalten ist, offenbar sehr wenig griechisch ist und sehr 
wenig den in den griechischen Bildwerken gewöhnlich vorkommen- 
den Typen ähnelt, dagegen aber äusserst deutlich orientalisch oder 
noch besser ausgesprochen ägyptisch ist. Wenn man die ägvp- 
tischen Bildwerke jeder beliebigen Zeit betrachtet, so sieht man den 
Typus mit kurzem, breitem Gesichte und niedriger Stirn, der beson- 
ders an der kurzen aber gebogenen Nase erkennbar ist, reichlich 
vertreten. Dieses roh gemeisselte Gesicht und der wie erstarrte 
Ausdruck desselben, wenn hier von Ausdruck überhaupt die Rede 
sein kann, schliesslich der gaffende Blick der grossen quellenden 
Augen, das alles sind Züge, die ihre Herkunft aus dem alten Sfin- 
xenlande schwerlich verleugnen können. Ferner ist die eigenartige 
Haartracht des Knaben typisch äeyptisch, wie wohl auch die glat- 
ten halbkugelförmigen Brüste der weiblichen Mittelfigur. 


ı Vol. OvERBECK, Geschichte der Griechischen Plastik IS. 14—]), 


BXIIN,s Die „Marmorgruppe aus Sparta“ und ihre Erklärung. 7 


Aber gerade an jener zur rechten Seite der Frau stehenden 
Figur gibt es auch anderes, was auf den ersten Blick den Gedan- 
ken auf Sagenmotive ägyptischen Ursprungs und Kunstprodukte, 
die durch ihre Einwirkung entstanden sind, leitet. Das betrefiende 
Bild ist mit einem Worte eine genaue Nachahmung der primitiven 
Denkmäler, durch die die Ägypter den Gott Hor, den Sohn Osiris’ 
und Isis’ darstellten. 

In der ägyptischen Mythologie schliesst sich ein ungewöhnlich 
weit ausgedehnter und vielgestaltiger Sagenkreis an den Namen 
des Gottes Hor. Darin werden in zahlreichen Varianten Erzählun- 
gen wiedergegeben von der Geburt des Gottes, vom Zorn seines 
Bruders, des Gottes Seth, gegen ihn und von den vielen Kämpfen. 
die zwischen den Brüdern stattfanden, bis Hor schliesslich den Sieg 
davontrug. Die Mythologie schreibt diesem (rotte als der die Natur 
und die Lebewesen erquickenden Gottheit auch unzählige Aufgaben 
zu, wie seine vielen Beinamen, wie z. B. folgende zeigen: Horyerti, 
„H:-, der Besitzer der beiden Augen“, und eine andere Benennung, 
die in der Übersetzung lautet: „H., der dieses Land mit seinen beiden 
Augen erleuchtet“. Die Augen des (sottes Aor sind Sonne und 
Mond, sodass, wie es scheint, nach der allgemeinen ägyptischen Auf- 
fassung Aor der (Gott des Lichtes und sein (regner Seth der Gott 
der Finsternis war. Wir brauchen unsere Aufmerksamkeit. hier je- 
doch nicht auf die Erzählungen dieser Mythen zu lenken, desto 
mehr aber auf eine besondere und bei den Ägyptern unvergleichlich 
allgemeinere Kıscheinungsform des Gottes Aor. Sıe war Hor-pe- 
chrod, „Aor — das Kind“. 

In der Vorstellung der Ägypter dürfte Hor-pe-chrod kaum etwas 
anderes gewesen sein als die idealisierte Personifikation des Kindes. 
Als solche wurde er der Liebling der volkstümlichen Mythologie 
und Kunst und so erscheint er auch öfter als in irgend einer an- 
deren (sestalt. In ihren Bildwerken gaben schon die ägyptischen 
Künstler jener kindlichen Gottheit das typische Kenuzeichen des 
Kindes: sie darstellten ihn mit dem Finger im Munde oder auf den 
Lippen. Zahlreiche Bronze- und Terracottastatuetten, die das Fin- 
ger saugende Hor-kind darstellen, sind uns als Zeugnis dafür erhal- 
ten, wie alleemein bekannt und beliebt diese ewie Kind bleibende 


8 Eınar HEIKEIL. B XIII, 


Gottheit bei den Ägyptern war. Um ihn wob sich allmählich auch 
ein grosser Teil des alten Mythenstoffes, der früher das besondere 
Eigentum des älteren Gottes Hor gewesen war. 

Um von den Erzählungen, in denen Hor-pc-chrod vorkommt, 
nur einige anzuführen. die unseren Gegenstand näher beleuchten, 
werden wir zuerst den Mythus von der Geburt des Zor-kindes er- 
zählen, wie ihn Plutarch (De Iside et Osiride ce. 19) darstellt. Dort 
wird erzählt, dass Osiris nach seinem Tode seiner göttlichen Ge- 
mahlin Isis einen Besuch abstattete, und dass /sis später infolge 
dieses Besuches vor der natürlichen Zeit einen Sohn gebar. Aber 
der Sohn war körperlich schwach, und besonders sein Unterkörper 
war unvollständig entwickelt. Nach einem anderen Mythus flüch- 
tete Isis, nachdem sie ihr Kind geboren hatte, in eine einsame (Ge- 
send und nährte und erzog es dort vor Seths Verfolgnngen ver- 
borgen. 

Besonders diese Mythen von der Geburt und heimlichen Er- 
ziehung des Aor-kindes dürften dem Volke bekannt gewesen sein, 
daraus zu schliessen, dass man ihre Spuren in verschiedener Form 
in den Zsis und das Aor-kind darstellenden Kunstwerken sieht. Die 
Statuetten der säugenden /s’s sind sehr zahlreich unter den Er- 
zeugnissen der ägyptischen Kunst vertreten, die sich aus dem al- 
ten Ägypten in die griechisch-römische Welt verpflanzt haben. 
Horpe-chrod wird in den kleinen Standbildern, die von ihm erhalten 
sind, wie gesagt, mit dem Finger im Munde oder auf den Lippen 
dargestellt. Ein anderes, für ihn sehr typisches und echt ägyp- 
tisches Kennzeichen ist sein dickes und langes, bis zum Nacken 
herabreichendes Haar. 

In die griechische und römische Welt drangen die Gottheiten 
der ägyptischen Religion endgültig erst in der hellenistischen Periode. 
Im athenischen Gesetze war ja die Verehrung fremder Götter und 
die Einführung fremder Gebräuche bei Todesstrafe verboten. ' Dess- 
ungeachtet aber sind mehrere Zeichen dafür vorhanden, dass die 
äeyptischen Götter schon viel früher, als ihre Verehrung legalisiert 
wurde, einen sicheren Plats in der religiösen Vorstellung der Grie- 


.— [ee — 


! Vgl. Schömann, Opuscula academica 11I, S. 433— 434. 


B XIII, Die „Marmorgruppe aus Sparta“ und ihre Erklärung. 9 


chen eingenommen haben. Auch diesen „Handel“ werden hauptsäch- 
lich die Phönizier vermittelt haben. In Tyros, Sidon und in den 
phönizischen Kolonien hat die ägyptische Religion schon so früh 
eine angesehene Stellung eingenommen, dass die in diesen Gegenden 
aufgefundenen oder von dort mit anderen Handelswaren bis nach 
Etrurien und Latium gebrachten /sis-bilder schon aus dem sieben- 
ten oder sechsten Jahrhunderte v. Chr. stammen. Bei diesen aus 
Phönizien gebrachten Statuetten ist besonders hervorzuheben, dass 
viele von ihnen ihrer Ausführung und ihrem Typus nach offenbar 
Nachahmungen der ursprünglich ägvptischen Bilder sind. ! Die Insel 
Kypros, die ihre Einwohner wohl aus den phönizischen Küsten- 
städten bekommen hatte, war, wie bekannt, bereits in den Zeiten 
der Homerischen Poesie oft von den Griechen besucht, und hier, 
das nördliche und westliche Ufer entlang, in der Nachbarschaft der 
semitischen Bevölkerung, bildete sich allmählich eine starke grie- 
chische Kolonie, deren Ideenwelt so natürlicb in hohem Grade 
den fremden Einflüssen ausgesetzt wurde. Das zeigt sich auch 
klar genug in den reichen Funden, welche die Ausgrabungen auf 
Kypros in letzten ‚Jahrzehnten ans Licht gebracht haben und unter 
denen bald griechische bald phönizische oder sogar assyrische Göt- 
tergestalten neben den von phönizischen Seefahrern importierten 
ägvptischen Gottheiten durcheinander auftreten. Auch hier war 
die säugende /sis bekannt ?. 

Delos, wo die Verehrung ägyptischer Götter schon im dritten 
Jahrhunderte v. Chr. ? allgemein war, hatte ihrerseits die neue Reli- 
eion sowohl nach Griechenland als nach Italien vermittelt. Puteoli, 
das schon in frühen Zeiten einen lebhaften Handelsverkehr mit Delos 
unterhielt, war eine der Hauptstätten des ägyptischen Sarapis- 
Kultus. Aber auch in den Uterstädten der Campania hat man be- 
reits aus dem zweiten Jahrhunderte, in Sizilien aus noch früheren 
Zeiten beredte Zeugnisse von der Verehrung ägyptischer Gottheiten 
gefunden *. 


ı Vol. Berröt: Histoire de l’art dans l’antiquite III S. 475, 526, 751, 812. 
: Vgl. Cesnola-Stern, Cypern, S. 20 ff. u. a. 
® Drexler, Mythologische Beiträge, Leipzig 1890, IS.5. Anm. |. 


* Nissen, Pompejanische Studien S. 170 ff. 


10 EmAr HEIKEL. BANIIIs 


In Greichenland war Athen die Hauptstätte der ägyptischen 
Religionsformen. Vielleicht schon vor 333 v. Chr.! wurde dort den 
ägyptischen Händlern auf Initiative des Lykurgos des Älteren, Gross- 
vaters des Redners, dem die Komiker aus diesem Grunde den 
Schimpfnamen „Ägypter“ beilegten, die Erlaubnis erteilt in Peiraios 
einen Zsis-tempel zu errichten. Pausanias berichtet (I. 18. 14). dass 
in Athen ein Sarapis-tempel existierte, den die Athener auf Ptole- 
maios’ Aufforderung hin errichtet hatten. Mit den Ptolemäern pflerte 
ja Athen freundschaftliche Beziehungen, und dieser Umstand dürfte 
seinerseits dazu beigetragen haben, dass die ägyptischen Götter zu 
dieser Zeit sehr bekannt in Griechenland wurden. Die Verbreitung 
der ägyptischen religiösen Vorstellungen wurde natürlicherweise 
durch die überall bekannte und in Griechenland ganz allgemeine 
Erscheinung gefördert, dass die fremden Götter mit den einheimi- 
schen identifiziert wurden. Von solchen Versuchen in betreff der 
ägyptischen Götter berichtet schon Herodotos, der um die Mitte des 
fünften Jahrhunderts Ägypten besuchte. Er führt an (II. 41. 59) 
dass die griechischen Kolonisten, die sich in der Stadt Naukratis 
niedergelassen hatten, die Eigenschaften ihrer eigenen Götter auf 
die ägyptischen zu übertragen versuchten, 

Eine solche Identifizierung wurde freilich durch die vielen ge- 
meinsamen Züge und die mannigfachen Versionen der Mythen s:lır 
erleichtert. So hatte /sis viele der Muttergöttin eigenen Züge, die 
vormals der Deineter der Griechen charakteristisch waren, und so 
wurde aus ihr schon teils auf ägytischem und besonders dann auf 
griechischem Boden ganz allgemein eine neue Erscheinungsform 
der Demeter. Schon in ägyptischen Texten wird ihr der Nanıe „die 
Gottesmutter“ oder „die Gottesmutter des Hor-Ka-nacht“ beigelegt. 
Nach Plutarch (De Is. et Os. e. 56) wird sie MoV$ und Medı:o 
genannt; das erste Wort bedeutet Mutter, in dem letzteren steckt 
vielleicht der Name Mut-ur, Magna Mater ?. 

Hor-pe-chrod wurde natürlich durch seine Mutter und auch 
durch andere religiöse Vorstellungen im Zusammenhange mit jenen 
(Göttern nahestehenden ägyptischen Göttern in Griechenland be- 


' Vgl. Köhler, Hermes V S. 352. 
® Vgl. Wiedemann, Herodots 2. Buch S. 116 u. a. Roschers Lex., Isis. 


BAXII,; Die „Marmorgruppe aus Sparta* und ihre Erklärung. 


11 


kannt. Aber Aarpokrates, wie sein Name in der neuen griechischen 
Gestalt lautete. erbielt in der Vorstellung der Griechen und Römer 
eine neue Eigenschaft; aus ihm wurde, weil er den Finger auf den 
Lippen hatte, 3sog oswsns, deus silentii.! So wurde aus ihm ein 
ganz selbständiger und nach der griechisch-römischen Auffassung 
ein sehr wichtiger Gott. Schon die /sis-säulen, die die Göttin allein 
oder ihren Sohn säugend darstellten, wurden als mächtige Schutz- 
mittel gegen das böse Auge angesehen, aber ein noch allgemeineres 
Amulett wurde das für alle Mystik willkommene Bild des Harpo- 
krates, besonders in Italien, sodass z. B. Plinius erwähnt, dass sogar 
die Männer Ringe an den Fingern tragen, auf denen Harpokrates 
abgebildet ist (dam vero et Harpocratem statuasque Aegyptiorum nu- 
minum in digitis viri quoque portare incipiunt, 383, 41). Dass aus 
Harpokrates ein selbständiger Gott des Schweigens wurde, ist leicht 
so zu erklären, dass die (riechen in jener geheimnisvollen Hand- 
bewegung ein besonders zutreffendes Symbol des Schweigens er- 
blickten, gerade ein solches, dessen sie beduriten, um das unver- 
letzliche Geheimnis der religiösen Mysterien auch durch ein äusse- 
res Merkzeichen anzudeuten ?®. 

Die säugende Isis, deren Bilder, wie gesagt, sowohl in der 
äpvptischen als auch in der phönizischen und griechischen Kunst 
fast unzählig sind, wird bald mit dem Zor-kinde im Arme, bald 
stehend und ihrem vor ihr stehenden Sohne die Brust reichend, 
bald aber auch, ausdrücklich in den ägyptischen Bildwerken, in 
kniender Stellung dargestellt ®. 

Nach dieser lückenhaften Ährenlese, deren Zweck es ist, eini- 
germassen vorbereitend über die Schicksale der Zszs und des Hor- 
kindes auf klassischem Boden zu berichten, brauche ich nur kurz 
der Tatsache zu gedenken, dass die Marmorgruppe aus Sparta an 


' Plutarchus, De Is. et Osir. c. 68: d10 ro orouarı ro» ÖunrvAov Fyeı 
ruoonEluevonv, Eyzuvdias xal oımans Ovußolor. 

? Vgl. Herod. 11. 156, Kern bei Pauly-Wiss. IV. 2. 2742. 

: Vgl. G. Lafaye, Histoire du culte des divinites d’Alexandrie, Scrapis 
Isis Harpocrate et Anubis hors de l’Egypte, Paris 1884. S. 259 ff. 

* Vgl. Lanzone, Diz. di mitologia egiz, tav. 61, 4; p. 372 n:o 9. 


12 Einar HEIKEIL. BXIILs 


sich ein klares und sehr interessantes und wichtiges Denkmal der 
ersten Schicksale der ägyptischen Götter in Griechenland ist. 

Schon Marx seinerzeit machte im Vorbeigehen auf die aller- 
dings im ersten Augenblicke auffallende Ähnlichkeit aufmerksam. 
die der zur rechten Seite der Frau befindliche „Jüngling* mit den 
Bildern des Harpokrates hat. Meiner Ansicht nach haben wir gerade 
in ihm den bis jetzt vielleicht ältesten in Griechenland angetroffe- 
nen Harpokrates, dessen Gestalt noch so viele orientalische Züge 
aufweist, dass man beinahe eher annehmen möchte, er sei als fer- 
tiger Handelsartikel entweder aus Ägypten oder aus Phönizien re- 
kommen, als dass er in Griechenland angefertigt worden wäre. 

In dem oben genannten Verzeichnisse von Milchhoefer hat der 
diese Gruppe erklärende Artikel die unsichere Überschrift: .Kin- 
dernährende Frau?“ Diese Vermutung ist, wie ich glaube, schon 
auf Grund des oben (sesagten jedermann sehr wahrscheinlich «e- 
worden, man kann aber, wenn man das Bild selbst betrachtet. sich 
davon überzeugen, dass der zur linken Seite der Frau stehende 
Knabe eine gerade für jenen Zweck passende Stellung einnimmt. 
Wenn man den noch erhaltenen Arm betrachtet, so wird man er- 
stens leicht gewahr, dass der Hals, weil die Schultermuskel des 
Armes offenbar annähernd der ganzen Länge nach erhalten ist, ge- 
rade dort skizziert sein müsste, wo die Bruchfläche anfängt. und 
zweitens scheint mir die andere Hälfte des Armes gerade gegen die 
Bruchfläche hin eine entsprechende Biegung zu bilden, obgleich sehr 
wenig davon zu sehen ist. ‚Jedenfalls ist meines Erachtens die Stel- 
lung der Hand so, dass der Kopf des Knaben nirgends anders als 
auf der linken Brust der Frau sein konnte. Dadurch wird auch der 
Umstand vorzüglich erklärt, dass beim Zerbrechen der links stehen- 
den Knabenfigur die linke Brust der Frau, deren Lage durch den 
darauf ruhenden Kopf sehr hervorstehend wurde, einem ähnlichen 
Geschick besonders ausgesetzt war. Ausserdem dürfte zu bemerken 
sein, dass der saugende Knabe aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach mehr 
hinter der Frau gestanden hat als die rechts stehende Figur und 
sich, wie Milchhoefer dartut, an die Seite der Frau geschmiegt hat, 
sodass das (Geschlechtsorgan nach links neigend und gegen das linke 
Bein drückend abgebildet war. — ‚Jedermann, der ein saugendes Kind 


BAXIUL;s Die „Marmorgruppe aus Sparta“ und ihre Erklärung. 13 


an der Brust der Mutter gesehen hat, kann aus dem Bilde sehen, 
wie der saugende Knabe auf eine in der Tat natürliche aber im- 
merhin wegen der vielleicht unproportionellen Grösse der Hand 
etwas ungeschickte Weise die instinktiven Bewegungen der Kindes- 
hand nachahmt. 

In dieser kurzen Darstellung haben wir noch einen Umstand 
zu erklären, nämlich wie es möglich ist, dass in dem Bilde das Hor- 
kind — denn dies ist der Name des saugenden Knaben — an der 
Brust seiner Mutter erscheint und zugleich auf der anderen Seite 
jener kleine Junge mit den Fingern auf den Lippen, der der gleich- 
namige Sohn derselben Mutter sein müsste. Die Erklärung dieses 
Umstandes liegt wohl darin, dass, wie die Ägypter ihrerseits ihren 
Gott Hor in viele, hauptsächlich aber in zwei Göttergestalten zer- 
legten, in Hor- den Älteren und Hor- das Kind, so machten später 
vielleicht schon sie selbst, vielleicht die Phönizier. sicher aber je- 
denfalls die Griechen aus dem Zor-kinde einen neuen Gott, einen 
Doppelgänger Harpokrates, der, wie aus dem von uns behandelten 
Bildwerke zu ersehen ist, sogar gleichzeitig mit seinem „Bruder“ 
an der Brust seiner Mutter erschien und jenes herkömmliche, Ge- 
heimnis und Schweigen heischende Zeichen machte, etwa als ob er 
das im Geheimen an der Brust der Mutter heranwachsende Hor- 
kind vor dem Zorne Seths schützen wolle. 

Als einen möglichen Beweis datür, dass Harpokrates und Hor 
in der griechiseh-römischen Welt als verschiedene Götter aufgefasst 
wurden, hat man angeführt, dass ein Mann mit römischem Namen 
aus Neapel, der sich (C. I. Gr. 5793): M. Owıios Naoviog schreibt, 
sagt, dass er Joıdı Asroiiova 200» Aozoxgarnv Schenkt!. Aber 
die Benutzung dieser Inschrift zum genannten Zweck ist vielleicht 
etwas gewagt, weil wir wissen, dass For ganz allgemein und we- 
nigstens in Italien auch Aarpokrates mit dem Sonnengotte Apollo 
identifiziert wurden. 

Das Alter der Marmorgruppe aus Sparta, werden wir aller- 
dings nur in sofern noch mehr beleuchten können, als diese neue 
Erklärung möglicherweise Neues zu jener Frare bietet. Diese 


ı Vgl. Roschers Lex. Harpokrates. 


14 Eınar HEIKEL. BXIIs 


Frage aber, wie auch manche andere, die bei der erschöpienden 
Behandlung dieses sehr interessanten alten Kulturdenkmals entste- 
hen, behalten wir uns. wie es unsere Absicht war, für eine andere 


Besprechung vor. 


Hımmel und Wetter 


Volksglaube und Sprache in Frankreich 
Von 


WALTER O. STRENG 


Vorwort. 


„Denken ist Sprechen und Sprechen ist Denken“. d. h. wie 
alles Denken an sprachlich festgelegte Begriffe gebunden ist, so 
geht auch allem Sprechen, jedem Wort einer Sprache ein (Gedanke, 
eine Vorstellnng und als Ausgangspunkt für beides ein reales Ding, 
eine Sache voraus. 

Jede Sprach- und Wortforschung bedarf daher einer Sachfor- 
schung, eine Forderung, die besonders seit Erscheinen der „Wörter 
und Sachen“ mehrfach mit Nachdruck aufgestellt worden ist. Diese 
Sachforschung gestaltet sich jedoch sehr verschieden je nach der 
Art und Beschaffenheit der zu untersuchenden „Sachen“. Eine ÜUn- 
tersuchung der sprachlichen Ausdrücke für ein Werkzeug z. B. wäre 
unmöglich ohne genaue Feststellung der Natur und Form des zu 
behandelnden Gegenstandes, wozu archäologische Kenntnisse nötig 
sind. Ganz anders aber steht es mit den atmosphärischen Erschei- 
nungen. Hier muss die Sachforschung andere Gebiete des menschli- 
chen Wissens zu Rate ziehen. Ist bei einem Werkzeug in erster 
Linie die Kenntnis seiner tatsächlichen Natur, seiner handgreiflichen 
Beschaffenheit und Wirkung, für die Sprachforschung das wichtigste 
und kommt hier erst in zweiter Linie die Vorstellung, die das Volk 
von dem betretfenden Werkzeug gehabt hat, als massgebendes Mo- 
ment bei der sprachlichen Bezeichnung des Begriffes hinzu, was 
meines Erachtens allzu wenig betont worden ist, so tritt bei den 
atmosphärischen Erscheinungen das erstere Moment ganz zurück, 


2 W. O0. STREnG, Himmel u. Wetter. 


BAIIL: 


um dem letzteren, der Vorstellung in Geist und Phantasie des Vol- 
kes, den Platz einzuräumen. Ein Werkzeug, das im täglichen Ge- 
brauch des Volkes ist, muss ihnı seiner ganzen Natur nach durchaus 
bekannt sein, und die Namen, die es diesem Werkzeug gibt, hängen 
deshalb meist mit der wahren Natur und wirklichen Beschaffenheit 
desselben eng. zusammen. Höchstens kann ein Werkzeug in der 
Phantasie des Volkes mit einem ihm ähnlichen oder ähnlich ge- 
brauchten Gegenstande verglichen werden; immerlin steht da der 
Name nicht weit von den Begriffe selbst. 

Die atmosphärischen Erscheinungen hingegen stehen ihrem 
wirklichen Wesen nach dem Volke im allgemeinen fern. Das ganze 
Weltall betrachtet der ungebildete Bauer aus dem Gesichtswinkel 
seines Dorfes. Der Himmel ist ihm viel zu hoch, Sonne, Mond und 
Sterne sind ihm viel zu weit, um in ihm eine bestimmtere Idee von 
der wahren Beschaffenheit dieser Erscheinungen zu erwecken. Er 
Keunt sie nur, insofern sie auf die Phantasie seiner Vorfahren und 
auf seine eigene eingewirkt haben. Dem unwissenden Landmann 
bedeutet das Toben der Elemente ein Spiel von Geistern, ') ihm sind 
die Sterne am Himmel Seelen, die herabschauen, und den stillen Be- 
geu, der die trockene Erde befeuchtet, hält er für Segenstropfen aus 
dem Paradies. Ihm ist es einerlei, wie z. B. der Regenbogen entsteht 
und was der Blitz in der Tat ist; er bewundert oder fürchtet sie 
und schreibt sie einem Gott und seinen vielen Heiligen zu. Der 
wahre, tatsächliche Sachverhalt der Erscheinungen kümmert ihn ve- 
nig, er erklärt sie auf seine eigene Weise und benennt sie danach. 

Will man alle diese Beneunungen kennen lernen, müssen vor 
allem die Phantasievorstellungen, die das Volk seit alters von die- 
sen Erscheinungen gehabt hat, untersucht werden, kurz, die volks- 
kundlichen Mitteilungen. | 


!) „Tous les grands phenomenes de la nature, pestes et contagions, ton- 
nerre, mcteors, arc-en ciel, ouragans mäme etaient consideres par ce monde 
ignorant comme jeux des puissances celestes, ou des d&emons, agents my- 
sterieux mal definis, mais & la merci desquels la pauvre humanite etait 
livree par la voloute du bon Dieu“ (Perron: „Broye-les-Pesmes. Histoire, 
statistique, langage* in Me&m. de la Societe d’Emulation du Doubs, 1883, pp. 
384, 385). 


BXII« Vorwort. 3 


Ein beträchtlicher Teil der folgenden Untersuchungen wird 
sich also mit dem zu beschäftigen haben, was .auf die eine oder 
andere Art mit dem Volksglauben in Verbindung steht. Trotzdem 
spotten viele, ja die meisten Benennungen, einer genügenden Er: 
klärung. Und warum? Ich glaube, die Hauptschwierigkeit rührt 
eben von der Natur der betreffenden Begrifte selbst her. 

Betrachtet man die Benennungen eines sinnlich leicht wahr- 
nehmbaren Gegenstandes, eines Werkzeugs, so sind die meisten 
aus der handgreiflichen Natur desselben leicht abzuleiten. Wie 
anders liegt die Sache bei einem Begriffe wie dem der Wolke z. B., 
die alle möglichen Formen, Farben und Grössen hat und dazu weit 
entfernt ist. Welche Fülle von Anregungen für die Phantasie, und 
wie schwer ist es, den mannigfaltigen Anlass und Grund zu diesen 
Anregungen zu finden! 

Das Volk ist „le grand faiseur de metaphores“, wie es in der 
Einleitung zu Robins, Prevosts Dietionnaire du pat. norm. heisst. 
„Formation indigene et cr&ation metaphorique, c’est la apres le la- 
tin la source capitale du lexique patois“ (Sainean: Etymologies 
lyonnaises in Revue de philologie francaise et de litt. 22. 1908. p. 
139), diese Worte gelten in besonders hohem Grade von den Benen- 
nungen der atmosphärischen Erscheinungen. Die volkstümlichen 
Metaphern sind hier zahlreich und oft überaus zutreffend und ver- 
raten scharfes Beobachtungsvermögen. Manchmal sind sie voll geist- 
reichen Humors und erheben sich bisweilen zu poetischem Fluge. 
Leider aber, wie Sain&an seine obigen Reflexionen fortsetzt, „cette 
mine inepuisable, avec ses nombreaux filons qu’on rencontre & tou- 
tes les avenues du domaine linguistique est restee jusqu’ici & peu 
pres inexplor&ee“ und manches treffende Bild geht dem Verständnis 
verloren. Jedoch ist es mir im Laufe der Arbeit klar geworden, 
dass manche Schwierigheiten sich durch die Behandlung der ganzen 
Gruppe von Nebenbegriffen gelöst haben. Wenn es auch infolge 
dessen wegen der Weitläufigkeit des zubehandelnden Gebietes bis- 
weilen der Behandlung an Gründlichkeit gebricht, was durch eine 
eingehendere Untersuchung eines einzelnen Begriffes zu vermeiden 
gewesen wäre, so hat das Heranziehen von Nebenbegriffen und ein 


4 W. 0. STREnG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIII.: 


Vergleich mit der Bezeichnungsweise derselben einen beträchtlichen 
Teil meiner glücklichsten Deutungen ermöglicht, die sonst unerklär- 
bar geblieben wären.) 

Zuletzt etwas über die Anordnung der behandelten Begriffe. 
Indem ich immer von der Vorstellung des Volkes ausgebe, trenne 
ich z. B. Gestirne und Regenbogen nicht, sondern gebe in dem er- 
sten Abschnitt „Erscheinungen am Himmel“ alles, was man am Him- 
mel sieht, also Wolken, Blitz u. ä., um dann unter dem zweiten 
Abschnitt „Wettererscheinungen“ die anderen gewöhnlichen meteoro- 
logischen Erscheinungen zu behandeln. 

Bevor ich nun zur Veröffentlichung vorliegender Studie schreite. 
will ich hiermit folgenden Herren Romanisten meinen tiefempfunde- 
nen Dank aussprechen: Herrn Prof. A. Zauner, der mich zu dieser 
Arbeit angeleitet hat, Herrn Hofrat Prof. Meyer-Lübke und Herrn 
Prof. E. Tappolet, die mich bei Beginn der Arbeit mit Rat und 
Tat freundlich unterstützt haben, Prof. Tappolet ausserdem durch 
die liebenswürdige Überlassung seiner ungedruckten Materialien 
zu Glossaire des patois de la Suisse romande, meinen Freunden, D:r 
OÖ. J. Tallgren, der mir manchen wertvollen Rat gegeben hat, und 
Herrn Oscar (Greiner, der mir bei der Korrektur behilflich gewe- 
sen ist. 


Turku (Abo), Finland. 


WALTER OÖ. STRENG. 


I. Erscheinungen am Himmel. 


Himmel. 


Wenn man wohl kaum aus der geringen Zahl der volkssprach- 
lichen Benennungen auf den geringen (sebrauch des betreffenden 
Begriffes im Volksmunde direkt schliessen darf, so möchte man doch 
geneigt sein, dem Himmel als dem oberen Weltraum, dem gewölbten 
„Sitz der Gestirne“* einen verhältnismässig kleinen Platz in der 
Phantasie des Volkes in Frankreich einzuräumen. Wenn das Volk 
seine Wetterbeobachtungen macht, geschieht es selten mit direktem 
Bezug auf den Himmel, vielmehr werden gewöhnlich dann die Sterne, 
die Sonne, ihr Auf- und Untergang und die Wolken berücksichtigt. 
Doch kommen auch Fälle vor, wo man einer ausserordentlichen 
Farbe des Himmels gewisse Bedeutung hinsichtlich der Wetter- 
voraussage beigemessen hat. So z. B. bedeutet ein feuerroter Him- 
mel oft schönes Wetter oder Gewitter (Sebillot, L&xendes de la mer 
II., p. 14), oder wenn der Himmel abends im Osten rot ist, so deu- 
tet dies in Baug&e auf kaltes Wetter, wenn er im Westen rot ist, 
auf Regen (Rev. des trad. pop. XX. p. 426). Ein schwarzer Him- 
mel bedeutet gewöhnlich schlechtes Wetter; deshalb sagen die See- 
leute: „Le ciel est noir comme le chapeau du commissaire: il va 
pleuvoir du gondron ou de l’encre“ (ibd. p. 15). Wenn der Himmel 
grau ist, sagen sie: „Le temps est au conseil“, vielleicht weil er 
gewissermassen noch unschlüssig ist. Der Himmel erscheint dem 


6 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIL: 


m mm nn en 122 mm ts LH m 


Volke gewöhnlich zu unbestimmt und zu vage: ein unendliches, ur- 
altes Blau. Diese Farbe ist für den Himmel charakteristisch. Wenn 
die Wolken, die den Himmel bedeckten, sich plötzlich trennen und 
ein Stückchen Blau sich zeigt, sieht man den „alten Himmel“ („le 
vieux ciel“) wieder. Ist der „alte Himmel“ sehr klein, sagt man an 
der Küste von la Manche: er ist so gross wie „la culotte d’un gen- 
darme* (Sebillot, L&gendes, croyances et superstitions de la mer. 
I., p. 15). Im frz. Belgien spricht man von einem Stückchen blauen 
Himmels, das gross genug ist „pour faire un manteau A la Sainte 
Vierge et des bas & l’enfant Jesus“, (Rev. des trad. pop. XVIII, p. 
373). Was die religiösen Vorstellungen vom Himmel anbelangt, so 
scheint in einigen Gegenden das Paradies in den Himmel versetzt 
zu sein. Man hat da nämlich Himmel mit Paradies identifiziert. So 
z. B. in einigen Gegenden von Anjou, wo die Kinder beim Reigen 
singen: 

„Mouille. mouille, paradis, 

tout le monde est a l’abri“ 


(Verr.-On., II. Folklore. p. 405). 


Sonst verlegen die volkskundlichen Mitteilungen Frankreichs 
das Paradies mit Gott und den Engeln oberhalb des Himmels. Nach 
einem bretonischen Volksglauben z. B. ınuss man drei Wolkenschich- 
ten, eine schwarze, eine graue und eine schneeweisse, durchschrei- 
ten. um ins Paradies zu gelangen (Le Braz: La l&gende de la Mort 
en Basse-Bretagne, t. II., pp. 378—79), und man glaubt, dass die 
Seelen von dort oben auf die Erde herabblicken können. Auch stellt 
man sich gern vor, dass bei einem Gewitter ein plötzlich erschei- 
nender blauer Punkt zwischen den Wolken, z. B. wenn der Blitz 
diese zerreisst, gleichsam ein Fenster sei, durch das man einen Ein- 
blick in Gottes Himmel bekommen könne. 

Der Himmel hat im Volksglauben Frankreichs dann und wanu 
die Form einer grossen Glocke oder eines Kessels, an dessen Wöl- 
bung die Sterne wie Diamanten geklebt sind. Auf die erstere Form 
deutet der Name la capo dou souleu, was Mistral in seinem Wörter- 
buch mit „la voüte celeste“* übersetzt. Auch in Mistrals Mireio 


B<XIII.« | Himmel. 7 


findet sich capo (eigentlich „manteau“* aus lat. cappa) in dieser 
Bedeutung: La bluio capo souleianto s’espandissie, founso, brihantn 
(Mireio X. 64). Unter dem runden Himmelskessel vollziehen Sonne 
und Mond, die ein unsichtbarer Alechanismus oder mächtige, über- 
natürliche Geister in Bewegung setzen, ihre Bahnen oberhalb der 
stillestehenden Erde. An der Küste von Finistere denkt man sich 
den Himmel, wie die Erde, mit Gras und Wald bedeckt; das Adjek- 
tiv glaz bedeutet da sowohl das Blau des Himmels wie das Grün 
der Wiese. In diesem Volksglauben sind die Sterne eine weidende 
Herde (Revue des Trad. pop. t. XVII, p. 585), vgl. unter den Ster- 
nen unten. 

Merkwürdigerweise verdankt der Himmel selten seinen Natrer 
den Sternen. vgl. lat. „ad szdera ferre“, „ad sidera missus“, „sideri- 
bus regnare* (Georges). Im Süden habe ich nur ein estelan bei 
Mistral und ganz im Norden, in Namur, stoelö (stoeleE &toile) und 
aıstree bei Pirsoul (Diet. wall. fr.) belegt gefunden, das erstere aus- 
serdem „tres peu usite“. 

Neben dem schriftsprachlichen ei mit dessen mundartlichen 
Varianten kommt vereinzelt ar (uer Luftschicht, Atmosphäre) für 
Himmel vor (Jaubert: Gloss. du centre de la France), auch er (Hor- 
ning, Zur wallon. Lautlehre, Z. f. rom. Ph. 1888) und air-do-tomps 
für „ciel, firmament“ : „o chet de l’aive de Fair-do-tomps“ für „il 
tombe de l’eau du ciel* (Lalanne, vgl. unter feınps). Hier muss wohl 
die Bedeutungsentwickelung über „Witterung“, ähnlich wie bei feınps. 
vor sich gegangen sein '), welches Wort in vielen Gegenden cıel in 
der Bedeutung „Himmel“ verdrängt hat.?2) Zwar hat man schon 
dem lat. tempus die Bedeutung „Himmel“ zuzuschreiben versucht 
(so z. B. Verrier-On. in seinem Wörterbuch unter Bezugnahme auf 
die bekannten Worte des Ovid: „Tempora si fuerint nubila, solus 
eris“, zu geschweigen von den Versuchen, wo das Wort mit temp- 


!) Vgl. die Bedeutung von temps im Satze: Les hirondelles volent bas, 
nous aurons du temps (nous aurons de la pluie ou de l’orage) bei Humbert. 

2) „En Champagne, le mot „ciel* est rarement employe, on dit plutöt 
le „temps“ (Rev. des trad, pop. XVIII. p. 429). 


8 W. 0. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXlil« 


lum zusammengestellt wird), aber überzeugend sind diese Erklä- 
rungen nicht. Um den Gebrauch des temps für „Himmel“ in der 
Volkssprache zu erklären, braucht man auch gar nicht diese Beden- 
tung schon im Lateinischen vorauszusetzen. Dieser Gebrauch kann 
auch sehr leicht aus solchen Verbindungen entstanden sein, wie z. 
B. „le temps est pluvieux, couvert“ in der Bedeutung: die Zeit, die 
Luft, das Wetter ist regnerisch. trübe. So wie man „il fait beau 
temps“ und „le temps est beau“ sagte und meinte, das Wetter sei 
schön, ebenso übertrug man die Schönheit des Wetters auf den gleich 
schönen Himmel und sagte, dieser sei schön; zunächst bei Eigen- 
schaften, die ebenso gut auf das Wetter wie auf den Himmel passten, 
und dann auch bei anderen. Vielleicht liegt dieser Übertragung die 
Vorliebe des Volkes für alles mehr sinnlich Wahrnehmbare, die Vor- 
liebe für das Bildliche zugrunde: die Luft, das Wetter ist schwerer 
zu verbildlichen als der grosse Himmels„kessel“ droben. Wie reich 
an Metaphern das Volk eben bei diesem Begriff ist, mögen folgende 
Ausdrücke veranschaulichen. Dabei ist zu bemerken, dass die be- 
gritfliche Grenze zwischen Wetter und Himmel oft sehr undeutlich 
ist, was ja eben den betreffenden Übergang erleichtert. Zuerst ei- 
nige Ausdrücke, bei denen die Grundbedeutung „Witterung“ deut- 
lich zu sein scheint: die auch in der Schriftsprache vorkommenden 
„temps de chien“, „temps de demotiselle“ (das eine so schlechtes Wet- 
ter, wie es nur Hunde auszuhalten vermögen, das andere ein Wet- 
ter unbestimmten Charakters, wobei es weder regnet, noch windig. 
noch sonnig ist), temps malade „t. lourd, orageux* (Verr.-On.). un 
teınps solide „qui est de duree*“ (Humbert), lou tens es mouel „le 
temps est humide* (Chabrand-de Rochas), le temps est noye „quand 
il pleut et que cela semble devoir continuer“ (Lecomte), un riche 
temps „qui häte et favorise la vegetation, celui qui est propre & 
combler les voeux du laboureur et & l’enrichir* (Humbert), äbnlich 
wie un l&ms d’or „un temps favorable aux r&coltes* (Mstrl.), mechanf 
temps!) (oppose de bzd-temps „beau temps“) „temps de pluie“ (The- 


!) Umauräs temps bedeutet in Morvan „l'hiver“. „Le printemps, l’ete, 
l'automne sont pour nous des expressions poetiques dont nous n’avons guere 


- 


B XIllu Himmel, 9 


venin). Vielleicht eine Mittelstufe zwischen „Witterung“ und „Him- 
mel“ stellt der Gebrauch des Wortes temps in folgenden Ausdrücken 
dar: „Le temps se met au vert“, c.-A-d. a la pluie (Thibault), eine 
Redensart, die wohl dadurch entstanden ist, dass der Regen für 
das Spriessen des Grüns notwendig ist (hiermit vergleiche man eine 
ähnliche Ausdrucksweise für Regen aus der Normandie: „Il tombe 
du beurre „quand la pluie fait pousser l’herbe“, Robin, Prevost etec.), 
ta bi „ciel couvert de nuages gris“ (Edmont), le temps gras „ciel 
charge de nuages* und le temps s’engraisse „le ciel se charge de 
nuages* (Jaubert, Moisy etc.) lou tön s’iepureue „le temps s’&pure, 
s’eclaircisse* (Vautherin), le temps s’essuie in der Bedeutung „la 
pluie va cesser“ (Humbert). Am deutlichsten zeigt sich die Verwen- 
dung des Wortes in der Bedeutung „Himmel* in folgenden Fällen: 
el tä& d’ön pyes, d. h. wenn der‘ Himmel wie „aus einem Stück“ 
ist, entweder ganz bewölkt oder wolkenlos (Edmont), oder in „les 
etoiles brillent au temps“; „le temps est bas; charge“ (Verrier-On.); 
„le temps est 6toile“; „il ya des fumees dans le Zcemps“, oder wenn 
von dem „feu du temps“ in der Bed. von „le feu du ciel“, „la foudre“ 
gesprochen wird (de Chambure); „il y a des nuages dans le temps, 
de la grele dans le temps“; „il y a ce soir beaucoup d’etoiles au 
temps, dans le temps“ (Jaubert, Centre) „Gna poin d’etwel ö tan“ 
(Richenet); „oiseau bleu, cowleur du temps, viens a moi promtement“ 
(Chansons, Contes de fees bei Jaubert, Gloss. du centre); temps estela, 
t. esperluca (ex-perlucare dessiller les yeux; p. p. resplendissant 
d’etoiles. Mireio, VIII. 105), Für dieselbe Verwendung sprechen 
auch: „mouiller & plein temps“ für „pleuvoir a verse“ (Verrier-On.); 
le temps va se deboucher“ für „il va pleuvoir* (Choussy) und fol- 
gende eigentümliche Redensart aus dem Jura: „une vieille fee court 
par le temps“, womit man meint, dass eine alte Fee Ende März 
oder Anfang April — eine Zeit, die in der Gegend des Jura wegen 


besoin. L’annee se divise seulement en deux parties: la saion (saison) et 
l'mauväs temps. Le bon temps et la saion sont synonymes“. (De Chambure). 
Auch im Vulgärlat. kommt die Zweiteilung des Jahres vor: satio aestivatica 
und satto hibernatica. 


10 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. B XIIl. 


nn ln 


häufig eintretenden Frostes für die Bodenprodukte verhängnisvoll zu 
sein pflegt — über den Himmel läuft und Reif auf die Erde fallen 
lässt (Rev. des trad. pop. XIV. p. 179). Vgl. auch: „l’oiseau s’est 
envolei jusqu’au temps“ (Grosjean et Briot) und andere Beisp. weiter 
unten. | 

Wenn der Himmel sich aufklärt, sagt man bald, dass er „sich 
erweitert“: relarg& (Calvino, Mstrl.), bald, dass er „sich öffnet“: 
s’epenik (s’Epanouit) (Ledieu), bald wieder, dass er „sich glatt macht“: 
lou t&ms s’espeio (von ex + pilum Haar, Mstrl.) oder el tä s’de- 
barbüt („le temps se debarbouille“ bei Edmont), bald, dass er „sich 
erhebt“: lou items s’enausso (in-altiare = hausser), lou tems s’au- 
bouro (arborare, arbor Baum), beide Ausdrücke bei Mstrl. belegt. 
oder: 2 s’elev (l’tan) bei Richenet, bald endlich, dass er „rot wird“: 
lou tem ses escorlota (fr. Ecarlate rot) „pour dire que les nuages ont 
disparu* („L’ecarlate dut paraitre bien brillante & nos peres et ils 
pourraient bien avoir exprim& par ce mot ce qui frappait leur vue 
agr&ablement“. Beronie. Einem Ausdruck „le temps s’epare“ 
(Puichaud) für „le ciel s’eclaircie* liegt vielleicht die Vorstellung 
von „Wetterleuchten“* zugrunde (vgl. d. W. epar unter „Wetter- 
leuchten* und 2 epare für „il fait des &eclairs“ in Anjou, n. Ver- 
rier-On.) In Unter-Wallis kommt ein Ausdruck s’ebidä für „s’eclair- 
cir“ bei temps „Himmel“ vor, ein Wort, das von Fankhauser in 
Rev. de dial. rom. 1910. I-I ?/, auf ein bida „trou & une porte, 
entree de la poche des robes de femme“ zurückgeführt wird und 
wahrscheinlich dasselbe Wort ist, wie das von F. in Troistorrents 
belegte le beyde „trous de bleu dans le ciel gris“. Somit läge hier 
ein Ausdruck vor, der mit einem le cel trauco „der Himmel Öffnet 
sich* „les nuages forment un trou par lequel on peut apercevoir le 
bleu de la voüte ce&leste* in Haute-Garonne (Rev. des trad. pop.. 
XVII. p. 425) vergleichbar wäre und mit dem obenerwähnten „al- 
ten Himmel* (Je vieux ciel) eng zusanımenhängt. 

Auch für den bewölkten Himmel hat man eine ganze Menge 
volkssprachlicher Ausdrücke je nach Art und Ausdehnung der Wol- 
ken. Von der Redensart: der Himmel ist „aus einem Stück“, wenn 
er völlig mit Wolken überzogen ist, ist schon die Rede gewesen. 


BXIlI.u Himmel. 11 


Weun man keine einzelnen Wolken unterscheiden kann, sondern der 
ganze Himmel gleichmässig bewölkt ist, „glättet“, „poliert“ sich der 
Himmel: le temps s’aipoulit (d + polir) „le ciel prend une teinte uni- 
forme & l’Epoque des grandes pluies d’automne* (de Ühambure). 

Wenn der Himmel nur zum Teil bewölkt ist, drückt man sich 
verschieden aus, je nachdem die Wolken sich vereinzelt oder in 
ganzen Haufen zeigen. Im ersteren Falle ruft die Formation der 
einzelnen Wolken verschiedene Ausdrücke hervor. Wenn die Wol- 
ken wie Streifen, stratusartig, erscheinen, sagt man sowohl im Nor- 
den als im Süden Frankreichs, dass der Himmel sich mit „Stangen“ 
überzieht: s’embarrer (barre „nuage en forme de barre*: ?’ no des 
barres & che temps, au soleil, was als Zeichen eines herannahenden 
Regens zu betrachten ist, Ledieu); el ta d & büre und s’bür& „se 
charger de bär“ (Edmont); lou tems s’embarro (Mstrl.), vel. unter 
„Wolke*. | 

Sind die Wolken dagegen cumulusförmig, spricht man von 
einem Himmel, der mit runden „apfelförmigen* Wolken bedeckt ist 
(un ciel pommele'!) oder ven einem Himmel voller Schafe, einem 
„Schäfchen*bimmel („ciel moutonneux“ ?), und sagt, dass er sich 
„wollig“ macht: „le ciel se moutonne*, [(mouton bedeutet in der 
(Gegend von Metz direkt „nuage en forme de cumulus“. Lorrain; 
dasselbe W. für „nuage“ auch bekannt in der Schweiz (Genf u. 
Waadtland), wo ausserdem (Berner Jura) ein berbijat „kleine Läm- 
mer“ für Cirruswolken belegt ist (Materialien zu (zloss. des pat. d.|. 
Suisse rom.). Auch in Haute-Bretagne nennt man die weissen Cu- 
muluswolken „moutons“ oder „balles de coton“ 3), und man sagt: „les 


!) „Grüner Apfel“, la pomme verte, heisst eine Wolkenmasse in den Ar- 
dennen, nach der man 48 Stunden vorher mit Bestimmtheit vorauszusagen 
vermeint, ob cs Regen gibt oder nicht: „suivant son parcours dans le ciel 
il fera beau ou il pleuvra pendant 15 jours“ (Meyrac, T'rad., coutumes, le- 
gendes-et contes des Ardennes, p. 180). 

2) „Kälber“ nennt man die Wolken in Schleswig-Holstein, wo man von 
„Wetterkalwer, spricht, die, wenn die Luft nicht recht klar ist, vor den 
Augen „herumzugaukeln scheinen“. (Volkstümliche Findlinge aus Schleswig- 
Holstein in „Am TU'rquell* Bd. III, Heft IV). 

°) In Südfrankreich auch balo de lano (Piat). 


12 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIL 


moutons montent en hergerie* (Sebillot, Legendes, croyances et su- 
perstitions de la mer II. p. 12) (vgl. ital. „cielo pecorelo“ in Vene- 
dig). Auch sagt man: „le ciel se matonne (Ledieu) und ciel matonne 
(Moisy), wobei wobl eine ähnliche Vorstellung dem Volke vorge- 
schwebt haben dürfte. Eigentlich liegt hier das deutsche matte 
„geronnene Milch“ und norm. matte, oder vielmehr ein verkürztes 
mat in derselben Bedeutung, zugrunde, wovon z. B. norm. matons 
„grumeaux de lait caill&* (Moisy). Doch mag sowohl formell wie 
begrifflich eine Verwechselung der beiden Wörter naton und mou- 
ton in diesem Zusammenhang stattgefunden haben, was um so leich- 
ter geschehen konnte, als maton auch in der Bedeutung „partie de 
la laine echappee & la carde et rest6e au peloton“ vorkommt (HDT.). 

Vielleicht liegt ein, wenn auch nicht äbnliches, so doch nicht 
ganz fernes Bild auch folgendem Ausdruck zugrunde. In Savoyen 
sagt man : E s’eraznö su Eneei in der Bedeutung: „(le ciel) se couvre 
du cöte d’Annecy“* (Const.-Desorm.) Hier liegt nach Ü.-D. ein Wort 
razon vor, das wohl dasselbe ist wie ein anderes von ihm belegte 
Wort: rason „nuage allong& et peu &pais“. Ich wäre geneigt, die- 
ses rason mit dem im Süden gewöhnlichen Ausdruck „lou tems es 
ben ras“ (Mstrl.) in Verbindung zu setzen, wo also von einem be- 
wölkten Himmel die Rede ist. Somit wäre hier von einem „kurzge- 
schnittenen* Himmel oder von einem Himmel mit „kurzwolligen“ 
Wolken die Rede. 

Auch sagt man: der Himmel bedeckt sich mit „Bündeln“: 
Lyonn. o bottille „le ciel se couvre“, wo ein bottilliü (> botta „Bün- 
del“ + Suff. -Aht = frz. -Uller) nach Puitspelu zugrunde läge. 

Bei Mstrl. kommt für „le temps se couvre* ein: lou I&ms s’em- 
boutiho (s’emboutilho) vor, was dem ebengenannten Ausdruck, was 
die Form des Verbums betrifft, nahe kommt (vgl. sembarro und 
barro). 

Der Himmel bedeckt sich bisweilen mit „Blumen“. Dies findet 
statt, wenn man es am Himmel wetterleuchten sieht, so im Picard.: & 
ta y fleri „der Himmel blüht“ (Edmont). Auch spricht man daselbst 
von „Gewitterblumen“: fler d’öraj “petits nuages orageux qui ten- 
dent & s’agglomerer* (Edmont) oder fleur d’hernu „nuages precur- 


BXIll,s . Himmel. 13 


seurs d’un orage“ (Ledieu), über hernu als „Gewitter“ siehe (söhri, 
Blitz u. Donner, S. 50 u. 51. 

Wenn der Himmel sich mit ganz leichten, feinen Wolken be- 
deckt, kommt es dem Volke vor, als sähe es ihn mit einem „Spinn- 
gewebe“ oder „Netz“ überzogen; dann heisst es: le tE s’arane, wo 
ein ar „leger nuage ressemblant & une toile d’araignee* (Odin) 
zugrunde liegt (aran, eran, aragno, iragno bei Mstrl. < lat. ara- 
neum, eigentl. textum araneum „Spinngewebe“; Levy: aranhı, 
eranh „Netz“), vgl. auch aranye für „nuages en forme de cirrus“ 
in Waadtland (Mater. zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.), rantelo!) 
„leger nuage“ in Südfrankreich (Piat) und cel rantelad in Haute- 
Garonne (Revue des trad. pop. XVII. pp. 425 — 426). 

Ohne die einzelnen Wolken zu berücksichtigen, sagt man in 
der Schriftsprache vom Himniel, er sei „bedeckt“ oder „verschleiert“: 
couvert, voile. 

Diese „Bedecktheit“ liegt wahrscheinlich folgenden Ausdrücken 
zugrunde, bei denen ausserdem oft an eine Personifizieruug des Him- 
mels gedacht worden sein dürfte. So sagt man z. B.: „der Himmel 
bedeckt sich mit einem Käppchen“: le temps se calotte (Verrier-On.). 
Bildlich wird auch von dem „Käppchen des Himmels“ gesprochen: 
la calotte des cieux (HDT.), vgl. auch capo dou souleu S. 6. Bald 
versteckt sich der alte, blaue Himmel vollständig, er „zieht sich in 
seine Hütte zurück“: lou tems s’encabano (in *capannare<{ ca- 
panna) oder er verschwindet wie „in einen grossen Ledersack“: 
lou tems s’embourso (bursa). 

Die Personifizierung des Himmels geht aber noch weiter. So- 
wie man auch im Lat. den Himmel in gewissen Beziehungen mit 
Gott oder einer Gottheit überhaupt identifiziert. d. h. diesen Begriff 
für jenen nimmt und z. B. anstatt unter freiem Himmel: sub caelo 
„unter Gott“, „unter Jupiter“: sub divo, sub Jove (Cic., Verg., Nep.u.A.) 
sagt, so ist es auch leichtverständlich, wenn man in französischen 
Mundarten dem Himmel Tätigkeiten und Eigenschaften zumutet, die 


ı) vgl. afrz. arantele „toile d’araignee“ (Gdfr., u. Cohn, Suffixwandlun- 
sen, 8. 218. 


14 W. O. STREnG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIL,« 


eigentlich einem Gott oder den im Himmel waltenden Geistern zu- 
kommen. So kann man z. B. in der Picardie hören, dass der Him- 
mel, wenn er sich bewölkt, „sich grämt“: vlo le temps qui se cha- 
grinne (Ledieu);. „le temps se chagrine“ (Robin, Prevost, Diet. du 
pat. norm.) oder dass er „sich blind macht“ (?) in Ille-et-Vilaine, wo 
se bögner sowohl für „se couvrir les yeux“ als für „se couvrir de 
nuages, en parlant du ciel“ gesagt wird (Lecomte), vgl. borgne und 
niola borgno unter „Nebel“. Auch sagt man, dass der Himmel 
„Fratzen schneidet und schmollt“: lou !&ms s’engimerris (s’engimerris 
< s’engimerra „se rechigner“ Mstrl. Mireio) oder dass er „ver- 
driesslich wird“, wenn er mit Regen droht: el temps se rengrinne 
(„se renyrigner se dit du ciel lorsque il s’assombrit“, Ledieu, Mono- 
graphie d’un bourg pic.; altfrz. grigner „attrister, refl. s’assombrir, 
se mettre en colere“, Norm. grigner „etre maussade“). Ein ganz 
gewöhnliches Bild ist, dass der Himmel „sich erzürnt“ („le temps se 
courrouce*), so: lou t&ms s’enmalicio (in *malitiare, malitia > 
malice) bei Mstrl. | 

Zu dieser Gruppe gehört auch der bei Mstrl. für den „zür- 
nenden Himmel“ belegte Ausdruck: low teins Sencayno (s’encayno 
höchstwahrscheinlich von cagno „Hündin“ abzuleiten; vgl. „Hunde- 
wetter“ !) und „Hundesuppe* für .„Regen“ unten; der Ausdruck 
wäre also so zu verstehen, dass der Himmel zomig wird wie ein 
böser Hund). z— | 

Der Himmel ist „schlechter Laune“: le temps est en humeur 
sagt man in Bourbon, wenn es blitzt und donnert (Choussy). 


') „Hundetage“, „jours au chien* nennt man in Franche-Comte die 
ersten Tage des Juli, wo man weder sich waschen noch in den Kartoffel- 
und Maisfeldern arbeiten darf (Rev. des trad. pop. XIV. 443). 


BXIII. Die Sonne. 15 


sonne. 


Nach dem Volksglauben in einigen Teilen Frankreichs ist die 
Sonne das Werk Gottes, wogegen der Mond voın Teufel erschaffen 
ist '), ein Glaube, der sich wahrscheinlich darauf gründet, dass der 
Mond weniger hell ist und ia der Nacht leuchtet. Diese Vorstel- 
lung kommt besonders in Haute-Bretagne vor. Viel verbreiteter ist 
jedoch die Ansicht, dass beide Himmelskörper von Gott erschaffen 
sind und dass der Mond anfangs auch eine Sonne mit demselben 
(lanz wie das Tagesgestirn gewesen sei,’ dass er aber entweder sich 
abgenutzt habe, wie es sich die Bauern z. B. in Rouergue vorstel- 
len (Revue des langues rom. 1883, p. 190—191), oder dass er nur 
seine „Perücke“, d. h. die Strahlen verloren habe (ebenda p. 191, 
note), wie das Volk in Nimes glaubt. Schon seit grauen Zeiten 
haben die Völker der Sonne, wie auch anderen grossen Naturerschei- 
nungen, menschliche Gestalt beigelegt. Stellten sich doch die Grie- 
chen die Sonne als den schönen Titanen Helios vor, der mit seinem 
feurigen Viergespann ?) im östlichen Okeanos seine Fahrt über den 
Himmel beginnt und abends in den westlichen Okeanos hinabtaucht, 
um schlafend in goldenem Nachen zu seinem Ausgangspunkt zu- 
rückzufahren. Auch später, in neugriechischer Tradition, wird He- 
lios als ein riesenhaftes Wesen, in Rumänien und nach serbischen 


ı) „Dicu a fait la terre, le diable a fait l’eau pour la noyer, 
Dieu a fait le soleil, le diable a fait la lune, 
Dieu a fait la pluie, le diable a fait la gröle, 
Dieu a fait le vent, le diable a fait la tempäte.“ 
(R d. Trad. pop. I, p. 203). 


In Rumänien hat das Volk die Vorstellung, dass die Sonne Gottes 
Stern ist, während der Mond der heiligen Jungfrau und die Planeten den 
grossen Männern: Weisen, Kaisern u. a. gehören (R. d. trad. pop. XV, p. 3). 


?) Das Viergespann der Sonne kommt auch später noch hier und da 
im Volksglauben vor, so z, B. in Volksliedern aus Livorno, wo es heisst: 
„Sole, sole vieni con quattro caval neri, con quattro caval bianchi, Sole, sole 
vieni avanti“. (Rev. des trad. pop. 1887. p, 541). 


16 W. OÖ. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIN. 


Volkssagen als ein riesiger „Vielfrass* vorgestellt !) („Les geants et 
les nains, d’apres les traditions roumaines et balkaniques“ in R. d. 
trad. pop. XVI, 1901, p. 295). In Frankreich stellen bisweilen im 
Volksglauben Sonne und Mond Eheleute vor: die Sonne ist der Mann. 
der Mond das Weib. So heisst es in einem merkwürdigen Werke 
eines Astrologen Mizauld de Montlucon „Secrets de la lune“, vom 
Jahre 1581, der Mond sei nichts anderes als „l’&pouse du soleil“, 
„la poule argentee du coq dore“. „Mann und Weib“ sind diese 
Himmelskörper noch in Limousin und im belgischen Luxemburg. Die 
Sonne sollte anfangs nur vormittags scheinen, der Mond hingegen 
nachmittags. Als aber dieser später schon früher zu scheinen an- 
fing, beklagte sich jene bei Gott, und es wurde bestimmt, dass der 
Mond von da an nur in der Nacht scheinen dürfe (R. d. trad. pop. 
XVII, p. 8340 und 590—591). 

Auf eine Personifizierung der Sonne seitens des Volkes deutet 
auch das Vorkommen mehrerer Beinamen hin, die eigentlich einem 
Manne zukommen. So z. B. nennt man die Sonne in einigen Ge- 
genden der Schweiz „Jean Rousset*: d3@ rose (Odin). In Manche 
heisst sie „Pol“: V’la Pol quı se l&ve (Sebillot, Legendes de la Mer. 
II, p. 39), in der Dauphine „Monsieur Durand“, in der Picardie „Colin* 
(R. d. trad. pop. VI, p. 334 u. XVII, p. 275), in Haut-Maine „Mi- 
chaud“, „Michot“ (Montesson). Auf eine Personifizierung der Sonne 
weist auch folgende Redensart aus Haute-Bretagne. Wenn die Sonne 


1) Vielleicht hat man die Sonne mit diesem Namen benannt, weil sie 
die Schneemassen zum Schmelzen bringt und so auch das überall bekannte 
Rätsel vom Manne ohne Mund, der den Vogel ohne Flügel frisst, hervor- 
gerufen hat. Das aus dem 4. Jahrhundert stammende latein. Rätsel: 

„Vvolavit volucer sine plumis, 
Sedit in arbore sine foliis, 
Venit homo absque manibus, 
Conscendit illum sine pedibus, 
Assavit illum sine igne, 
Comedit illum sine ore.“ 
(Melusine, 1886-87, p. 83). 
. scheint nämlich durch alle seine Varianten das Bild des Fressens 
bewahrt zu haben (vgl. M&lusine, 1886—87, pp. 83-90). 


— u (eisen _ ie if 


BXIII« Sonne, 17 


in Wolken untergeht, sagt man an der Küste, dass „il se couche 
dans la chemise* (Sebillot, Legendes de la mer, II, p. 46). 

Die französischen Seeleute nennen die Sonne oft „Bourguignon“, 
ein Beiname, der auch in Poitou und wallonisch Belgien vorkommt (S6- 
billot, Legendes de la mer II, p. 39 und Bulletin de la soci6te des parlers 
de France 1893—1898): „Bourguignon montre son nez hors de l’eau“, 
oder „V’la Bourguignon qui se leve, il a encore mauvaise figure ce 
matin“. Auch in den Sagen und Legenden wird die Sonne oft per- 
sonifiziert. So erzählt z. B. eine Sage aus der Basse-Bretagne von 
einer Hirtin, die einem Jüngling begegnete, der so schimmernd 
schön war, dass sie ihn für die Sonne hielt. Er heiratet sie und 
führt sie heim in seinen kristallenen Palast, wo er sie jeden Mor- 
gen verlässt, um gegen Abend wieder heimzukehren. (Luzel, Contes 
de Basse-Bretagne I, p. 41—58). Ähnliche Sagen sind auch aus 
der Haute-Bretagne belegt (vgl. R. d. trad. pop. XVI, p. 119). 

Abgesehen von diesen Personifikationen scheint das Volk sich 
wenig um Form, Natur und Grösse der Sonne gekümmert zu haben. 
Die Vorstellung von einem arbre de lumiere (Melusine 1886, 1877, 
p. 129) dürfte selten sein. Eine runde Scheibe, !) viel kleiner als 
die Erde: das ist wohl die allgemeinste Vorstellung sowohl von der 
Sonne als auch vom Mond. Die Sonne bewegt sich. die Erde steht 
stille; die Sonne legt sich im Meer zur Rule, um am folgenden 
Morgen mit neuen Kräften ihre Laufbahn von vorn anzufangen (Se- 
billot, Legendes de la mer II, p. 41): Vorstellungen also, die im 
grossen und ganzen mit denen aus dem griechischen und römischen 
Altertum übereinstimmen (vgl. bei Festus: occasus velin Ocea- 
num mersio und bei Homer Od. 1, Il. 7). Auch nach germani- 
schen Traditionen ninımt die Sonne in der Nacht ein Bad, weshalb 
sie sich auch so schön erhebt. Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie, Kap. 
XXIII) berichtet auch von slavischen Traditionen, wonach das Meer, 
das die Mutter der Sonne ist, diese nachts in seinen Schoss aufnimmt. 


ı) Über die Vorstellungen von der Sonne als „Rad“, die ehemals die 
eigentümlichen Feuerräder beim Johannisfeuer in Lothringen herbeiführten, 
vgl. näheres Grimm, D. M.* S. 515, 516 und 585, ebenda über die Vorstel- 
lungen von der Sonne als „Schild“ und „Gottes Auge“. 


18 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIlI« 


Im Vergleich mit dem Monde (siehe unten) ist die Wunder- 
kraft, die das Volk der Sonne zuschreibt, sehr gering, vielleicht 
aus dem einfachen Grunde, weil der helle Tag viel weniger für 
abergläubische Phantasien geeignet ist, als die monderleuchtete, ge- 
heimnisvolle Nacht. Nur dem Aufgang der Sonne legt man Wun- 
derkraft bei, z. B. dass sie dann Fieber zu heilen imstande sei, 
wenn dabei noch eine gewisse Anzahl Aves gelesen werden (J. B. 
Thiers: Trait& des superstitions, p. 367). 

Gleich dem Monde, hat auch die Sonne im Volksglauben grosse 
Bedeutung als Wahrsagerin, besonders in Bezug auf das Wetter !), 
gehabt. Geht die Sonne rot und wolkenlos unter, so bedeutet dies 
schönes, warmes Wetter: eine Voraussage, die wohl überall in der 
Welt bekannt sein dürfte, so auch in Frankreich. 2) Wenn die Sonne 
in Wolken untergeht, so bedeutet es schlechtes Wetter.°) Schlech- 


") Nur selten dürfte die Sonne sonst im täglichen Leben als Wahrza- 
gerin Berücksichtigung gefunden haben. Doch soll sie in Lüttich und Um- 
gegend bei Hochzeiten genau beobachtet werden: wenn z. B. bei der Trau- 
ung ein Sonnen«trahl in die Kirche fällt, so ist dies ein Zeichen des Glücks; 
verbirgt sich die Sonne hinter Wolken, während der Geistliche das Braut- 
paar segnet, so gilt dies als ein sehr verhängnisvolles Zeichen u. s. w. (R. 
d. trad. pop. XVII, p. 566). Auch glaubt man, die Sonne habe bei einigen 
grossen kirchlichen Festen Einfluss auf den Ausfall der Ernte; so meint 
man in llle-et-Vilaine: „quand le soleil raie (luit) pendant la grand'messe, 
le jour de Noel, signe certain qu'il y aura des pommes“ (Mölusine 1886 — 
87, p. 179\. 

?) Vgl. diese und folg. progn. Redensarten aus Languedoc: 

„Lou soul&l, que se cöucho, roussel 
Lou lendemö se moustrorö bel* (Vayssier). 

») „Quand lou soule&l s’engöurgo en se couchen, märquo que lou len- 
demö for6ö pas bel tems“ („quand le soleil se noie dans les nuages & son 
coucher, c’est une preuve que le lendemain il ne fera pas beau*, Vayssier). 
Regen am folgenden Tage bedeutet es auch, wenn der Wind bei Sonnenun- 
tergang von S.-O. weht: „Soulel que se cöucho ombe l’oltö, plejo ol lende- 
mö“ (Vayssier). — Wenn die Sonne in Wolken untergeht, sagt man in Poi- 
tou, dass sie „eine Tonne auf dem Rücken trage“: „il a le darail (le baril) 
au dos“, was natürlich Regen bedeutet (Saint-Marc, Traditions, proverbes et 
dictons poitevins in Bullet. de la Societ&e de statistique, sciences, lettres et 
arts du dep. des Deux-Sevres, oct.—dec. 18%). 


BXII. Sonne. 19 


tes Wetter verkündet am Morgen auch eine „blasse Sonne“, d. h. 
wenn sie von Wolken verhüllt ist; es heisst nämlich: „Dieu bous 
garde del soul&u pale lou mati et d’une fenno qu’o studia lou 
lati*, womit der Bauer in Haute-Auvergne wohl ein sehr schlim- 
mes Wetter meint, denn für ihn ist „eine Frau, die Latein studiert“ 
fast ein Unding (R. d. trad. pop. 1886, p. 377). 

Der Landmann wünscht sich die Wintermonate Januar und 
Februar kalt und schneeig. Man sagt deshalb in Blonay (in der 
Schweiz): „ö zävye la näi et le fräi &plö (emplissent) le gurnäi“ 
(Odin) und in Ille-et-Vilaine: „la neige en janvier, vaut du fumier“ !) 
(Melusine 1886—87, p. 178), in der Franche-Comte: „neige de 
fevrier, vaut du fumier“, und meint: „il vaut mieux voir un loup 
sur un fumier (d. h. in der Nähe der Wohnhäuser) que de voir un 
homme en chemise en fevrier“ ?) (R. d. trad. pop. XIV, p. 100). 
Ganz im selben Sinne sagt man in Basse-Bretagne: „mieux vaut voir 
chien enrag& que chaud soleil janvier* (R. d. trad. pop. I, p. 1). 
Warmer Sonnenschein in diesen Wintermonaten ist deshalb kein 
gutes Vorzeichen. Darun heisst es auch, dass die Sonne zur Zeit 
der Lichtmesse lange kalte Zeit (Winter) bedeute °). Ein alter latei- 


!) Vgl. „La neu de Belher val un femourier“ (Roux, Proverbes bas- 
lemouzis in Z. f. rom. Phil. 1882). Doch sagt man auch in der Provence: 
„Plueio de febri6 & la terro vau femie, Mstrl.). 


?) In Lavedan sagt man: „Fevrier donne des giboultes; Si ce n’est 
fevrier, c’est mars; Si mars est sans giboulees, il pleut tous les mois de 
l’annee“ (R. d. trad. pop.I, p. 29). Vgl. auch: „A Noe o piüö, A Pak o tigo“ 
(A Noel au pignon, c.-a.-d. en dehors, A Päques au tison, c.-ä.-d. prös du 
feu) (Proverbes de Templeuve in der Festgabe für H. Suchier, 1900), oder: 
„A No6 al port, a Pak o twi dü fü“ (au coin du feu) (ebenda). 


3) So sagt man im Waadtland: 
A Tsalande l& musselhon (moucherons), 
A Päques le /hasson (glacons) 
(vgl. hiermit aus dem hohen Norden, dep. du Nord, arr. de Lille: „Kä tö 
na de mukro o No£, ü na de poviljö d'neg a Pak“ c.-a.-d. quand il fait chaud 
a Noäl, il fait froid a Päques. (Proverbes de Templeuve par Charles Bon- 
nier in Forschungen zur rom. Phil., Festgabe für Hermann Suchier, 1900). 


20 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIII, 


nischer Spruch besagt schon: „Sole lucente, Maria purificante, plus 
frigescit postea quam ante“, eine Ansicht, die so ziemlich überall in 
Frankreich bekannt sein dürfte, obgleich das Unbestimmte im la- 
teinischen Spruche in die bestimmtere Angabe von 6 Wochen oder 
40 Tagen umgedentet worden ist: „Nostro Damo luzerno !), qua- 
ranto dzour iverno“ in Corr&ze (Beronie) oder „Quand le soleil donne 
sur les cierges pendant la messe le jour de la Purification, on a de 
la pluie pendant 40 jours (Saint-Marc, Traditions, proverbes et dic- 
tons poitevins, in Bullet. de la Societ& de statistique, sciences, lett- 
res et arts du departement des Deux-Sevres, oct.—dec. 1890), oder: 
„Si le soleil se montre le jour de la Chandeleur, il devra se cacher 
apres pour six semaines*“ in der Franche-Comt& (R. d. trad. pop. 
XIV, p. 104), oder: „Quand le soleil luit pendant la messe, le jour 
de la Chandeleur, le loup (l’ours?) creuse sa fosse pour six semai- 
nes“ ?) im Arrondissement de Lille, dep. du Nord (Proverbes de 
Templeuve par Charles Bonnier in Forschungen zur rom. Phil., Fest- 
gabe für Herm. Suchier).. Auch sagt man in Bearn: „Quoand Mars 
soureye (soureya, sourelha „rayonner*; < sourelh „soleil“;), Abriu e 
May que plabusqueye“, wonach also die brennende Sonne im März 
Regen für April und Mai bedeuten würde (Lespy-Raym.). 

Einiges noch über die Sonne im Volksglauben. In mehreren 
Gegenden Frankreichs glaubt man, jeden Sonnabend die Sonne sehen 
zu können. So in der Picardie, wo das Volk des Glaubens ist, die 
Sonne müsse am Sonnabend, wenn auch nur für kurze Zeit, schei- 
nen, damit die heilige Jungfrau das Hemd Christi für den Sonntag 
trocken bekäme (R. d. trad. pop. XVIII, p. 101—102). Auch in 
Limousin und in Haute-Bretagne hält man den Sonnenschein am 


!) Luzerna „se dit du soleil qui, dans un jour nebuleux, parait par in- 
tervalles“ (Beronie). 

?) Auch im Süden (Hautes-Alpes) sagt man, dass an diesem Tage 
(den 2 Februar) „l’ours qui n'&tait sorti de tout l’hiver, avance jusqu’ & la 
porte de son repaire & la pointe du jour. Si le ciel est couvert il se l&che 
la patte, fait trois sauts, et part en tournee, disant que l’hiver est fini. Si le 
temps est clair, il rentre tout triste dans son repaire pour 40 jours“ (Rev. 
des trad. pop. 1913, p. 353). 


BXII“ Sonne. 21 


Sonnabend für nötig; in Limousin für das Hemd der heiligen Jung- 
frau selbst (Rev. des trad. pop. XVII, p. 340), in Haute-Bretagne 
für das Trocknen ihrer Wäsche (Sebillot, Coutumes de la Haute- 
Bretagne, p. 221)° 

Zuletzt eine Redensart, der so ziemlich überall und nicht nur 
auf französischem Boden ähnlichgeartete Vorstellungen dürften zu- 
grunde gelegen haben. Wenn die Sonne während des Regens scheint, 
sagt man bald „le diable bat sa femme“ !), bald „le diable marie sa 
fille“ 2) (in Loire-Inf., Rev. des trad. pop. XV, p. 591; in Perche, 
Rev. des trad. pop. XXIII, p. 275, und in Lyon, Vachet, (Gloss. des 
Gones de Lyon). In Aveyron kommt eine Redensart vor, die so- 
gar hinzufügt, womit der Teufel sein Weib schlägt: 


Quond ploou et fo soulel, 
Lou diäples bat so fenno omb’un poustel. 


Dieses letzte Wort, das wohl auf ein *postellum zurückzufübren 
ist, bedeutet nach Vayssier, der diese Redensart belegt hat, hachoir 
oder „bout de planche sur laquelle on fait les hachis*“. Auch sagt 
man hie und da: „la Sainte Vierge fait sa lessive* (Loire-Inf., Rev. 
des trad. pop. XV, p. 591) oder „les sorciers tiennent conseil* (Al- 
pes-Maritimes, Rev. des trad. pop. IX, p. 332). Nach dem oben 
zitierten Werke von Vachet gebraucht man die Redensart: „le diable 
marie ses filles“ auch, wenn „on pleure et rit en meme temps, 
quand il y a une noce et un enterrement*. Den beiden erstgenann- 
ten Redensarten: „le diable bat sa femme“ und „le diable marie sa 
file“ für Regen und Sonnenschein zu gleicher Zeit liegt wahr- 
scheinlich eben diese Vorstellung von Weinen und Lachen zugrunde. 
In den Ardennen heisst es: „le diable sa fille marje au bois de 
Forcy“ (Meyrac, Traditions des Ardennes, S. 139). Bei „la Sainte 
Vierge fait sa lessive“ hat die Vorstellung vom schönen Sonnen- 


!) Vgl. „Jupiter und Juno streiten“ (Bergier, Origine des dieux, IL. 
p. 189). 

2) Ähnliche Redensarten auch in Finland bekannt: „Vanlıoja piikoja 
naitetaan“ (d.h.alte Jungfern werden verheiratet) oder „vanhat piiat viettää 
häitä* (d. b. alte J. feiern Hochzeit). 


22 W. O. Streng, Himmel u. Wetter. BXUl. 


schein ganz von selbst den Gedanken auf die heilige Jungfrau 
geführt. Was Wunder, dass der Regen dabei als das Wasser vor- 
gestellt wird, dessen sie sich bedient, um ihre Wäsche zu reinigen. 
In Aveyron waschen auch die Feen (Vayssier), in der Provence 
die Hexen (Mstrl.) ihre Wäsche, in Bearn heizen sie ihren Backofen 
(Lespy, Proverbes de Bearn, p. 159), in Anjou (Saint-Aubin-de- 
Luigne) sagt man: „La Sainte Vierge qui boulange du pain pour 
ses anges“ (Verr.-On.).!) Bei der Redensart „les sorciers tiennent 
conseil“ sind vielleicht mehrere: Ideenassoziationen mit im Spiele ge- 
wesen. Die Seltenheit und Sonderbarkeit dieser Naturerscheinung 
hat den Gedanken auf geheimuisvolle Zauberer geführt, die übri- 
gens ihr Spiel mit allen Naturkräften treiben. Dass sie aber „Rats 
pflegen“, könnte sich wiederum daraus erklären, dass dem Volke 
die Vorstellung der Unentschlossenheit vorschwebt: soll sich der 
Regen in Sonnenschein oder der Sonnenschein in Regen wandeln? 
Ein Zustand also, über den die Zauberer nicht ohne Ratschlüsse 
einig werden können. Vgl. hiermit: Wenn der Himmel grau ist und 
man nicht weiss, ob es regnen wird oder nicht, sagen die Schiffer: 
„le temps est au conseil“ (France maritime, II, p. 118). Auch vom 
Wind sagt man: „il est au conse.“, wenn gar kein Wind weht; 
eine Redensart, die vielleicht so zu erklären ist, dass die Winde 
ratschlagen, um zu wissen, von welcher Himmelsgegend sie wehen 
sollen („pour deliberer de quel cöte de l’horizon ils veulent souffler“, 
Sebillot, Legendes, croyances et superstitions, II, p. 167). 

| Die Sonnenfinsternis hat natürlich der abergläubischen Phan- 
tasie des Volkes reiche Anregung zu volkstümlichen Erklärungen 
gegeben. Im allgemeinen glaubt man, dass sie dadurch zustande 


1, Vgl. über diese und ähnliche Redensarten bei Vayssier: „Est-ce un 
reste des superstitions populaires d’apres lesquelles la pluie ce seraient les 
larmes de la femme battue ou les gouttes d’eau du linge lave dans l’air par 
les ftes, et le soleil le rire et la folle gaite du battant ou la chaleur neces- 
saire aux fees pour secher leur linge (oder der Heiligen Jungfrau, die das 
Brot backt)? ou bien serait-ce une allusion & un mari ivrogne qui, devenu 
diable par un exces de vin, passe d’une crise larmoyante & une gait& com- 
promettante pour la securit€ de sa femme?“ 


BXII,. Sonne. 23 


komme, dass Sonne und Mond, die, wie wir schon oben gesehen, oft 
personifiziertt worden sind, miteinander in Streit gerieten, so in 
Loire-Inf. (Rev.’des trad. pop. VI, p. 549) und in Luxemburg (Rev. 
des trad. pop. XVII, p. 273). Schon im Altertum glaubte man, dass 
bei einer Sonnenfinsternis die Mondgöttin Zuna „laborat“ (Cic. Tusc. 
1, 92), d. h. in „Not“ sei und dass sie von einem Ungeheuer be- 
droht würde. Diese Vorstellung scheint noch hie und da in Frank- 
reich lebendig zu sein (Rev. des trad. pop. XVII, p. 340). 

Wie schon oben erwähnt ist, hat die äussere Erscheinung der 
Sonne auf die Phantasie des Volkes nur wenig eingewirkt. Es sieht 
in ihr nur eine glühendheisse Scheibe mit grellem, blendendem Licht, 
das wie betäubend wirkt und dem Auge nur wenig Variationen 
bietet. Die Sonne heisst deshalb auch immer und fast überall nur 
„kleine Sonne“: soleil!) (die nicht deminutive Form habe ich fast nir- 
gends 2) in den heutigen Mundarten belegen können). Eine lichtschwa- 
che, blasse Sonne (Abendsonne?) heisst in einigen südlichen Gegenden 


nn 


') Im Süden: sorey (Andrews), souleou, sourelh (Meyer), souleou (Avril) 
soureilh (Chabr.-de Rochas), soulel (Vayssier), soleu (Ualvino), sourelh (Lespy, 
Raym.). Im Westen: sola, soley (Dottin), soulei (Montesson). Im Norden: sola- 
8olö (Guerlin de Guer). Im Osten: släu (Dion), 8’Io (Labourasse), soulo (Ric- 
henet), soula (Gmillemaut), chuela (Brachet), sriy (Boillot). Im Innern: sole 
(Philipon), soulai (de Chambure). Fast alle diese Formen gehen wohl auf 
ein lat. soliculum zurück. (Vgl. über Formen wie sülo, slö.: Horning, Die 
Mundart von Tannois, Z. f. rom. Phil. 1892; suel, sulel- Chute de ! mediale 
dans quelques pays de la langue d’oc, in Romania 1879; surej: Andrews, 
Phonetique mentonaise, Romania 1887; sole: Philipon, Le patois de Saint- 
Genis-Les-Ollieres, Rev. des pat. I-II; sola, solae, solö: Guerlin de Guer, Rustica 
Vocab. etc... Nur Formen wie soleu, souleou scheinen ein lat. *solellum 
vorauszusetzen (vgl. Sütterlin, Die heutige Mundart von Nizza, Rom. For- 
schungen 9, S. 286). 

?) Nur Formen wie su (Camelat), sü (Garnier), sou, sol (Lespy-Raym.) 
etc. (vgl. Atl. ling.: sa, sälim Süden) müssen wohl durch lat. solem direkt 
erklärt werden. 

_ Die im Atl. ling. belegten Forinen wie I 36, fa 45, Iso 21, fod& 26, 
/idaw 24 sind wohl alle zusammenzubringen. Befremdend ist das d, das an 
das begrifflich nahe liegende caldu denken lässt (vgl. auch cheude, m. bei 
Const.-Desorm.). 


24 W. ©. STRExsG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIla 


Frankreichs „Hasensonne*, „souleou de lebre (Avril, Vayssier): „Fa’n 
souleou de lebre* („le soleil est faible et sans &clat“, Avril. Woher 
dieser Name, weiss ich nicht. Vielleicht liegt hier die Blässe, also 
Kraftlosigkeit, als tertium comparationis vor, oder es hat, was mir 
glaublicher scheint, die Ähnlichkeit einer solchen glanzarmen Sonne 
mit dem Mond, der oft „souleu di lebre* (Rev. des langues rom. 
1883, p. 191) und „soleil des loups“ (vgl. Rev. des trad. pop. XXIII, 
p. 274) genannt wird und übrigens mit vollem Recht die „Sonne der 
scheuen Tiere* heissen kann, den Namen „Hasensonne“ herbeige- 
führt. 

Ausser den schon oben erwähnten Beinamen, die ihren Ur- 
sprung in einer Personifikation haben, kommen nur einige mehr oder 
weniger zufällige Bezeichnungen für Sonne vor. 

„Sonnenstrahl“ für Sonne scheint in folgender prognostischen 
Redensart aus Aveyron gebraucht zu sein: „Lo rdjo de l’espio ol gro 
Cranto jours se coucherö“ (Vayssier) d.h. der Sonnenstrahl geht von 
(der Zeit) der Ährenbildung bis zur Reife des Korns 40 Tage unter. 
Auch sagt man daselbst: „Lo rdjo ojülho“ in der Bed. „le soleil se 
couche“, wo ojulhaä für osuw/h4 „disparaitre A l’horizon“ oder wohl 
wörtlich erklärt: „disparaitre de vue“ (vgl. weiter unten). 

Von der Sonne hängt die Tagesarbeit des Landmannes ab, sie 
bestimmt die Dauer der Arbeit; sie wird deshalb die „Dauernde“ 
genannt: „Durand se levo“, „durand se vai coucha“ (Mlstrl.). 

Am Morgen trocknet die Sonne den Tau. Darum heisst sie in 
der Dauphine „Tauvertreiber“: casso-eigagno, chasso-eigagno (Mstrl.) 
und but-egail (Bulletin de la soc. des parlers de France, 1893 - 1898, 
p. 26). Auch diese Bezeichnungen hängen mit der Vorliebe des Vol- 
kes zusammen, sich die grossen Naturerscheinungen als verkörperte 
Geister vorzustellen. Sart das Volk doch auch von der Sonne, dass 
sie „den Wind frisst“: „lou souleu manjo lou vent“, wenn Windstille 
eintritt [vgl. hiermit: „la luno manjo li nivo“, s. unter Mond, und 
die Bezeichnungen manjo-fangos, leco-fangos „Schmutzfresser“, 
„Schmutzlecker“ für den kalten Nordwest, Mstrl., beide bei Azais 
belegt, und folyebou (Const.-Desorm.), follhe-bou (Bridel) „vent chaud“ 


BXIII« 


Sonne. 25 


oder wörtlich „qui feuille les bois“. Als „Lichtbringer“ ') hat man 
vielleicht das von Uonst.-Desorm. belegte fileu für „soleil“ zu deu- 
ten (<facit *solellum statt lucem?), vgl. fel& und fel& in Atl. 
ling. (Punkte 936 u. 947). 

Statt der schriftsprachlichen Bezeichnungen für den Auf- und 
Untergang der Sonne, die keiner besonderen Bemerkung bedürfen, 
mögen folgende mundartliche Ausdrücke hier kurz erwähnt werden. 
Eine ganz natürliche Bezeichnung für den Untergang der Sonne ist 
die, wenn man sagt: die Sonne „versteckt sich“. So schon bei den 
Römern: „sol et exoriens et quum se condet in undas“ (Verg.). Das- 
selbe Verbum findet sich noch in der Form *transcondere in 
Auvergne: fraködre „se coucher, en parlant du soleil“ (Dauzat, 
Etudes linguistiques sur la basse Auvergne). Ein „Sichverstecken“, 
alrz. mucier, mussier, lebt auch in der Bedeutung „se coucher* (en 
parlant du soleil) in einigen Mundarten Süd- und Ostfrankreichs fort. 
So sagt man in Meuse: ü släw m&@sä für „au soleil couchant“ (Pat. 
de Lachaussee, Rev. des pat. gallo-rom. IV, und Rolland, Voc. du 
pat. du pays messin, in Romania 1873) oder s’!o meussant (Labou- 
rasse); im Jura: soulo musan (Richenet, Le pat. de Petit-Noir) 
oder soulet mussant (de Chambure), in Doubs: lü sröy mest „le 
soleil se cache“ und mesyö „coucher de soleil“ (Pat. de Grand’ 
Combe, Boillot); auch in Vald’Aosta kennt man den Ausdruck: sole: 
meussen „soleil couchant“ (Cerlogne). 

Die Sonne „verschwindet aus den Augen“, sagt man oder, viel- 
leicht richtiger, hat man in Aveyron gesagt: lo rdjo oj«lho „le so- 
leil (hier, wie oben erwähnt, „Strahl“ für Sonne) se couche“ 
(ojJulhä, osulhd „disparaitre & l’horizon* < osuel < os wel nach 
Vayssier; os uel < ex oculum?). 

Der Sonnenauf- und Untergang ist vom Anbruch des Tages 
und vom Einbruch der Nacht nicht zu trennen. Tag und Nacht 
wurden in alten Volksvorstellungen oft personifiziert oder doch als 
lebende Wesen betrachtet. So geschah es auch mit der Morgenröte, 


») Der „Leuchtende“: luisart hiess die aufgehende Sonne im Afrz. 
(Gdfr.), der Mond: luisarde (ibd.). 


26 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIlu 


et un nr re He En a Fa, nr a 


die hier, wo von der Sonne die Rede ist, inbetracht kommt. Bei 
Römern und Griechen war Aurora und ’Hws eine Göttin, die früh 
am Morgen ihr Lager verlässt und mit Rosenfingern in die Wolken 
greift (vgl. Hom. Od. 5, 1u.11. I, 477). Fast ebenso konkret stellte 
sich das Volk auch später die Morgenröte und den damit verbun- 
denen Tagesandbruch vor. Bald verknüpft sich mit ihm die Idee 
eines Krachens, eines Geräusches; so findet sich afrz. crever in fol- 
genden Sätzen: „li aube crene et li jors esclarcit“ (Gar. le Loh. bei 
Gäfr.) und refl.: „’aube du jour se crieve“ (Gdfr.), prov. „can l’alba 
fo crevada“ (Ferabr. 3977). Vgl. auch span. „el alva rompe“ (bei 
Grimm) und deutsch „andrechen“, engl. the break und rush of day. 
Ein „Krachen“, onomat. craquer, criquer liegt wahrscheinlich 
auch dem norm. crique du jour statt pique du jour für „Mor- 
genröte“ (Lecomte) zugrunde. Bald „sticht sich* beim Morgen- 
grauen !) die Sonne heraus: frz. poindre (span. puntar, apunlar, it. 
spuntare) und & la pointe, au point du jour oder mundartlich, pic. 
& l’piket du jür (Edmont), wall. li pi!&fe do djoü (Pirsoul), zentralfrz. 
pique du jour, piquotte du jour (Jaubert). Man glaubt aber die Mor- 
genröte nicht nur zu hören oder zu sehen, sondern man hat ihr 
Nahen sogar „riechen“ können, wie z. B. in folgender Redensart 
bei Jaubert: „se lever & l’odeur du jour“. 

Ein altes norm. filletie du jour (Moisy) ist wohl durch Aus- 
drücke wie „petit jour“ entstanden. Die gleichfalls in der Norman- 
die belegte Redensart „se lever des le petron jacquet“ (Moisy) ist 
wahrscheinlich, wie Moisy es erklärt, eine volksetymologische Um- 
bildung von „des le paitre au Jacqnet“ (Jacquet = Beiname des 
Eichhörnchens) und ist somit begrifflich analog mit einem wohl 
überall bekannten Ausdruck: „se lever au chant du cog“. 


!) Vgl. „der Morgen grau“, lat. lux albescit und rum., it., span. alba 
port. alva, prov. auba, frz. aube, (finn. aamu valkenee „der Morgen wird weiss“). 
Oft wird zu dem alba ein prima (fina) hinzugefügt: primo doubo (Hombr.- 
Charv.) primalbo (Azais), prim'ärbä, fin’ärbä (Const.-Desorm.), woraus prima 
in der Bedeutung „aurore“ allein (Puitspelu). 


BXIll« Mond. 27 


Mond. 


Der Mond ist dasjenige Gestirn, das im Aberglauben des fran- 
zösischen Volkes vielleicht die grösste Rolle gespielt hat. Dabei hat 
man wahrscheinlich weniger an seine Gestalt und Grösse, überhaupt 
seine wirkliche Natur gedacht, als vielmehr an seine phantastische 
Kraft, an seinen vermeintlichen Einfluss auf das Leben der Menschen. 
Was das Volk vom Ursprung des Mondes erzählt, davon ist schon 
oben (bei der Sonne) die Rede gewesen. Dass er im Volksglauben 
hie‘ und da für eine ehemalige, degradierte Sonne angesehen wird, 
haben wir auch ebendort besprochen; diese Ansicht wird auch durch 
eine aus Languedoc herrührende Redensart gestützt: „La Luna era 
un vielh sourel autres cops: Quand val& pas res per lou jour, La 
metterou per la nioch“ (Rev. des langues rom. IV, 1° ser., p. 620). 
Auch vom Monde hat das Altertum die Vorstellung gehabt dass er 
sich wie die Sonne ins Meer senke. So zitiert Sebillot (Legendes, 
croyances et superstitions de la mer II, p. 49) eine Stelle aus den 
homerischen Hymnen: „Au soir, au milieu du mois, la June, apres 
avoir baigne son beau corps dans l’Oc&an !), ayant attel& ses che- 
vaux lumineux, les pousse en avant avec Yardeur“. Bald ist der 
Mond „der Beherrscher des Meeres“ ?) (Bartholomaeus), bald „der 
Voraussager von Wetter und Wind“ (Alcuin), und die Egypter nann- 
ten ihn „den ersten Nachen“, die Manichäer navıs vitalium aqua- 
rum „das Schiff der lebendigen (sewässer“ (Sebillot. Legendes etc.. 
pp. 51—53). 

Gleich der Sonne ist der Mond vom Volksglauben oft perso- 
nifiziert worden. Er „frisst die Wolken“: la luno manjo li nivo 
(Mstrl.) oder er „verschlingt“, wie die Fischer auf Saint-Malo glau- 


ı) Eine Redensart aus Genf: la lune baigne (Humbert), wenn der Mond 
von Nebel umgeben ist, dürfte auch anderswo bekannt sein, hat aber mit 
dieser antiken Vorstellung nichts gemein. 

?) Diese Vorstellung von der Herrschaft des Mondes erklärt auch eine 
andere, die nämlich, dass der Mond, wenn er dem Meere zürnt, es mit Nebel 
bedeckt, um es zu bestrafen (Sebillot, Legendes, croyences etc. Il, p. 78). 


28 W. OÖ. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIL: 


ben, sogar „das Meer“ (Sebillot, L&gendes etc. II, p. 50-51). Auch 
sagt man in Nantes und Loire-Inferieure vom Monde, er könne 
„Steine fressen“ (Rev. des trad. pop. XV, p. 587). In Haute-Bre- 
tagne ist man des Glaubens, dass dieses Mondungeheuer einen 
Rachen habe, so gross wie die Erde, womit es, um seine Kinder 
ernähren zu können, alles Blut, das auf Erden vergossen wird, auf- 
saugt (vgl. „La lune et la guerre“ in Rev. des trad. pop. XIII). 

Oft stellt man den Mond als eine Art Popanz dar, um die 
Kinder einzuschüchtern. „Madame la Lüne“ heisst er dann gewöhn- 
lich; sie soll die unartigen Kinder mitnehmen (Rev. des trad. pop. 
XVI, p. 139 und XVLI, p. 282). „Bonjour, Madame la Lune, avez- 
vous des enfants a nous donner?“ sang man in einem Volksspiel 
aus Loire-Inferieure (Rev. des trad. pop. XIII, p. 8-9). Auch per- 
sönliche Eigenschaften werden dem Monde bisweilen beigelegt, so: 
kouyon kom li len (Monseur, Le Folk-Lore wallon, p. 59). 

Die Personifizierung des Mondes hängt vielleicht zusammen 
mit der Vorstellung von dem Manne, der aus einem oder anderem 
Grunde in den Mond gekommen ist. Gewöhnlich stellt sich der 
Volksglaube in Frankreich den Mann im Monde, von dem übrigens 
der Volksglaube in der ganzen Welt wohl ähnliches zu erzählen 
weiss, als einen Verbrecher vor, der zur Strafe dorthin versetzt 
ist. Bald hat er Reisig gestohlen, und deshalb ist ihm von Gott 
als Strafe auferlegt worden, für ewige Zeiten mit seinem Reisig- 
bündel auf dem Rücken im Monde zu sitzen (Rev. des trad. pop. 
XVII, p. 452); bald hat er die Sonntagsruhe gebrochen, weshalb 
ihn Gott dazu verdammt hat, sich im Monde nicht mehr ausruhen zu 
dürfen (Cordier, Legendes des Hautes-Pyrönees, p. 27”—28 und Blade, 
Contes de la Gascogne II, p. 300); bald hat er den‘ Heiland nicht 
erkannt und von seinem Herd gewiesen und muss nun dafür im 
Monde frieren (Rev. des trad. pop. XVII, p. 139). Einigen Versio- 
nen zufolge hat der Wind den Mann in den Mond getragen (Blade, 
Contes de la Gascogne II, p. 298—299), nach anderen kommt der 
Mond selbst vom Himmel herab und verschlingt ihn (Rev. des trad. 
pop. XVII, p. 587). | 

Nicht immer aber ist es ein Mann, der zur Strafe in den Mond 


BXII« Mond. 29 


versetzt ist. Im wallonischen Belgien ist es ein Mädchen, von dem 
man erzählt, dass es gegen das Verbot der Mutter über die be- 
stimmte Zeit tanzte und dem die Mutter dann als Strafe wünschte, 
im Monde zu sitzen und dort in Ewigkeit zu weben. Kaum war 
der Wunsch ausgesprochen, als die ungehorsame Tochter wirklich 
in den Mond versetzt wurde (Bulletin de la soc. liegeoise de la lit- 
terature wallonne, 2° ser. XIX, p. 285). 

Die grössten Sünder sind natürlich vom Volksglauben in den 
Mond versetzt worden. So vor allem Judas: „vois-tu Judas dans 
lai lunne, d’aiveu son fagot d’epingne* sagt man z. B. in Aube 
(Baudouin, (Gloss. du patvis de la Foret de Clairvaux, p. 211). Warum 
auch er das Reisigbündel trägt, weiss ich nicht; vielleicht wohl 
deshalb, weil die meisten Legenden eben von Reisigbündeln sprechen, 
was wiederum seine Erklärung darin hat, dass Holz, im Vergleich 
mit anderer Diebesbeute, etwa Kohlköpfen, Eiern u. s. w., seiner 
Natur zufolge hauptsächlich in der Nacht gestohlen wird. In Marne 
erzählt man einfach den Kindern, Judas sei zum Mond gegangen, 
um sich dort zu hängen. Auch Kain trifft man im Mond, und auch 
er ist mit dem obligatorischen Reisigbündel beladen (Rev. des trad. 
pop. XVIII. p. 375). 

Sehr allgemein ist die Vorstellung, dass man im Mond das 
Gesicht des bestraften Verbrechers sehe, das dann den ganzen Mond 
einnimmt. Daher wahrscheinlich die überall herrschende Sitte, den 
Mond als ein grosses Gesicht zu zeichnen. Daher auch der volks- 
tümliche Name des Mondes: Judas (Bulletin de la Societ&e des par- 
lers de France 1893—1898, p. 26). 

Seit alters hat man gemeint, auf allen Gebieten des Menschen- 
und Naturlebens dem Monde grossen Einfluss zuschreiben zu 
müssen, und in Frankreich ist der Volksglaube, in dieser Beziehung 
immer reich an vermeintlichen Erfahrungen gewesen. In dem obener- 
wähnten „Secrets de la lune“, schreibt der Verfasser, wie gesagt, der 
Mond sei nichts anderes als die „Gemahlin der Sonne“, weshalb er also 
grossen Einfluss auf jedes Wesen haben müsse: „Que toute mäture 
coupee quand la lune descroitz est merveilleusement bonne non seule- 
ment pour mätures, mais pour tous les bois; de mesıne que les cheveux 


30 W. O. STrREnG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXII« 


coupez ou tondus!) aux tems que lune ne descroitz; ils croissent 
tardivement et rendent testes chauves; de mesme que changement 
de lune se ressent sur tout ce qui s’engendre sans la manifeste 
semence du masle avecq la femelle, comme sont souris, pusses, punai- 
ses, poux, araigndes et toute vermine semblable*“ (Rev. des trad. 
pop. XVIII, p. 427 —428). 

Ähnliche Vorstellungen vom Einfluss des Mondes sind noch 
hie und da im Volksglauben vorhanden. Dabei unterscheidet man 
im Volksglauben zwischen „lune pardue“ („comme perdue dans les 
rayons du soleil“) oder Neumond, „lune tendre“ (l. croissant; erstes 
Viertel), „une dure“ (1. d&croissant; letztes Viertel) und „Zune vo- 
leuse“ („trop belle et trop claire pendant le temps des fruits, com- 
plice des maraudeurs quelle Eclaire“, .TJaubert, Gloss du centre de la 
France) oder Vollmond. Bei Neumond soll man (nach Jaubert) nichts 
sähen, weil „les graines ne levent point“. Auch in Menton und in 
den Alpes-Maritimes ist la lune perdue (le trentieme jour de la 
lune) „impropre pour les plus importants travaux“. Für die Be- 
handlung der verschiedenen Getreidearten gibt es besondere Bestim- 
mungen. In Savoyen sagt man: „A la canpanie & fou save dien 
pr&eu d’afere s’on-n & dien la Ina tendrä u dien la durä; V’z i par 
ex@nplö & lavä vtron fi, fassi-la &n Ina töndrä; & fou senä l’avönä 
en In&a durä, ätramen l’aveıä n’baliera q& d’palis; lö pe, 1ö fayou, 
l& tartifl& d&evön to pari se plantä En Ina durä; sen cetie le tartifls 
poretron, lö p& & lö fayou n’vindron pä a b&“ (Const.-Desorm.). Eine 
andere Bestimmung, aus Perche (also im ganz entgegengesetzten 
Teile Frankreichs): „Lorsque la lune est en croissant, ce n’est ni 
instant d’abattre le bois, ni de semer des pois.. ... On seme en 


») Noch jetzt hütet man sich auf dem Lande, zur Zeit des Neumonds 
das Haar schneiden zu lassen (Rev. des trad. pop. XVIIL p. 428). In der 
Picardie ist man der Ansicht, dass das während des zunehmenden Mondes 
(dans le croissant) geschnittene Haar besser wächst, wogegen das bei abneh- 
mendem Monde abgeschnittene Haar nicht mehr wächst (Rer. des trad. pop. 
XVII, p. 101). Dieselbe Ansicht findet sich auch in Savoyen: „S’vö voli 
q& votre fli& aiezun na lonjhe cavä (Flechte), q’lö cheveu & löz ongliö cres- 
son vito, copä-le En Ina t&ndrä (Oonst.-Desorm.). 


BXUls Mond. 31 


eroissant tout ce qui pousse en terre, comme les pommes de terre 
(in Perche dürfte man also zu ganz konträren Resultaten betreffs 
der Kartoffeln gekommen sein als in Savoyen), les carottes, les na- 
vettes etc., et en decours tout ce qui pousse en l’air, comme les 
haricots, les pois, la salade etc. (Rev. des trad. pop. XXIII, p. 273). 
Ebenso wie die Sonne, ist auch der Mond im französischen 

Volksglauben „der Voraussager von Wetter und Wind“. Die sogen. 
lune rousse z. B. ist von den Bauern in Bourbon sehr gefürchtet, 
weil sie gewöhnlich Frost mit sich bringt: „I’s’ron pas tranquilles 
in brin, tant que la lune rousse !) sera encore la-haut p’re nous faire 
jaler*“ (Rev. des trad. pop. XVII, p. 429). Auch glaubt man da- 
selbst, dass | 

„Rond pres de la lune, loin de l’eau, . 

rond loin de la lune, pres de l’eau“, 


mit anderen Worten, dass der Regen von der grösseren oder gerin- 
geren Entfernung des Ringes um den Mond ablhänge. 

Das Verhältnis des Mondes zu einem kleinen Stern, den die 
Seeleute in der Nähe von Boulogne-sur-Mer canote?) nennen, wird 
von ihnen als Wettervorzeichen genau beobachtet: Quand l’leune 
rapproce es’ s’canote, bon sinne; quand V’/leune embarque es’ s’ca- 
note (d. h. wenn der Stern mit Wolken bedeckt ist), mauvais sinne“; 
„eine vilaine Jeune, quand elle est embrouillee* (Deseille, Glossaire 
du patois des matelots boulonnais). 

Die uralten Vorstellungen von dem Einfluss der Gestirne auf 
Geburt und Schicksal des Menschen leben noch im Volksglauben, 
was den Mond betriftt, in voller Kraft fort. Ein junges Mädchen 


no -——_. 


ı) Vgl. hiermit bei Sebillot (l,egendes de la Mer II, p. 59): „Quannu 
luna & palita, chiovi; quannu & russa, fa ventu; quannu & chiara, fa sere- 
nita“. Ein roter Mond bedeutet in Lüttich Hitze, ein Zeichen, das wohl 
ganz allgemein so gedeutet wird (Rev. des trad. pop. XVI, p. 112—113). 

?) Die bretagnischen Seeleute nennen diesen Stern chaloupe, die picar- 
dischen auch pilote, Benennungen also, die mit den uralten Vorstellungen vom 
Monde als Nachen und Schiff (s. oben) zusammenzuhängen scheinen (Rev. 
des trad. pop. XVIII, p. 101). 


32 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. 


BXIIl. 


in der Bretagne hütet sich beim Verrichten seiner natürlichen Be- 
dürfnisse, den Mond lange zu betrachten, um von ihm nicht geseg- 
net zu werden (Les conceptions miraculeuses, in Rev. des trad. pop. 
XV, p. 597). 

Schon bevor das Kind geboren ist, glaubt man in einigen Ge- 
genden aus dem Monde erschliessen zu können, welchen Geschlechts 
das Kleine sein wird: wenn es „dans les cornes decroissantes de la 
lune“ zur Welt kommt, wird es ein Knabe (Haute-Marne, Rev. des 
trad. pop. XVII. p. 428). In Hamoir werden die Knaben, „pen- 
dant la lune tendre“, die Mädchen „au decours de la lune“ geboren 
(ibd. p. 374). 

Auch der Mondwechsel ist in dieser Hinsicht genau zu beob- 
achten. So z. B. glaubt man in Loir-et-Cher, dass das Geschlecht 
des nächsten Kindes ein anderes sein wird, wenn der Mond in den 
neun auf die Geburt des Kindes folgenden Tagen wechselt; ist dies 
nicht der Fall, wird das nächste Kind desselben Geschlechts sein. 
wie das vorherige. In Nantes und Loire-Inferieure gilt dasselbe 
vom Wechsel des Geschlechts, wenn der Mond in den drei ersten 
Tagen nach der Geburt. von einem zum anderen Viertel übergeht 
(Rev. des trad. pop. XV: Coutumes et superstitions du Loir-et-Cher, 
p. 869, und Usages et Superstitions de Nantes et de la Loire-Infe- 
rieure, p. 589). 

Dem vorgeblichen Einfluss des Mondes auf den Menschen ver- 
dankt die Sprache das Adjektivum lunatique, das bekanntlich in 
seiner volkssprachlichen Gestalt im Afrz. lunage lautete: „et ceulx 
qui avoient les dyables es corps, et les Zunages et les paraletiques 
il les curoit tous“ (Bible hist. bei Gdfr.).. „Den Mond in sich ha- 
ben“ bedeutet dasselbe in der Gascogne (Blade, Proverbes de l’Ar- 
magnac, p. 92); hier ist der Mond als das Werk des Teufels für 
den Teufel selbst eingetreten (vgl. oben den Ursprung des Mondes 
als „Teufelssonne“ und das eben zitierte afrz. Beispiel). 

Auch auf die Liebesangelegenheiten übt der Mond im Volks- 
glauben grossen Einfluss. „Femme nulle“, heisst es in den Evanyi- 
les des Quenourlles aus dem 15. Jh., „ne doit homme espouser en 
decours de lune, pour le bon eur que la lune donne & son renou- 


B XIIla Mond. 38 


vellement“, und den Mond fragen die jungen Bauersfrauen oft um 
Rat, wen sie lieben und heiraten sollen. Wenn der zunehmende 
Mond sich zeigt, stellt sich z. B. das junge Bauernmädchen aus St. 
Malo ans Fenster, blickt zum Monde auf, begrüsst. ihn und sagt: 
„Belle lune, beau croissant, Faites-moi voir en dormant, Qui j’aurai 
pour amant“. Darauf legt sie den Spiegel auf ihr Kissen, geht 
schlafen und sieht im Traum ihren künftigen Bräutigam (Folk-Lore 
de I’Ille-et-Vilaine in Rev. des trad. pop. XV, p. 507). Eine ähnliche 
Beschreibung ganz aus dem Süden: Am Weihnachtsabend muss 
man um Mitternacht vom Bett aufstehen, doch so, dass der linke 
Fuss zuerst den Fussboden berührt, und dann, falls es heller Mond- 
schein ist, zu einem Kreuzweg gehen und sprechen: „Lune, ö ma 
tant belle lune, Toi qui connais ma fortune, O! fais-moi voir en re- 
vant, Qui j’aurai pour mon amant“. (Coutumes, eroyances et super- 
stitions de Noöl. Suisse romande, Canton de Vaud, in Rev. des trad. 
pop. II, p. 532). In Saöne-et-Loire kommen ganz ähnliche Proze- 
duren am letzten Februar vor, hier ist aber Mars der angerufene 
(Fertiault). In Poitou gelit man sieben Abende nacheinander im 
ersten Viertel des Mondes hinaus, um ihn anzubeten (Desaivre, Prie- 
res pop. du Poitou, p. 36), in Maine findet die Anbetung im März- 
neumond statt (Rev. des trad. pop. V, p. 563), und im französischen 
Flandern kniet sich das Mädchen vor ihr Bett hin und betet zur 
Mondsichel: „Croissant, croissant, fais-moi voir en r&vant etc.“ (Des- 
rousseaux, Meurs de la Flandre francaise II, p. 281). 

Solche und ähnliche Vorstellungen vom Einfluss des Mondes 
auf das Lebensschicksal der Menschen könnten in Unendlichkeit 
fortgesetzt werden. Sie alle zeigen deutlich, wie tief dieses Gestirn 
mit seinem magischen Schein auf das Gemüt des unwissenden Vol- 
kes eingewirkt hat, ja, so tief, dass wohl noch Jahrhunderte ver- 
gehen werden, ehe der Mondaberglaube völlig verschwinden wird. 

Gehen wir nun nach diesem kurzen Überblick über das Vor- 
stellungsgebiet, auf das der Mond seinen Einfluss ausgeübt hat, zu 
der Betrachtung über, wie sich diese Vorstellungen bei der Namen- 
gebung dieser merkwürdigen Himmelserscheinung geäussert haben. 
Wenn man die Verschiedenheit der sich an den Mond anknüpfenden 


3 


34 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIII. 


Vorstellungen ins Auge fasst, wäre man geneigt, auf eine grosse 
Mannigfalt der sprachlichen Benennungen des Mondes zu schliessen. 
Bevor man jedoch einen solchen Schluss zieht, muss man sich klar 
machen, dass die oben erwähnten verschiedenartigen Vorstellungen 
sich zumeist an die Wirkungskraft des Mondes anknüpfen, nicht so 
sehr an den Himmelskörper selbst. Wie schon anfangs hervorge- 
hoben worden ist, hat das wahre Wesen des Mondes, wie es an 
und für sich betrachtet sich darstellen mag: seine Form, Grösse, 
Oberfläche, Entfernung das Volk so ziemlich unberührt gelassen. 
Er ist ihın in seinem Äussern vor allem zu gewöhnlich und zu ei- 
nerlei und dazu noch zu fern und zu vage, um das im Konkreten 
lebende und wirkende Volk zu einer volkstümlichen Namengebung 
zu veranlassen, die sich zuvörderst in konkreten, ihm naheliegenden 
Bildern bewegt. Trotz seiner Wunderkraft ist der Mond gleichwie 
die Sonne, die beide fast ebenso gewöhnliche Erscheinungen sind, 
arm an Namen. Die vom lat. Zuna vererbte Benennung ist überall 
in Frankreich verbreitet und überall fast die einzige Bezeichnung 
für dieses Gestirn. Volkstümliche Namen sind selten. 

Aus allem, was über die Vorstellungen von der Entstehung der 
Sonne und des Mondes (vgl. unter Sonne) gesagt ist, geht hervor, dass 
diese beiden Himmelskörper im Volksglauben stets neben- und mitei- 
nander gedacht worden sind (Sonne = Gottes Werk, Mond = Teufels 
Werk; Sonne = Mann, Mond = Weib; Mond = eine „abgenutzte Son- 
ne“ etc.). Die Sonne gehört der Arbeit und daher den Menschen, der 
Mond den scheuen Tieren: deswegen ist der Mond, wie schon oben 
unter Sonne im Vorbeigehen angedeutet worden ist, „le souleu di lebre“ 
in der Provence (Rev. des langues rom. 1883, p. 191), oder in Perche 
„le soleil des loups“ (Rev. des trad. pop. XXIII, p. 274). In der 
aus Südfrankreich belegten Redensart: fa: lugano für „il fait clair 
de lune* (Mstrl.) ist der Mond mit dem „Morgenstern“ (lucana) 
identifiziert. Auf den „bleichen Mond“ deutet auch die von Mstrl. 
zitierte Anrede: „E vous, palido lugano que tant lusisses en aut“ etc. 
Die Vorstellung vom Mann im Monde hat wahrscheinlich den schon 
oben erwähnten Namen Judas hervorgerufen. Dass in der Anrede 
gebrauchte „Madame la Lune“ (s. oben) hängt mit der Personifizie- 


B XII, Mond. 35 


rung des Mondes eng zusammen. Kine Benennung des Mondes, die 
gleichfalls mit der Personifizierung dieses Himmelskörpers in Ver- 
bindung stehen dürfte, ist das hauptsächlich aus dem Norden Frank- 
reichs, der Picardie, bekanute belle ') (Haignere, Corblet), bel: 
el bel a s’elsv (Edmont). Nach Haignere ist die Bezeichnung auch 
„rouchi et wallon“. Wie ist nun dieser Name zu erklären? Hier kann 
schwerlich der Mond, wie bei „Madame la Lune“, als eine Art Popanz 
aufgefasst worden sein, auch nicht als das Gesicht eines bösen Unge- 
tüms, dessen blosses Betrachten Unheil bringt, sondern hier muss der 
Name einem ganz anderen Vorstellungsinhalt entsprungen sein. Schon 
oben, als wir den vermeinten Einfluss des Mondes bei Liebesge- 
schichten besprachen, haben wir gesehen, dass er nicht nur im Nor- 
den, sondern auch im Süden von den Liebenden mit dem Attribut 
belle: „belle lune“ ?), „beau croissant“ angeredet wird. Diese Anrede 
ist doch wohl nur da möglich, wo die unheilvolle Wirkung des Mon- 
des nicht fühlbar ist, und wo, wenn eine Personifizierung überhaupt 
nötig ist, an Stelle des Teufels als Schöpfers des Mondes oder an 
Stelle eines Verbrechers oder bösen Geistes die Vorstellung an etwas 
Freundliches, Wohlwollendes, z. B. an Gott oder die heilige Jung- 
frau, gebunden ist. Letzteres scheint eben in der Picardie der Fall 
gewesen zu sein, wo Volkslieder folgender Art gewöhnlich sein sol- 
len: „C'est la lune, belle et brune, C’est le temps, bel et blanc, 
C'est la Vierge qui nous appelle, Pour aller dans la chapelle, Pour 
y chauffer les pieds du petit Jesus, Pour y boire du lait bollir 
(bouilli)“ (vgl. Rev. des trad. pop. XVIII, p. 101). 


!) Nach Atl. ling. kommt bel bei folgenden Punkten vor: in Pas-de- 
Calais 299, 288, 285, 276, 273, 283,in Nord 295, 272,280, im franz. Belgien 294, 
291 und in der franz. Schweiz eine Form. bil: 63. 

?) Für Mond kommt die Zusammensetzung zl-Ien einmal in Pas-de 
Calais vor (Atl. ling.). 


36 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIL«s 


Sterne. 


Seit grauen Zeiten haben die Sterne eine grosse Rolle im Volks- 
glauben gespielt; hat ja jeder Mensch, schon als er zur Welt kam, 
sein besonderes sidus nalalicium gehabt, das ihm hold oder feind- 
ich sein konnte. Allgemein verbreitet war der Glaube, dass der 
Mensch zeit seines Lebens unter der Einwirkung desjenigen Sterns, 
der ihm bei der Geburt geschienen, stand. Diese Einwirkung kunnte 
gut oder schlecht sein; er konnte also unter einem guten, glücklichen, 
aber auch unter einem bösen, unheilvollen Stern geboren werden. Kein 
Wunder deshalb, dass man die Sterne im Altertum anbetete, eine Sitte, 
die auch im Mittelalter, ja sogar noch später vorgekommen sein 
dürfte. So heisst es z. B. auf französischem Gebiet in den aus dem 
15. Jh. stammenden „Evangiles des Quenouilles“: „Qui & son cou- 
chier salueroit l’estoille pouchiniere (vgl. unter den Plejaden), il ne 
seroit possible de perdre aucun de ses pouchins!) et se multiplie- 
roient doublement“ (III, 14, glose). 

Mit der Bedeutung der Sterne für das Menschenleben hängen die 
Vorstellungen von den Sternschnuppen, den sog. e&torles filantes, eng 
zusammen. Wenn man diese fallen sieht, meint ja der Volksglaube 
so ziemlich überall, dass jeder Wunsch, den man während ihres Fal- 
lens ausspricht, in Erfüllung geht. Ausserdem heisst es in Frank- 
reich mit direktem Bezug auf Leben und Tod des Menschen, dass 
die efoiles filantes nichts anderes seien, als „les ämes du Purgatoire 
qui vont en Paradis* (Bulletin de la societe des parlers de France 
1893—1898, p. 26; vgl. auch „Les &toiles* bei Daudet, Lettres de 
mon moulin). Dieser Glaube ist alt. So heisst es schon in den eben 
erwähnten „Evangiles des Quenouilles“: „Quand vous veez de nuit 
cheoir une estoille, sachiez pour vray .que c’est un de voz amis 
qui est trespass6, car chascune personne a une estoille au ciel pour 
ui, et quand il meurt, elle chiet* (Appendice A. 16). Mit diesen 


!) Vgl. hiermit folgendes aus der „Chemnitzer Rockenphilosophie“: 
„Grüsst ein Weib beim Bettgehen die Sterne am Himmel, nimmt ihr der 
Geier oder Habicht kein Küchlein“ (Grimm, Deusche Mythol. IL, Abergl. 112). 


BXIII. Sterne. 37 


er 4 Daum DU mn m nn nn ——_ 


Vorstellungen sind dann beim Volke allerlei Gebete verknüpft, die 
die Zeit der Sühne und Läuterung der Seelen abkürzen oder er- 
leichtern können. So glaubt man z. B. in den Vogesen, dass man 
durch das Aussprechen der Worte: „Requiescat in pace“, während 
man die Sternschnuppe fallen sieht, eine Seele aus dem Fegefeuer 
retten kann, oder ganz ähnlich in dem wallonischen Belgien, wo man 
sagen muss: „Que les ämes du Purgatoire reposent en paix“ (Monseur, 
Le Folk-Lore wallon, p. 61). In der Provence sagt man: „Bel ange, 
Dieu t’accompagne“ (Mstrl.) u. &. m. Vgl. mit diesen Vorstellungen bei 
Beranger: „Mon enfant, un mortel expire, sun &toile tombe & l’in- 
stant“, und die Idee vom Faden des Schicksals, den die göttliche 
Spinnerin am Himmel spinnt und der in eineu Stern endet, aber 
beim Tode des Menschen reisst, wobei dann der Stern erbleichend 
niederfällt (Grimm, Il, S. 602). 

Was den Ursprung der Sterne, so wie ihn sich das Volk vor- 
stellt, betrifft, so dachte man sich ihn im Norden der Edda bekannt- 
lich so: Der Weltenraum hatte ein nördliches, nebelumhülltes Ende, 
von dem Dunkel und Kälte, und ein südliches, von Feuer umloder- 
tes Ende, von dem Licht und Wärme ausgingen. Diesem südlichen 
Feuer, dem sog. Muspellsheim, entflogen Funken, und diese wurden 
dann von den Göttern als Sterne am Himmel befestigt (Grimm, 
I, S. 602). 

Ähnliche Vorstellungen sind in Frankreich m. W. nicht zu 
belegen. Dagegen dachte man sich hier die Sterne als entstanden 
aus dem Monde. So glaubte man im Anfang des vorigen Jahrhun- 
derts in Limousin, dass der Mond sich jeden Monat vollständig 
abnutzte und dass Gott aus ihm Sterne machte (Rev. des trad. pop. 
XVII, p. 340). Anch in dem wallonischen Belgien hat man gemeint, 
die Sterne seien eigentlich nur Stückchen von alten Monden (Monseur, 
Folk-Lore wallon, p. 61). In Cötes-du-Nord hat man geglaubt, die 
Sterne seien der Vereinigung der Sonne mit dem Monde entsprossen, 
oder man sagt, das Meer habe, als es einst aufhörte das Himmelsge- 
wölbe zu bespülen, grosse Diamantblöcke droben zurückgelassen (Rev. 
des trad. pop. I, p. 203 und Sebillot, L&gendes, croyances et super- 
stitions de la mer II, p. 19-20). 


38 W. O0. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXII!. 


Diese und ähnliche Vorstellungen, die sich auf die Sterne im all- 
gemeinen beziehen, dürften jedoch verhältnismässig selten gewesen 
sein. Meistens sind es nämlich nur die besonders auffallenden Sterne 
oder Sterngruppen, die die Volksphantasie in höherem Grade be- 
schäftigt haben. | 

Dass die Einbildungskraft des Volkes den Sternen in ihrer 
Allgemeinheit keine grössere Beachtung geschenkt hat, scheint. 
ausserdem dass direkte volkskundliche Mitteilungen fehlen, auch aus 
der Tatsache hervorzugehen, dass dieser allgemeine Begriff so aus- 
serordentlich arm an volkstümlichen Benennungen ist. Schon ein 
flüchtiger Blick auf die Karte &oile (Atl. ling. Fasc. 11, carte 494) 
zeigt uns, dass stella fast der alleinherrschende Ausdruck über ganz 
Frankreich geworden ist. Sonst kommt nur einerseits in Haute- 
Vienne ein land, m. vor, was nichts anderes sein kann als „kleiner 
Mond“ (< lunellum) und somit gut zu der obenerwähnten Vor- 
stellung aus Limousin passt, anderseits in Gers ein lügrän (?); in 
den übrigen Fällen hat man sich, wie gesagt, mit dem Erbwort 
stella begnügt. 

Was die einzelnen Sterne anbelangt, die, wie z. B. der Polar- 
stern und die Venus, wahrscheinlich eine grössere Rolle im Volks- 
leben gespielt haben, der erstere besonders für alle Seefahrer, der 
letztere als schöner Abend- und Morgenstern, als vesper und lu- 
cifer, so scheinen wenigstens in Frankreich die volkskundlichen 
Mitteilungen vollständig zu versagen !). 

Der Polarstern heisst gewöhnlich nur 6&todle polaire (e. du Pöle) 
oder etolle dw Nord (vgl. finn. pohjantäht:). Auch das deutsche 
mersterne (vgl. Grimm D. M. III, S. 211), stella maris, das haupt- 
sächlich mit der Seefahrt in Beziehung steht, hat seine Entsprechung 
im irz. etoile marine, prov. estelo marıno (Piat).. Der „hinter den 
Bergen“ gelegene Stern, framontane, afrz. tresmontaine, heisst der 


ı) Dasselbe gilt auch im grossen und ganzen von den germanischen 
Völkern („Die Überlieferung unseres Heidentums von einzelnen Gestirnen 
ist grösstenteils verschollen und selbst die Namen sind durch gelehrtastro- 
nomische Benennungen fast verdrängt worden*, Grimm, D. M., S. 603). 


BXIl, Sterne. 39 


Polarstern besonders unter den Seeleuten des Mittelmeeres (Bulletin 
de la societ& des parlers de France 1893—98, p. 26), und ihn aus- 
ser Sicht verlieren: perdre la tramontane bedeutet ganz allgemein: 
sich nicht mehr zurechtfinden (HDT). 

Keineswegs reicher an volkstümlichen Namen ist die Venus. 
Am gewöhnlichsten dürfte sie „Stern der Hirten“, etolle du beryer, 
vgl. Daudet, „Les etoiles“ (Lettres de mon moulin), prov. extelo del 
pastre (Piat) genannt werden (Ahlele di wache, d. h. efoile du vacher 
bei Hingre), eine Bezeichnung, die mit dem angelsächsischen svana 
steorra „Stern der Ochsentreiber“ (Grimm, D. M. II, S. 603) vollkom- 
men übereinstimmt und seine Erklärung darin findet, dass dieser Stern 
bei seinem Aufgang den Hirten leuchtete, wenn sie ihre Herde aus- 
trieben, und ihnen wiederum bei seinem Untergang die Zeit für das 
Heimtreiben angab. In der Provence heisst sie, wohl wegen ihres 
prächtigen Scheines, bello Magalouno „qui court apres Pierre de 
Provence (Saturne)* (Mstrl. Armana provencau, 1872. p. 42 und Dau- 
det’s „Les &toiles“) oder kurzum la belo estelo (Piat); über die schöne 
Prinzessin Magalouno vgl. näheres bei Mstrl., Mireio, cant proumie, 
7, note, ed. Koschwitz). 

Von den Sterngruppen ist wohl der grosse Bär!) diejenige, die 
am meisten die Phantasie des Volkes beschäftigt hat. Schon im 
höchsten Altertum wurde der grosse Bär als ein vierrädriger „Wa- 
gen“ vorgestellt, bei dem die drei abseits liegenden Sterne entweder 
die Deichsel oder die drei Zugtiere bezeichnen sollten. Dieses Bild, 
das eine sehr grosse Verbreitung ?) hat, ist auch in Frankreich sehr 
gewöhnlich. Der älteste Beleg ist nach G. Paris (Le petit Poucet et 
la grande Ourse, p. 57) folgender Vers im Roman de Rou: „Tot 
dreit devers Setentrion que nos char el ciel?) apelon“ (Vers 98)“. 


ı) Dieser Name (griech. &parug, lat. ursa maior) hat nach G. P. in „Le 
petit Poucet et la grande Ourse“) nichts mit der Form des Sternbildes zu 
tun und beruht einfach auf einer fehlerhaften Übersetzung, wie Max Mül- 
ler (Lectures on the science of language, 1864, p. 359) zeigt. 

2) Griech. «ua&e, röm. plaustrum, ill. slav. kola (eigentl. „Räder“), poln. 
woz, germ. „Wagen“ (s. unten in Zusammensetzungen), lett. ralti („Räder“), 
estn. wankri lühed (wanker, finn. vankkuri „Wagen“ und lähed „Sterne“). 

®, Ahd. wagan in himile. 


40 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIUL« 


Bald wird der grosse Bär vom Volke einfach mit „grosser Wagen“ 
bezeichnet, wie in der Picardie: grä-kär, gr& käryo (Edmont), bald 
wird der „Wagen“ Abraham zugeeignet: Tehär d’Abraham (Mon- 
seur, Le Folk-Lore wall., p. 60), bald dem Heiligen Martinus: char 
Saint Martin (G. Paris, Le petit Poucet, p. 66), bald dem König 
David: /ärt du rwe Dawi (Dottin), bald endlich den Seelen: lou car 
‘de lus armos (Mstrl,) char des ämes (Daudet, „Les &toiles“ in Lettres 
de mon moulin), Namensgebungen, wie sie auch anderwärts sehr 
häufig beobachtet werden können !), und die ihren Grund darin ha- 
ben, dass das auffallende Sternbild des Wagens grossen mythischen 
Persönlichkeiten als Ehrenplatz am Himmel zugewiesen werden 
sollte. 2) | 

Allen obenerwähnten Namen des grossen Bären liegt die Vor- 
stellung eines Wagens zugrunde, die durch die vier im Rechteck 
stehenden Sterne ohne nähere Hervorhebung der drei anderen her- 
vorgerufen worden ist. Aber auch diese letztgenannten Sterne haben 
zu ganz sinnlichen Vorstellungen Anlass gegeben, wie schon oben 
angedeutet ist. Von der Idee einer Deichsel zeugt besonders die 
griechische und römische Mythologie, vgl. die Domitianische Über- 
setzung einer Stelle des Aratos: „tres temone rotisque micant su- 
blime quaternae“ (zitiert von G. Paris in seinem obenerwähnten 
Werke). Dieses temo dürfte nach G. Paris auch als Name für das 
ganze Sternbild im Lat. vorkommen, so wie ein thistl im Angel- 
sächsischen für den ganzen „Wagen“ bezeugt ist (Grimm, D. M., 
p. 604). 

Ein sehr hohes Alter muss aber auch der zweiten, gleichfalls 
schon erwähnten Vorstellung von den drei Zugtieren zugeschrieben 
werden, nach G. P. sogar ein höheres Alter als der oben besproche- 


ı) Vgl. bei den alten Ägyptern „Osiriswagen“ vehiculum Osiridis, bei 
den Germanen Wuotanes wagan (Grimm. D. M.,S. 125), in der Schweiz Herra- 
waga (ebd. S. 604), bei den Ungarn „Gotteswagen“ isten szekere und Szent 
Peter szekere, d. i. „Petriwagen“ (Am Urquell, 4. Bd., 1. Heft, S. 30), engl. Char- 
les wain, dän. Karlsvogn, schwed. Karlavagnen. 

2) „Oes croyances sont nees du desir de rapporter une tradition trös 
populaire & un nom 6galement illustre“. (Revue critique, 1870, t. I; art. 31). 


B XIII. Sterne. 41 


nen Idee von einer Deichsel.!) Wie wir oft im Laufe dieser Ar- 
beit sehen werden, ist es charakteristisch für die Volksvorstellungen, 
Gegenstände und Wesen, mit denen das Volk ganz vertraut gewor- 
den war, in den Himmel zu versetzen. So wurden bei den Römern 
sieben Ochsen, septem triones — mag man nun Pflugochsen (Varro, nach 
G. P.) oder zum Dreschen ?2) des Korns verwendete Ochsen (Preller, 
Röm. Mythol. S.290) darunter verstanden haben —, anden Himnel 
verlegt. Diese Vorstellung von sieben Ochsen ist m. W. in Frank- 
reich nicht belegbar, wohl aber die von einem Wagen und seinem 
Führer. Diesen letzteren ?) sieht das Volk in einem ganz kleinen 
Sternchen über dem mittleren der drei „Zugtiere“ und knüpft an 
ihn eine ganze Menge von wundervollen Sagen, hinsichtlich deren 
ich nur auf G. Paris’ oben zitiertes, interessantes Werk verweise. 

Auf diesen Vorstellungen und Sagen beruht folgende im Wal- 
lon. vorkommende Bezeichnung des grossen Bären: ichaur Pöcet (Pir- 
soul), chaur Pöce (Grandgagnage), eine Bezeichnung, die auch in 
der Schweiz belegt worden ist: iser « Podjet (M&lusine II, kol. 31). 
Hier ist der erste Teil natürlich der Wagen, char, der zweite Teil 
aber der Fuhrmann, der kleine Däumling, le petit Poucet *) (G. P.). 


ı) „La mani&re de comprendre les trois etoiles comme trois baufs, au 
lieu de se figurer la ligue qui les traverse comme le timon, est celle qu'on 
est porte ä regarder comme la plus primitive“ (G. P.). 


:) Diese Vorstellung wird gestützt durch eine andere, nämlich dass 
sich um Mitternacht das ganze Sternbild mit grossem Geräusch umdrehe 
(vgl. Grimm, D. M., S. 604). Dem würde nach Preller zugrunde liegen, 
dass die sieben Ochsen (leriones <terere) sich am Himmel um eine grosse 
Dreschtenne herumbewegten. 


s) Bei den Griechen ist er der „Ochsentreiber* Philomelos, der den 
ersten Wagen anfertigte, und zwar so schön, dass seine Mutter ihn „arantem 
inter sidera constituit“ (G. P.); bei den Ungarn ebenfalls ihr erster Wagner 
namens Göntzöl, weshalb das Sternbild auch „Göntzöls, Gönczöls Wagen“ 
heisst: Göntzül szekere (Grimm, S. 605 und Am Urquell 4. Bd., 1. Heft, S. 30). 
In Frankreich heisst er „postillon“ oder auch „cavalier“ (G. P.), in Deutsch- 
land „Reiter“ (G. P.), „Fuhrmann“, „Knecht“ (Grimm). 


t) „Pöcet personnage principal d'un conte, personne de petite taille, le 
pouce dans le langage des eufants“ (Pirsoul). Auch in germanischen Län- 


42 W. O. STRExG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIL« 


Wie das Volk dazu gekommen ist, sich gerade einen Däunmling 
als Fuhrmann oder Öchsentreiber für die grossen Himmelsochsen 
vorzustellen, das erklärt in poetischer Weise G. P., wenn er sagt: 
„En regardant au ciel les sept baufs &clatants qui s’y promenent 
en ordre, nos peres (die Römer) ont remarque la petite &toilette 
placee au-dessus de celui du milieu, et il en ont fait le conduc- 
teur. Mais le beuf est si grand et si splendide, le bouvier si 
petit & peine visible: c’est que c’est un nain; il dirige les 
enormes betes en leur disant & l’oreille les mots qu’elles compren- 
nent, car il est dou& d’une sagesse merveilleuse ... Transporte 
sur la terre comme tous les personnages dont l’imagination primitive 
avait place l’activit6 au ciel, le petit bouvier a gard& sa stature 
mignonne. Son caractere divin se r&vele encore dans les recits de 
sa miraculeuse naissance et dans sa ruse surhumaine*. 

Abgesehen vom grossen Bären sind wohl der Orion und die 
Plejaden die in Frankreich bekanntesten Sterngruppen; in einigen 
Gegenden kennt man gar keine anderen: „on ne nomme guere dans 
la Bas-Maine que les 6toiles suivantes: la plane&te Venus, les Pl&iades, 
la grande Ourse, la Voie lactee et le Baudrier d’Orion“ (Dottin, 
Suppl.).. Mehrere von den gewöhnlichsteen Namen des Orion im 
Altertum beziehen sich auf den aus der griechischen Mythologie be- 
kannten riesenhaften Jäger, der an den Himmel versetzt wurde und 
Sturm und Regen mitbringt: nzmbosus Orion (Verg. Aen., I, 535), so 
lat. jugula (eigentl. „Gürtel“ < jugum „Joch“), und ensis !): „niti- 
dumque Orionis ensem“ (Ov. Met. 13. 294), woher ensifer „der 
Schwerttragende“ (Grimm. D. M., Nachtr. S. 212). 

Diese Namen sind in Frankreich m. E. spurlos verschwunden 
und haben nicht nur hier, sondern auch anderwärts, entweder spä- 
teren, christlichen Benennungen Platz gemacht, oder man hat sie 


dern kommt der Fuhrmann unter diesem Namen „Däumling“ vor, so dümeke, 
dümke, „Hans Dümken“ und „Daumesdick“ (vgl.auch Praetorius, De suspecta poli 
declinatione, S.140, wo von einem pollicari auriga gesprochen wird, Grimm, S. 605). 
1) Ähnliche Vorstellungen von einer Waffe liegen auch den estnisch 
—finnischen Namen des Orion zugrunde: finn. „Äalevan miekka“ („Kalavas 
Schwert“) und esthn. „warda tähhed“ („des Speeres Sterne“) (Grimm, S. 607). 


BXIIlu Sterne. 43 


gar nicht gekannt und hat mit der kindlichen Phantasie eines acker- 
bau- und viehzuchttreibenden Naturvolkes dem leuchtenden Stern- 
bilde eigene, urwüchsige Namen gegeben. 

Zur erstgenannten Gruppe von Namen gehören „die drei Kö- 
nige“ oder „die drei Weisen“ (vom Morgenlande): l!& treu rwe (Mon- 
seur, Le Folk-Lore wall. p. 60, vgl. auch Daudet’s „Les &toiles“ in 
„Lettres de mon moulin“), le trwe rwe maj (Dottin, Suppl.) und 
„die drei Jungfrauen“: las tres Bergos (Blade, Contes de Gascogne, 
I, p. 221—22), vgl. F. Magnusen, Dagens tider S. 105: „Orionis 
constellatio a rusticeis vocatur bacwWus S. Petri!), a quibusdam vero 
{res Mariae“. Ein „baton de Jean de Milan“ in der ebenzitierten 
Novelle von Daudet. 

Zur zweiten Gruppe muss man Vorstellungen rechnen, die von 
Mähergerätschaften hergenommen sind: „Rechen“ ?) räteau in dem 
Wall. und den Vogesen (Monseur, Le Folk-Lore wall., p. 60 und 
Rev. des trad. pop. XI, p. 577, vgl. auch Daudet’s „Les etoiles*), 
„Rechen des Däumlings*: riste Pöced (Rev. des trad. pop. XVIII, p. 
282) (hier also Poucet, der kleine Fuhrmann, als Mäher), und „Sichel- 
stiel“ °) in der Provence: lou faus margue (falcis manica > faus 
manga, marga, margua [Körting 5883)]). 

Die Plejaden, ein Sternhaufen von sechs sichtbaren Sternen, 
die aber bei den Griechen und Römern bis zu sieben gezählt wur- 
den („quae septem dici, sex tamen esse solent“, Grinm, S. 213), 
verdanken ihren Namen gleich den meisten Sternen im Altertum 
mythologischen Vorstellungen, in unserem Falle bekanntlich den 


_— —_ ————— 


ı) Vgl. bei Grimm, SS. 606, 607: Jakobsstab, Petersstab, slav. shtapka 
„Krüche, Bischofstab“. 

?) In rheinischen Gegenden heisst der Orion auch „Rechen“, in ahd. 
Glossen „pfluoc“ (Grimm, S. 606). 


®) Mit Vorstellungen aus dem Mäherleben hängen auch folgende Be- 
nennungen des Orion zusammen: in Oberdeutschland heissen noch jetzt die 
drei Sterne des Gürtels „drei Mader“ (vgl. oben „Rechen“); mehrere slavi- 
sche Völker nennen das ganze Sternbild „Sensen“ (kosi, böhm., poln. kosy, 
sloven. koszi, Grimm, S. 607); auch bei den Finnen „Väinämöisen vitkate“ 
(„Väinämöinens Sense“). 


44 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. B XII. 


sieben, von Zeus in den Himmel erbobenen Töchtern !) der Pleione 
und des Atlas. Als volkstümliche Bezeichnung habe ich Pleiade nir- 
gends in Frankreich belegt gefunden, wohl aber ein paar andere 
Namen. Schon im Mittelalter heisst es: „Pleiades en France est ap- 
pell& l’estoille poucinzere* (HDT.) (vgl. oben S. 36, aus dem „Evangi- 
les des Quenouilles“ !)und diese Bezeichnung lestoille pouciniere, später 
pouciniere allein (eigentl. zu poucin, nfrz. poussin „Küchlein“, wovon 
pouciniere, also die „Henne, die Küchlein hat“, afrz. geline pociniere), 
scheint allgemeine Verbreitung in Frankreich gefunden zu haben. 
Diese Vorstellung von der „Gluckhenne mit ihren Küchlein“, die 
über ganz Europa?) verbreitet zu sein scheint, hat die in Frank- 
reich fast allein vorkommende volksprachliche Bezeichnung hervor- 
gerufen: lothr. poucherosse oder covrosse (M&m. de la soc. des Anti- 
quaires, T. IV, p. 376; T. IV, pp. 121, 129; zitiert von Grimm, S. 
607); die letztgenannte Benennung, gleich afrz. couveresse (geline 
couveresse) für couveuse, also „Bruthenne“; in Bas-Maine pusinyer 
(Dottin), lim. poussinieira (Rev. des trad. pop. XVII, p. 340), gleich 
schriftsprachlichem poussiniere. Zu dieser Gruppe von Vorstellun- 
gen gehört auch die in Limousin vorkommende Bezeichnung clonca 
(Rev. des trad. pop., ibd.), welches Wort wohl zu dem lautmalenden 
Stamm gloc-, cloc- gehört und Wörtern, wie ital. chzocceia, ptg. choca 
„Gluckhenne* (Ktg., Meyer-Lübke, 8795), (vgl. auch die Anm. un- 
ten), angereiht werden kann, und das im Languedoc. belegte cou- 
zigneiros (Grimm, S. 243), vielleicht eine Kontamination von dem 
vorigen (prov. closır „glucken“) und einem poussinieiros. 


ı) Nach einer anderen griechischen Sage: sieben „Tauben“ (#eAsıas 
„wilde Taube“). Bei den Spaniern sieben „Ziegen* („siete cabrillas“) S. wei- 
teres bei Grimm, S. 603 und Nachtrag S. 213. Über den Ursprung der Ple- 
jaden vgl. ebenda S. 608. 

?) Von ausserfranzösischen Bezeichnungen der Plejaden, denen dieselbe 
Vorstellung zugrunde liegt, mögen hier folgende Erwähnung finden: deutsch 
„Klucke“, „Kluckerin*, „Kluckhenne“, „Bruthenne mit den Hühnlein“; dän. af- 
tenhöne; engl. hen with her chickens; graubündn. c/uotschas; ital. gallinelle , böhm. 
slepices kurälky („Henne mit den Küchlein*“); ungr. fiastik (vgl. näheres bei 
Grimm, S. 607). 


BXIII. Sterne. 45 


Zuletzt eine Bezeichnung der Plejaden, der eine Vorstellung 
zugrunde liegt, die auch ausserhalb Frankreichs vorkommt. Es ist 
dies die von etwas „Dichtgesätem“ !) oder „Feingemahlenem“ (?), eine 
Vorstellung, die die dem Auge ganz klein erscheinenden, dicht ne- 
beneinander liegenden Sterne dieser Gruppe leicht haben erwecken 
können. So in der Gegend von Mouzon (in den Ardeinen): mou- 
linee (Goffart, Gloss. du Mouzonnais, in Revue de Champagne et de 
Brie, 2° serie VO— XI), was natürlich auf ein altes moulıner „mah- 
len* zurückgeht. 


Milchstrasse. 2) 


Die bei weitem gewöhnlichste Vorstellung, die sich überall an 
diese Himmelserscheinung anknüpft, ist die eines „Weges“, einer 
„Strasse“. Dagegen scheint sich die Vorstellung eines „Kreises“, 
die dem yadaklag xzuxAos der alten Griechen und dem circulus oder 
orbis lacteus der Römer zugrunde liegt, nirgends in der Volksvor- 
stellung der christlichen Völker eingebürgert zu haben. Jedenfalls in 
Frankreich nicht. Hier ist die Vorstellung eines „Weges“ fast die 
alleinherrschende. Dabei hat dieseibe ihre sprachliche Entsprechung 
in verschiedenen Ausdrücken gefunden. Nehmen wir zunächst das 
lat. via, das ja bekanntlich bereits im Lat. in Verbindung mit lactea 
als Bezeichnung für die Milchstrasse verwendet wurde, eine Zusam- 
menstellung, die mehreren Völkern bekannt ist) und ihnen die 


ı) Die „Dichtgesäten* heissen nach Grimm (S. 608) die Plejaden im 
Slovenischen, eine Vorstellung, die wohl mit der lithauischen und finnischen 
Vorstellung von einem „Siebe“: lith. setas, esthn. sööl (Grimm S. 608), finn. 
seula verwandt sein dürfte. 

2) Diese Studie stützt sich hauptsächlich auf den „Atl. ling. de la 
France“. 

») Vgl. die ausserromanischen Namen: ostfr. melkpath, engl. milky way 
und ung. tejüt, das auch „Milchstrasse“ bedeutet. 


46 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. 


BXIIl. 


Anregung zu einer ganzen Menge mythologischer Sagen !) gegeben 
hat. Diesen Sagen sowie der ganzen Begriffzusammenstellung liegt 
unzweifelhaft die Vorstellung von etwas „Weissem“ im allgemeinen 
zugrunde. Bei dem einen Volke ruft der weisse Weg am nächtlichen 
Himmel die Vorstellung von Milch, bei anderen wieder Vorstellun- 
gen von anderen weissen Dingen hervor; vgl. altn. vetrarbraut, 
schwed. vintergata „Winterstrasse“ (also die Vorstellung von weis- 
sem Schnee), westfäl. Mühlenweg (die Vorstelluug von weissem Mehl) 
und welsh. arianrod „Silberstrasse* (Grimm S. 296). Auch die vie- 
len aussereuropäischen Namen der Milchstrasse, bei denen Ausdrücke 
für „Spreu“, „Stroh“ 2), „Asche“ u. a. eine Rolle spielen, sind wohl 
ähnlichen Eindrücken entsprungen. 

In Frankreich ist nun, abgesehen vom schriftsprachlichen voie 
lactee, diese Zusammensetzung wenig verbreitet. Nur einige ganz 
spärliche Punkte im äussersten Osten kommen vor, so einige in der 
Schweiz, in Haute-Saöne, Meuse etc. (vgl. näheres im Atl. ling.). 
Schlechthin „weisser Weg“: vwä bl2ts wird sie einmal im Dep. Rhöne 
(908, Ati.) genannt. Schliesslich trifft man lat. via in Verbindung 
mit dem heiligen Jakob als Attribut an, einem Namen, der am häu- 


mn 


!) Am bekanntesten ist wohl die griech. Sage von Hera, die, zornig 
darüber, dass man ihrer Brust das kleine Herakleskind untergelegt hatte, 
ihre Milch über den Himmel spritzte und dadurch den weissen Streifen ver- 
ursachte. — Die oben erwähnte ungarische Milchstrasse ist mit einer ähn- 
lichen Sage in Verbindung gebracht worden. Hier ist es der ungarische 
Nationallıeld Arpad‘ der an der Brust seiner Mutter lag und von ihr träumte, 
wobei die Milch aus der Mutterbrust zu fliessen begann; den Weg, den die 
Milch am Himmel nahm, zog dann Arpad mit seinen Scharen weiter; daher 
der Name: „Milchstrasse* (Am Ur-Quell, Bd. IV, Heft L S. 29). 


?) Auch die Magyaren glauben Stroh in der Milchstrasse zu sehen. 
Es erzählt nämlich eine magyarische Sage: „St. Petrus hatte Stroh gestoh- 
len und es auf Gonczöls Wagen (vgl. oben beim grossen Bären) geladen; 
dabei wurde er vom Feldhüter ertappt, doch suchte er seinem Verfolger 
durch rasches Fahren zu entkommen; auf dieser hastigen Fahrt nun verlor 
er Stroh vom Wagen, das man seitdem als „Milchstrasse“ am Himmel 
sieht“. („Die Sterne im Magyarischen Volksglauben, Am Ur-Quell, Bd. IV, 
Heft I, S. 30). 


B XIll« Milchstrasse. 47 


figsten bei den französischen Benennungen der Milchstrasse heran- 
gezogen worden ist. Warum man den Himmelsweg mit den Namen 
gerade dieses Heiligen in Verbindung gebracht hat, findet vielleicht 
seine Erklärung in der biblischen Erzählung von der Leiter Jakobs, 
die gleich einem Wege zum Himmel führte. Spätere Versionen ha- 
ben den heiligen Jakob in diesen himmlischen Weg selbst versetzt; 
so ist Jakob nach der bekannten Chronik Turpins, Karl dem Gros- 
sen in der Milchstrasse erschienen und hat ihm den Weg zum heili- 
gen Grabe in Spanien gewiesen!) (Honnorat, Dict. prov.).. Schon 
im Mittelalter war via Sanctı Jacobi (vgl. Grimm, S. 296) allgemein 
üblich, und noch heute ist „Jakobs Weg“ die gewöhnlichste Bezeich- 
nung der Milchstrasse im Volke, mag nun dieser Weg durch das 
ursprüngliche via oder durch ein anderes synonymes Wort ausge- 
drückt werden. Was die von lat. via (Sancti Jacobi) ausgehende 
Benennung betrifft, so ist sie hauptsächlich auf ital. Gebiet (Punkte 
982, 992), vereinzelt auch nördlicher, auzutreffen. Weit verbreiteter, 
ja die allergewöhnlichste Ausdrucksform für die hier in Frage ste- 
hende Zusammensetzung ist die aus gall. camminus „Wer“ ent- 
standene. Dieser Typus: chemin de S. Jacques, camin de San QGia- 
chtmo (Andrews) ist über ganz Frankreich belegt (vgl. Atl. ling.). 
In einigen nördlichen Gegenden wird ausserdem hinzugefügt, wohin 
diese „Jakobsstrasse“ führt. Sie heisst da nämlich: /mi? d se jak 
ä gälis (Punkt 347, 343, 251). eine Bezeichnung, die an die be- 
rühmten Pilgerfahrten nach Galicien in Spanien (vgl. span. camino 
de Santiago, und oben), die das Paradies erschlossen, anknüpft. Ähn- 
lichen Vorstellungen von Pilgerfahrten ?2) ist wohl auch das /em2 d 
rom, das einmal im Dep. du Nord (Punkt 295) und ein paar Mal in 
der Schweiz (Punkte 959, 969) belegt ist, entsprungen, und ebenso 
jmı d& pürädı in Charente (Punkt 519). 


!, „Chemin de Saint Jacques va de France droit sur l’Espagne. C'est 
Saint Jacques de Galice qui l’a trace pour montrer sa route au brave Charle- 
magne lorsqu'il faisait la guerre aux Sarrasins*“ (Daudet, Lettres de mon 
moulin, „Les &toiles“). 

2) „Weg der Waller“ heisst die Milchstrasse auch bei den Türken 
(Grimm S. 296). 


48 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIII« 


Begriffliich dem Vorigen am nächsten kommt der „Weg des 
lieben Gottes“, womit man auch vereinzelt diese Erscheinung be- 
nennt: isämın du bün diü in den Hautes-Alpes (Punkt 866); vgl 
hiermit Vorstellungen von Göttern und Seelen (bei den Finnen von 
Vögeln: linnun rala), die auch anderwärts den Benennungen der 
Milchstrasse zugrunde liegen können (Grimm S. 296 und „Die Sterne 
im magyarischen Volksglauben“ in „Am Ur-Quell“ Bd. IV). Wohl 
ex analogia zur „Jakobsstrasse“ heisst die Milchstrasse im äusser- 
sten Südosten und vereinzelt in der Schweiz „des heiligen Petrus 
Weg“: kum? de se pöyre, pyer, auch (ebenfalls im Süden) „des heiligen 
Johannes’ Weg“: kam&d sen djya oder, ganz vereinzelt, „des heiligen 
Bernhard Weg“: tsamı s& börnär (Punkt 836). Auch wird dieser 
Himmelsweg dem König David zugeschrieben. so einmal in dem Wal- 
lonischen: tfum® d dävid (Punkt 176). Ein „Weg“ schlechthin: em? 
findet sich einmal belegt (Punkt 270). 

Vereinzelt kommen auch noch andere Ausdrücke für „Weg“, 
als via und camminus, für unseren Begriff vor. So frz. route: 
rut d se jak einmal in Allier (Junkt 901) und passage? s2 djäk ein- 
mal im Wallon. (Punkt 185). Eine besondere Art \Weg, näm- 
lich „une voie assez large pour qu’une charette puisse y passer“ 
liegt dem in Bas-Maine belegten Ausdruck für Milchstrasse: la /a- 
reyer de sö Jak (Dottin) (vgl. afrz. charriere < carraria „Karren- 
weg“) zugrunde. Zuletzt gehört vielleicht zu dieser Vorstellungs- 
gruppe eines „Weges“ noch folgende Bezeichnung in Cantal: 
köruu de se tsäke, die wohl mit „Gang“ (eigentlich wohl „Laufbahn“ 
von currere, vgl. span. corral „Hof“, Meyer-Lübke, 2415.) des 
heiligen Jakob zu erklären sein dürfte. 

Ausser der Vorstellung eines „Weges“ verdankt die Milch- 
strasse noch einigen anderen Vorstellungen ihre volkstümliche Be- 
nennung. Bisweilen stellt man sich die Erscheinung ganz einfach 
als „weissen Streifen“ oder kurzweg als „Streifen“ vor, so Irene byäf 
einmal in Indre und la tıen& in Seine-et-Marne und Nord (Atl. ling.). 
Etymologisch verwandt mit diesen ist auch folgender Ausdruck 
aus der Provence, dem die Vorstellung von einem über den Him- 
mel „gezogenen milchfarbigen Netze* zugrunde liegt: dralho la- 


B X1lls Milchstrasse. 49 


mm am nn nn an ml nl Em Li  . EL. 


cheneco (Piat), das aus lat. tragulum (trahere, *tragere)+ einer 
Adjektivableitung von lacte entstanden ist. 

Eine Gruppe für sich bilden die im Norden (in den Departements 
Somme, Pas-de-Calais, Meuse und dem wall. Gebiet) belegten: ab du ve, 
abjes(s)e, ub d abraam, bei denen das gemeinsame ab unzweifelhaft auf 
ein deutlicheres dbre (arbre) zurückgeht, das in den Zusammenset- 
zungen äbre d » Jak, übre mükäbe (Punkt 59, 54) als Bezeichnung 
für unsere Himmelserscheinung vorkonmt. Wir haben es also hier 
mit der Vorstellung von einem „Baume* — bisweilen „Bogen“ statt 
„Baum“ (Punkt 292: ärk äbräam) — zu tun, der sich mit seinen 
langen Zweigen über den ganzen Himmel erstreckt und der, gleich 
dem obigen „Weg“, bald Gott oder Jesus, bald Abraham oder dem 
heiligen Jakob, bald endlich den Makkabäern gewidmet ist. Ganz 
die nämliche Vorstellung finden wir auch bei der Namengebung be- 
sonderer Wolken, wo ein abre macabre (oder äbre de Machabee), übre 
naucabre, mäcabrai bald mit „leger nuage allonge“ erklärt wird, bald 
mit „disposition des nuages en forme d’un eventail“, bald schliesslich 
mit „une trainse de nuages brosses par un coup de vent dans le 
ciel sur une grande &tendue, d’une extremite de l’horizon & l’autre 
quelquefois, et dessinant vaguement une espece d’arbre avec sou füt, 
ses branches et ses racines“ (s. näheres unter „Wolke“*). Welche 
von diesen Verwendungen des zum Vergleich herangezogenen „Bau- 
mes“, die für Wolke oder die für die Milchstrasse, die ursprüng- 
lichere ist, lässt sich vielleicht nicht mit Bestimmtheit entscheiden; 
doch scheint das ungleich häufigere Vorkommen von fantastisch 
gestalteten Wolken, worunter sich recht oft an Bäume erinnernde 
Gebilde finden, — schon die verhältnismässig weit verbreitete, oben- 
genannte, murdartliche Wolkenbezeichnung, die sogar in der Schrift- 
sprache (vgl. HDT.) bekannt ist, spricht für ihr häufiges Erscheinen —, 
zu dem Schlusse zu berechtigen, dass die Wolken zuerst diese Vorstel- 
lung wachgerufen haben und erst, nachdem diese nach ihrem Verglei- 
chungsobjekt, dem Baum, benannt worden waren, diese Benennung 
auf die solchen Wolken ähnliche Milchstrasse !) übertragen worden ist. 


’) Findet sich ja auch für diese dann und wann die Benennung „wega 


4 


50 Ww.O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIs 


Ist nun die Volksphantasie dahin gekommen, die Milchstrasse mit 
einem „Baum“ (oder richtiger mit einer baumähnlichen Wolke) zu ver- 
leichen, so liegt es noch näher, in dieser weissen Himmelserschei- 
nung einen blühenden „Birnbaum“ zu sehen. Ein solcher Vergleich 
liegt wahrscheinlich in dem päyrı s? jyük (Punkt 175) vor, das 
gleichfalls in unserem arbre-Gebiet belegt ist und also als „poirier 
de Saint-Jacques“ verstanden werden muss. 

In der obenerwähnten „Baumgruppe“ wurde ein ub du v2 er- 
wähnt. Diesem „Windbaum* liegt höchstwahrscheinlich die Vor- 
stellung zugrunde, die Milchstrasse sei ein Vorzeichen des Windes 
oder, gebe die Richtung des herannahenden Windes an. Auch dieser 
Bezeichnung der Milchstrasse sowie einer ähnlichen in Calvados: 
! py@ d vü, also „Windfuss“, möchte ich als urspränglichere Ver- 
wendung die für „Wolke“ zuschreiben. Erstens dürften nämlich 
überall in der Welt die Wolken als ganz gewöhnliche Vorzeichen 
von Wetter und Wind gelten, und zweitens kommen tatsächlich eben 
diese Bezeichnungen in mehreren Gegenden für besondere Wolken 
oder durch Wolkenformationen entstandene wolkenlose Flächen vor. 
So z. B. wendet man ein pied d’vent für „eclaircie dans les nuages 
indiquant d’oü souffle le vent“ in der Sprache der Boulogner See- 
leute an (Deseille) orer pied-de-vent für „nuage allonge et 6troit 
dont la direction annonce celle du vent etc“ in Anjou (Verr.-On.). 

Zuletzt eine Vorstellung, die, wie die obenerwähnte von einem 
„Netze“, unter der Fischfang treibenden Bevölkerung Südfrankreichs 
entstanden sein dürfte, nämlich die Vorstellung von einem „himm- 
lischen Bache* !). Auf einen derartigen Gedanken weist wohl das 
von Piat belegte a(z)gal del cel hin, das sich unter den Benennungen 
für „voie lactee“ bei ihm verzeichnet findet (vgl. prov. aiga < aqua, 
aigal „Wasserleitung“, engad. ovel „Bach“ bei Meyer-Lübke). 


wolköno“, ein Name, der auch ausserhalb Europas seine Entsprechungen 
hat (vgl. Grimm, Nachtr., S. 106). Zu: 

!) Vgl. bei Grimm den arabischen Namen der Milchstrasse, der mit 
„flumen tractus* erklärt ist. 


BXIllu Wolken. al 


Wolken. 


Wohl wenige von den Himmelserscheinungen, die auf das Le- 
ben und Treiben des Volkes direkten Einfluss ausüben, haben die 
Phantasie desselben so sehr beschäftigt und infolgedessen einen so 
grossen Reichtum an sprachlichen Bildern hervorgerufen, wie die 
Wolken. Stehen diese doch in unmittelbarer Beziehung zu Wetter 
und Wind, zu Erscheinungen also, die für das ganze Leben des 
Volkes von grösster Bedeutung sind, und bieten sie sich doch recht 
oft dem Auge in phantastischen, die Einbildungskraft erregenden 
Formen und Farben dar. | 

Dass die Wolken in der volkstümlichen Wetterprognostik eine 
grosse Rolle spielen, nicht nur in Frankreich, sondern überall in 
der Welt, ist zu gewöhnlich, als dass es besonders hervorgehoben 
zu werden braucht. Nur einige Beispiele mögen kurz erläutern. 
welche Kennzeichen der Wolken dabei in Frankreich hauptsächlich 
in Betracht kommen. Sehr gewöhnlich ist (z. B. in Basse-Bretagne) 
die Ansicht, dass rote Wolken bei Sonnenaufgang Wind und Re- 
gen für den beginnenden Tag bedeuten — vgl. hiermit in Savoyen: 
„Les nuages rouges le matin font tourner la roue des moulins“ 
(Brachet), und in Val d’Aosta: „Le gnoule rodze di nat lavon lo 
plat, le gnoule rodze di matin quintson le tsemin* (Cerlogne), — 
schwarze Wolken Ungewitter: „Le ciel est noir comme le chapeau 
du commissionnaire, il va pleuvoir du goudron ou de l’encre* (Se- 
billot, Legendes, crovances etc., p. 15). Neben der Farbe verdient 
auch die Richtung der Wolken genauere Aufmerksamkeit. So sagt 
man in der Gegend von Metz von einer weissen Wolke (värpan’ 
genannt, Ss. unten), sie verkündige schönes Wetter, wenn sie dem 
Norden zugewandt ist, Regen aber, wenn sie nach Osten zu gekehrt 
ist (Rolland, Vocab. du pat. messin, in Romania 1876); oder in der 
franz. Schweiz: „Se le niole van d’amont, Prein Taulhe (aiguille a 
coudre) et le tacon (euir travaill&); Se le niole van d’avau, Prein 
le cove (lat. cos „pierre a aiguiser*) et la faux“ (Bridel), oder: 
„Si les nuages vont au nord-est, prends l’aiguille et le tacon, s’ils vont 


52 W. O, STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXII.« 


du cöt&e du sud-ouest, prends le räteau et la faux“* (Odin), eine Re- 
ddensart, die auch in Italien vorkommt: „co le nuvole va al mare. 
to’'su i ho e va arare; co le nuvole va al monte, to’ suiboevaa 
la corte* (Sebillot, Legendes, croyances etc. p. 17). 

Auch die Form der Wolken wird vom Volk genau beobachtet. 
Wenn man im Südwesten die wolligen „Schäfchen zum Stalle ziehen“ 
sieht („les moutons montent en bergerie*), so bedeutet das in Haute- 
Bretagne heftigen Wind (Sebillot, Le&gendes etc., p. 12; vgl. auch 
ital. „cielo pecorelo, vo piova o venteselo“, ebenda). In Basse-Bre- 
tagne hält man hingegen die langgestreckten Wolken für Vorläufer 
starken Windes (ibd.). Die leichten Cirruswolken, die gleich Fabnen 
grosser Federn über den Himmel zerstreut liegen und auch mit 
„Kehricht“, balayures, der nach dem Auskehren („nettoyage“) zu- 
rückgeblieben ist, verglichen werden, sind in der Picardie ein Vor- 
zeichen von schönem Wetter (Le Folk-Lore de la Picardie, in Rev. 
des trad. pop. XXIII, p. 355). Natürlich hat auch die Schnel- 
ligkeit, mit der die Wolken ziehen, beim Vorhersagen des Wetters 
ihre Bedeutung. So kündigen in Haute-Bretagne die schnell flie- 
genden Wolken Wind, die langsam dahinziehenden aber schönes 
Wetter an (Sebillot, Legendes etc., p. 14). In der frz. Schweiz aber: 
„les niolles qui s’elevent lentement et en fuseaux contre les flancs 
du Jura annoncent la pluie*; ausserdem kommt neben ihrer Form 
auch noch in Betracht, die Tageszeit, wie in Anjou: „Quant la 
nue dorante passe sur le soleil de dix heures, il mouille avant 24 
heures“* (Verrier-On.). Vgl. näheres unter den verschiedenen Aus- 
drücken für Wolke. 

Was die Substanz der Wolken betrifft, die auf ihre Namen- 
gebung auch einigen Einfluss hat üben können, so darf man wohl 
die Vorstellung von einer Ausdünstung der Erde erst einem spä- 
teren Entwickelungsstadium des Volkes zuschreiben. Bei primitiven 
Völkern — und auch in Franhreich finden sich Reste solcher Vor- 
stellungen — denkt man sich lieber die Wolken von festerer Be- 
schaffenheit, sogar wie Inseln oder Berge. So erzählen sich die 
Seeleute von la Manche eine Sage von jenem Schiffer, der samt sei- 
nem Schiffe durch ein von einer Wolke herabhängendes Tau aus 


BAIl, Wolken. 33 


den Händen von Seeräubern gerettet wurde (Rev. des trad. pop. 
XVIL. p. 455; vgl. auch ähnliches bei Sebillot, Legendes etec., pp. 
6. 7). Oft verlegt die Volksphantasie auch Zauberer und Hexen in 
die Wolken, die dann von ihnen gesteuert werden (Sebillot, l,egen- 
des etc., ibd.). Auch glaubt man. gewisse Personen, vor allem 
Priester, könnten sich in die Wolken versetzen und dort Gewitter 
verursachen (No&@las, Legendes foreziennes, p. 241 und Rev. des trad. 
pop. 1890, p. 382); daher die Redensart: „il va tomber des eur6s“ 
(Rev. des trad. pop., ibd.). 

Verbreiteter als die eben genannte Vorstellung scheint die zusein, 
dass die Wolken nichts anderes seien als eine Art Säcke oder (refässe, 
die sich mit Meereswasser füllen, eine Vorstellung, der vielleicht eine 
mehr oder minder unbewusste Personifikation der Wolke zugrunde 
liegt (Sebillot, Legendes etc. II, p. 8). Diese Vorstellung, die schon 
in dem „Dialogue des meteores“ von Pierre Messie aus dem 16. Jh. 
belegt ist, wo es unter anderem heisst: „Seachez done que il me 
dit que l’eau qui pleut est l’eaue de la mer que les nues vont tirer 
en icelle* (zit. von Sebillot, Legendes etc., II, p. 8--9), kommt noch 
in einigen Gegenden Frankreichs vor. So nach Sebillot an der Küste 
von la Manche und in Poitou, wo die Wolken das Meereswasser mit 
Schalen (gamelles) schöpfen (L&gendes ete., II, p. 8) und in Saint-Malo: 
„la pouche (sac) est deliee“, wenn es heitig regnet (Lecomte); vgl. 
auch oben unter „Sonne“, wo die Wolken wie eine „Tonne“: le bararl 
(baril), auf dem Rücken der untergehenden Sonne liegen. 

Schliesslich hat man sich bie und da die Wolke als grossen Vogel 
gedacht, was diez. B. in der Normandie belegte Sitte, mit einer silbernen 
Kugel nach ihr zu schiessen, erklärt (Sebillot, Lexendes ete., IT. p. 10). 

Ausser diesen phantastischen Vorstellungen von der Substanz 
der Wolken hat das Volk selbstverständlich auch reellere Vorstel- 
lungen, die dem wirklichen Sachverhalt der Erscheinung näher kom- 
men, gehabt, vor allem solche, die unter den Wolken nichts anderes 
als Nebel, Regen oder dgl. verstehen. | 

Schon von alters her hat — und das liegt ja ganz in der Na- 
tur der Sache -- eine Verschwommenheit zwischen Wolke und Nebel 
reherrscht (vel. griech. vey&in, das beide Bedeutungen hat), und 


54 W. OÖ. STkEnG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIL: 


diese Verschwommenheit findet sich auch in Frankreich ganz allre- 
mein vor. Das lat. nebüla, das ja bekanntlich „Nebel“, daneben 
aber auch bisweilen „Wolke“ bedeutete, hat afrz. nieule, niele, nieulle. 
nible, ergeben, welches sowohl mit „nuage“ als mit „brouillard. 
brume“ erklärt wird (Gdfr.), aprov. neula „Nebel“ (Crescini). Auch 
in den neueren Mundarten kommt dieselbe Verschwommenheit vor. 
So ist dieser nebula-Typus die gewöhnlichste Bezeichnung für Wolke 
in Südfrankreich !) geworden, findet sich aber daselbst auf einem 
weiten Gebiete auch bald für „brume“, bald für „brouillard“ 2). Die 
abgeleitete Forn nebulata, die im afrz. niulee sowohl „nuage” 
als „brume* bedeutete, scheint hauptsächlich für „Wolke“ gebraucht 
worden zu sein? Andere Ableitungen von nebula bedeuten bald 
„Wolke“, bald „Nebel“ ®). 


'!) Auf nebula gehen u. a. folgende Bezeichnungen für „Wolke“ zu- 
rück: nyöla (Philipon), gniola, niola (Puitspelu), gnoula (Cerlogne), nebla (Mar- 
tin), Aola (Fankhauser), nible (Dauzat), nievola, nivoula (Devaux), nebla (Ev- 
naudi), niolle (Humbert), niola (Brachet), niola (Bridel), niold (Const.-Desorm.), 
nebla (Calvino, Azais), sola (Odin), nyola (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. 1. 
Suisse rom.). 

?) „Nebel“, gewöhnlich „brouillard“, seltener „brume“, bedeutet ne- 
bula in folgenden Formen: niola, gniola (neben „nuage“, s. oben, auch 
„bronillard“, Bridel) nielles (Guillemaut), #ola („brouillard isole*, Gillieron), 
nyöla (Byland), nioule, nielle (Choussy), nvele (Cledat), nulae (Dauzat), nebia 
( Andrews), nebla (Nicollet), gnibla „brume*, nibla „brouillard du matin qui se 
leve avant le soleil* (Puitspelu), neblo (Avril), nebla (Sütterlin); vgl. näheres 
im Atl. ling. (cartes 178 und 181), wo die Bedeutung „brume‘“, „brouillard“ oft 
durch eine hinzugefügte Bestimmung verdeutlicht wird: ptita nola (Punkt 50), 
nibyü bäsa (Punkt 986, 972) für „brume“ une n:blo bäso, nedjye base (Punkt 952, 
990) für „brouillard“. Ähnliche Verdeutlichungen der Nebelbedeutung sind 
auch folgende aus der frz. Schweiz: niola bluva, eigentl. „blauer Nebel“, nyola 
kovcra „brouillarl qui enveloppe le sommet d’une montagne*, niola borna. 
borgna, eigentl. wohl „blinder Nebel“, dann „brouillard Epais“ (Mater. zu Gloss. 
des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.). Diese und ähnliche Verdeutlichungen lassen uns 
vermuten, dass doch „Wolke“ die gewöhnliche Bedeutung des Wortes ist. 

°2) Yin nivoulado „nude d’orage qui donne une pluie de peu de duree: 
„aquö's pa qu’uno niroulado“ (Hombr.-Charv., Mstrl.); holatä, se dit des nuages 
qui se tiennent pres de terre“ (Odin). 

+) rola „brouillard“ (Odin, Gillieron), nebiassa „brume* (Andrews), ne- 


B N. Wolken. 5 


Die gewöhnliche lat. Bezeichnuug für eine Wolke: nübes oder 
*nüba, wie es das frz. nue voraussetzt, scheint schon früh in der 
Volksspraehe wegen seines schwachen Lautgehaltes Ableitungen Platz 
gemacht zu haben. !) Ausser den in der Schriftsprache und dadurch 
wohl so ziemlich überall bekannten nuage- und nuee- Typen ?) kom- 
men noch einige andere Ableitungen vor: So nuau im Westen (Mon- 
tesson u. Verr.-On.; vgl. afrz. nuau, Gdfr.); dabei weicht die Bedeu- 
tung in Anjou von der ursprünglichen diminutiven „petit nuage“ 
ab, indem das Wort von Verr.-On. mit .„gros nuage noir“ erklärt 
wird; vielleicht könnte hier ein *nübälis (?) vorliegen; auf nubilus 
weisen das aprov., afrz. nuble, das in Bearn noch (?) vorkommende 
nuble: „petites nubles au miey dou gran sou* (sow „soleil“ bei 
lespy-Raym.) und nublesse, nublette (Tarbe; vgl. afız. nublesse, 
nublece, nulece, Gdir.). Sind die letztgenannten Benennungen veral- 
tet, so leben einige nubilata-Formen noch im Wallonischen als 
eewöhnliche Wolkenbezeichnungen: so niley, nule (Melanges wall. 
par Boclinville, Bovy etc.), nüley (Horning, Zur Kunde des Neuwall., 
in Z. f. rom. Phil., 1885), nüley (Niederländer, Die Mundart von Na- 
mur, Z. f. rom. Phil., 1900) und nitlde, sowohl „nuage* als „amas de 
brouillard plus ou moins epais, suspendus dans l’atmosphere“ (Pir- 
soul); vgl. noüalaie (Rmel.) und norleie, nüleie (Grgg.). Ein waley 
blasso, „gros brouillard“ (Azais), üoleta „petit nuage* (Odin) nyoleta, nyolan 
„nuage* (Mater. zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.). 

'!) Einem nivo (Andrews, Mstrl., mehrmals in Mircio), nivou (Hombr.- 
Charv.), niv-w (Nicollet), das von den genannten Autoren bald auf nubem, 
bald auf gıiiech. nephos zurückgeführt worden ist, muss wohl ein *nıbü- 
lus zugrunde gelegt werden (vgl. Mever-Lübke, 5975, prov. nicol). Auch 
- Formen wie niue (Contejean) und niu (Sütterlin), die nach S. auf nebula 
weisen (Rom. Forsch. IX, S. 26!), könnten sich wohl aus diesem Etymon 
nibulus (vgl. bei Sütterlin: niols) entwickelt haben. 

:) In Bas-Maine heisst eine Wolke nue d Navar oder nice de Kadriy, 
und wenn diese Wolke vor 11 Uhr über die Sonne hinweggeht, glaubt man 
noch am selben Tag Regen zu bekommen (Dottin). Etwa dasselbe schreibt 
man unter den gleichen Bedingungen in Anjou der Wolke nuee d’Orance 


oder nuee Laurence zu, was nicht anders als nuee dorante, d. h. „goldene 
Wolke“ (Verr.-On.), sein soll. 


96 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXII. 


„nuee“ hei Marchot (Pat. de Saint-Hubert) wird von ihm on (n)ıcalöıy 
erklärt. 

Dieselbe Verschwommenbeit in der Vorstellung zwischen Wolke 
und Nebel, die wir bei lat. nebula beobachtet haben, kann aber 
auch in anderen, spez. gallisch-romanischen Ausdrücken wahrgenom- 
men werden. Die Vorstellung „Nebel“ „Dunst“ (oder „Staubregen“) 
für Wolke liegt nämlich wahrscheinlich noch folgenden Bezeichnun- 
gen für Wolke zugrunde: 

1. brouillard: „U’y aides brouillards au teınps“ („ily a des nua- 
ges au ciel“, Baudouin). Ein bowllard „gros nuage annoncant la 
pluie* (Verrier-On.), „nuage qui annonce du vent ou de la pluie- 
(Lalanne) ist vielleicht dasselbe Wort’). 
| 2. cra s. f. „gros nuage noir“ (Verrier-On... Das W. gehört 
in einen Ideenzusammenhang von „dicker, feuchter Luft“, hier ne- 
bula crassa, wovon crassare, *erassinare „befeuchten“, erassiner. 
und crachine „Staubregen* (vgl. unter diesem Begriff). Ein „Staub- 
regen“ oder „staubregenartiger Nebel“ liegt wohl der in Wallis 
belegten Bezeichnung prinme s. f. (li prin pl.) für „nuage” zugrunde 
(vgl. prin Drudar „brouillard fin“, Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. 1. 
Suisse rom.). 

3. brume „nuage“ (Lespy-Raym.). Die Wolken im allgemeinen 
heissen in Lauraguais (Dep. Tarn) las drumos; doch meint man mit 
diesem Worte auch spez. die Cirruswolken, die, vom Winde getrie- 
!) Nach Littre (zit. von Verrier-On.) soll das Wort aus einem afız. 
boule „bäton termine par un bloc, qui est la bouille“ entstanden sein („comme 
il sert & troubler l’eau, le sens de nuage aurait pu en venir“, Littre), was 
wohl etwas gekünstelt erscheint. In Hinblick auf die ganz gewöhnliche 
Vorstellungsverschiebung zwischen Wolke und Nebel könnte das Wort 
trotz des fehlenden r-Lautes doch eher als browillard aufgefasst werılen, falls 
nicht auch dieses W. zu der Gruppe von Wolkenbezeichnungen gehört, de- 
nen eine Platzregenbenennung zugrunde liegt. Für diese Annahme präche 
nicht allein die wohl über ganz Frankreich verbreitete scherzhafte Bezeich- 
nung des Platzregens: bouillon (vgl. näheres unter diesem Begriff), sondern 
auch das direkte Vorhandensein von bonillard in der Bedeutung „Platzre- 
gen“: „il est tombe un bouillard* („pluie abondante et soudaine, giboulee-, 
Puichaud; bwuillard „averse“, Favre). 


BXIIl,. Wolken. | 47 


ben. wie über den Himmel „dahinschwimnen*“: brumos nadairos 
„nuees nageuses, sont des nuages que l’autan charrie de Est a 
l’Ouest* (Revue des trad. pop. XVIII, p. 425—426). 

4. Dreugnos s. m. „nuages tres rapproches de la terre“ (de 
Chambure, vgl. burg. Öreugne? „brouillard*, de Chambure), vel. 
näheres unter „Nebel“. 

5. feumee „vapeurs r&pandues dans l’atmosphere, nu6es le- 
geres et blanchätres qui se trainent a l’horizon: il y a beaucoup de 
feumees ce matin, nous aurons de la pluie* (de Chambure); fomäzyio 
„nuage mince*, foumet „nuage*“ (Mater. zu Gloss. des pat. d. |. 
Suisse rom.): vgl. fumadl und feumde unter „Nebel“. 

Wie schon oben erwähnt, lagen bisweilen den Wolkenbezeich- 
nungen ganz phantastische Vorstellungen zugrunde, unter anderem 
die von „Säcken“, „Schalen“ n. dgl. „Taschen voll Käse“: poutchä 
de sare (pochees de serac) heisst im Waadtland eine Art ganz klei- 
ner Wolken (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.). Auch sagt 
man in Bearn: per darre que y-ha brague (Lespy-Raym.) für „par 
derriere (a l’onest) il ya amas de nuage*, wobei brague hier 
„pis. mamelle de vache, de chevre et de tout autre animal“ (Mstrl.. 
Azais) bedeutete, und die'ganze Redensart also so zu verstehen wäre, 
dass es im Westen Wolken gibt so voll Wasser, wie das Euter voll 
Milch (Lespy-Raym.). Doch scheint mir die Erklärung des in Haute- 
(raronne belegten brago (unzweifelhaft dasselbe Wort) „une barre de 
nuage qui se forme entre le N. et le S. dans la direction de ’O.“ 
(Rev. des trad. pop. XVIII, p. 425, 426) und die Zusammenstellung 
des Wortes mit cinto (einetum „Gurt*) darauf hinzudeuten, dass 
man es hier eher mit einer Vorstellung von „Windeln“ zu tun ge- 
habt hat (vgl. Meyer-Lübke, Rom. etym. Wb. braca). 

Ein zidbasse in Zentralfrankreich wird mit „nuee d’orage accom- 
pagnee de vent et souvent de grosse pluie“ (de C'hambure) erklärt und 
wohl mit Recht mit einem yibasse, „giboulee de pluie, averse subite* (da- 
selbst) zusammengestellt. Welche von diesen Vorstellungen sollman nun 
als die primäre ansehen? De Chambure leitet das W. von afız. gibe !) 


» Dieses afrz. W. nach de Chambure auch als Stammwort für giboulet 


nicht ausgeschlossen. 


58 | W. O0. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXillı 


_ „ballot, paquet, sacoche* (Gdfr.) ab (bei DC.: giba „onus, fascis sta- 
tutae qvantitatis, nostris balot, alias gibe; gr. xidd« sacculus, quod 
merces saceulo involvi solent“), wonach gibasse als eine pejorative 
Form von gıbe „grosse charge ou gibe de pluie“ (de Ch.) betrachtet 
werden müsste. Nach de Ch. wäre also die Vorstellung „Platzregen“: 
„giboulee de pluie“ die primäre, woraus sich die Bedeutung *\Wolke* 
nach dem Muster von chaline, battresse etc. (vgl. weiter unten) ent- 
wickelt hätte. Hat aber das afrz. gibe wirklich die Bed. „sacoche* 
— die Beispiele bei Gdfr. lassen das nicht ohne weiteres feststel- 
len -—-, so steht es unzweifelhaft in Zusaminenhang mit afrz. gibasse 
„petite bourse de cuir“ (Gdfr.) und die Vorstellung „kleiner Sack“ 

läge damit dem obenerwähnten zibasse direkt zugrunde. Dass nämlich 
die „Wolke* auch als „Regen“ aufgefasst werden kann, beweist 
nuee, nuage u. dgl. für „Platzregen“ (vgl. diesen Begriff). 

Dem in der Sprache der boulogner Seeleute belegten »onard 
s. m. „gros nuage menacant“ (Deseille) liegt vielleich die schon oben 
erwähnte, auch an der Nordküste vorkommende Vorstellung zu- 
erunde, dass die Wolken „mit Schalen aus dem Meere Wasser schöp- 
fen“ (vgl. wall. ponart, ponnart s. m. „sorte de vase“, Arch. Tournai. 
bei Gdfr.). 

Allen obengenannten Wolkennamen lagen Vorstellungen zu- 
erunde, die sich hauptsächlich auf die Substanz der Wolken bezo- 
een. An diese reihen sich am nächsten die Bezeichnungen, die 
Vorstellungen von dem durch die Wolken zu erwartenden Wetter 
entsprungen sind. Dabei liegt es auf der Hand, dass Gewitter, Platz- 
regen und heftiger Wind, Witterungserscheinungen also, die für das 
Volk und die Landwirtschaft verhängnisvoll sein können, in erster 
Linie in Betracht kommen. So verdankt wohl das lat. nimbus als 
„Sturm- oder Regenwolke* und dann „Wolke“ überhaupt seinen 
Namen einer Kontamination von imber „Regenguss* und einem 
eewöhnlicheren Wolkennamen (nubes oder nebula); vgl. \Valde. 
Als Regenbringer oder spez. „Platzregen* verkündend heisst die 
Wolke bald bouron m. („gros nuage isol&*, in Broye-les-Pesmes in der 
Franche-Conte, Perron), bald bourrain-na („gros nuage annoncant 
Ja pluie“, in Lyon, Villefranche), bald bourzau (bourdiau?) (de Cham- 


BXII« Wolken. 59 


bure). Diesen Worten liegt wohl dasselbe bourrar „vollstopfen (mit 
Regen)“ zugrunde, das ein bowrrado, bowrrat im Gasc.: „la plejo 
toumbado & bourrats“t) (Jasmin, bei Mstrl.), ein bourree „averse ac- 
compagnee d’un grand’vent et de coups de tonnerre* in Savoyen 
(Const.-Des.), ein borrö, bourree „averse* in Villefranche-sur-Saöne 
(Deresse) herbeigeführt hat (vgl. dowron und böron dla tet für 
„Schnupfen“ bei H. Urtel, Autour du rhume, in Bulletin du gloss. 
des pat. d. l. Suisse rom. 1913, 1—2). 

Eine von den allergewöhnlichsten Vorstellungen beim Platz- 
regen ist das „Schlagen“ (vgl. näheres unter „Platzregen“), was 
unter anderem ein batir(a)esse ergeben hat in der Bed. „forte pluie, 
averse* oder „pluie subite et torrentielle*. Dieses battresse ist 
schon seit langem im Westen, bes. in Poitou, für Hagelreren ge- 
braucht worden: „Le XI du mois d’aoust je fus a Maill& voir la 
batresse de la gresle* (Ste Croix, Arch. Vienne, 1620, zit. bei Gdfr.) 
und liegt dem ebendaselbst noch belegten bafferesse für „nuage de 
erele* (Favre) „nuse de grele qui bat, detruit les r&coltes“ (La- 
lanne) zugrunde. 

Als „Regenbringer“ überhaupt wird die Wolke auch in Poitou 
vorgestellt: remouillee „nuage chargee de pluie* (Favre), auch bei 
Lalanne ebenso belegt (vgl. unter „Regen” moziller besonders im 
\Vesten Frankreichs). 

Dunkel ist das champ. bouyat, das mit „nuage, ond6e courte, 
passagere* erklärt wird (Goffart). In einem Satze wie dem folgen- 
den: „Cn’est rin. En’est qu’in bouquai“ (ibd.) scheint das Wort, 
das hier „ondee courte* bedeutet, analog verwendet zu sein wie 
ein bouquet in „bouquet de pain, de viande“, d. h. in der Bedeutung 
„Stück“, oder in unserem Falle also etwa für eine „Handvoll“ Was- 
ser oder ähnl., was dann leicht für „Wolke” gebraucht worden sein 
könnte Vgl. auch bougquin, boquin, im benachbarten Metzeebiete 
für „giboulee, grain de pluie* (Lorrain). Oder liegt hier einfach 
eine Vorstellung „kleiner Wald" (bosquet) gleich „Baum“ (vgl. un- 
ten) zugrunde? Vielleicht hat man auch in rava(?) „nuage* in Frei- 


ı) Ein borrat in Forez auch „nuage d’orage* (de C'hambure). 


60 W. ©. STREN«G, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIL: 


burg (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.) ein ursprüngliche- 
res rapa „forte pluie“ oder „colonne de grele“, wie es in Waadt 
vorkommt, zu erblicken. 

Die Vorstellung vom „Gewitter“ hat man unzweifelhaft bei 
dem chaline „les nuages noirs qui annoncent l’approche de l’orage“ 
in Poitou (Lalanne) vorauszusetzen. Das W., das auf prov. calina 
„Hitze beim Gewitter” (lat. calere „warm sein“), afrz. er/h)aline 
„chaleur“. daneben auch „eclair de chaleur, commencement d’orage“ 
(Gdfr.) zurückgelit, bedeutet in den jetzigen Mundarten hie und da 
„tonnerre“ (Rousseau), auch „chaleur e&touffante qui se fait sentir 
avant l’orage“ (Moisy), und steht wahrscheinlich in nahem Zusam- 
menhang !) mit dem weitverbreiteten Namen des Wetterleuchtens, 
masc. calin „eclair de chaleur* (vgl. unter „Wetterleuchten“), was 
aber im Afrz. „brouillard“. „obscurit6e* bedentet und somit aus 
lat. „caligine* abzuleiten ist. 

„Ein bischen Gewitter“: eine derartige Vorstellung etwa lieet 
dem in Pas-de-Calais belegten Wolkennamen Aäftyo d’ärnu „gros 
nuage orageux“ (Edmont) zugrunde (vgl. afrz. chautel, nfrz. chanteau 
„Stück“ und arnu, Atl. ling., carte orage, und Göhri, Blitz und Don- 
ner, S. 50—51). 

Speziell „Wind- oder Sturmbringer* heisst bisweilen die Wolke 
in Burgund: bouffio „nuage €pais qui presage le tonnerre* (Mig- 
nard); vgl. nprov. dufd „blasen“, dbuf „Windstoss“, frz. bouffee 
„Windstoss*, bofagna „fort souffle de vent* (Nizza, Calvino). In Anjou 
bedeutet pied-de-vent „nuage allonge et &troit, dont la direction an- 
nonce celle du vent qui regne dans les regions superieures de 


') Zwar werden von Baist (Z. f. r. Ph., Bd. XXVIIL S. 108) chalin und 
chaline getrennt, und auch Meyer-Lübke, der in seiner Gr. d. rom. Spr. II. 
S. 494 caline nur als eine Sekundärbildung von calin < caligo ansah, setzt 
in seinem Etymolog. Wörterbuch für chaline eia *calina „Wärme“ voraus. 
Mag auch diese Annahme richtig sein (vgl. Göhri, Blitz und Donuer im 
Galloromanischen, S. 31), so scheint doch einerseits dieselbe Bedeutungs- 
entwicklung („eclair de chaleur“) der beiden Etyma und anderseits die 
Grundbedentung der afrz. chalin und chaline „Dunkelheit* und „Wärme“, 
„schwarze Wolken“ und „Schwüle“, entschieden für eine gegenseitige Beein- 


flussung zu Sprechen. 


B XTIla Wolken. 61 


l’atmosphere“ (Verr.-On.); vgl. pied d’vent bei den Seeleuten in der 
Gegend von Boulogne-sur-Mer: „Eeclaircie dans les nuages indiquant 
d’oi souffle le vent“ (Deseille) und pe de la plejo, d.h. „Regenfuss” 
in Lauraguais (Haute-Garonne) für „l'horizon S.-O., s’il est charge 
de nuages et si ceux-ci semblent s’appuyer sur la terre“ (Rev. des 
trad. pop. XVII, pp. 425— 426). 

Ein maringna kommt in Wallis für „nuage, cumulus“ (Mat. 
zu (sloss. des pat. d. ]. Suisse rom.) vor. Vielleicht hat hier die 
Vorstellung von einem von der Meeresseite her wehenden Winde 
zugrunde gelegen: marin (lat. marinus) „vent du sud* (Avril, 
Mstrl., Levy), der in der Provence ganz gewöhnlich zu sein scheint 
und in mehreren Zusammensetzungen und Ableitungen vorliegt: marın 
blanc „vent d’Est, redout& pour les vers-a-soie* (Avril, Piat; auch 
in Languedoc bekannt, Hombr.-Charv.), marinas „grand vent de mer” 
(Azais), marinado: „une boueno marinado far foundre la nejho” 
(Avril), marina v. n.: „a marina tout lou jhour* (ibd.). 

Dem „Unwetter“ verdanken ihren Namen auch die sog. tem- 
pies, Cirrocumulus-Wolken in Haute-Garonne (Rev. des trad. pop. 
XVII, p. 425, 426). | 

Nur verhältnismässig wenige Wolkennamen scheinen auf Far- 
benvorstellungen zurückzugehen. Ähnlich wie man in der Gegend 
von Boulogne-sur-Mer sagt: „il fait drun“, wenn man „il fait nuit 
noire* meint, und „il fait enne brunnefee a ne pont osoir sortir”, 
wendet man daselbst auch ein drunne für „nuage epais“ an: „Vla 
enne drunne qu’ a’se cueille de sus ches mers, il pluvra betot“* (Haig- 
nere). Vgl. hier auch die Vorstellung vom Verhältnis der Wolke 
zum Meere (s. oben) und ein dreunarsse auch für „brouillard qui 
tombe, petite pluie fine“ (unter „Staubregen”). 

Eine dunkle Wolke heisst auch burau«d in Zentralfrankreich 
(Jaubert), eine Bezeichnung, die ebendort als Adj. in der Bed. 
„brunätre* belegt ist und wohl auf ein bure, lat. burra „dunkel- 
braun* zurückgeht. Eine schwarze Wolke nennt man in Perigord 
negruro, negrie (Piat.). 

Dass die Wolken besonders durch ihre oft recht phantasti- 
schen Formen die Einbildungskraft des Volkes in hohem Grade 


62 W, O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIII.s 


angeregt haben, liegt in der Natur der Sache selbst. Liegen doch 
auch bei den mehr oder weniger gelehrten lat. Bezeichnungen cx- 
mulus, cirrus und stratus Gedanken vor, die sich auf die Form der 
Wolken beziehen (vgl. Walde). Ist die Volksphantasie bei der Nameu- 
gebung der atmosphärischen Erscheinungen überhaupt erfinderisch 
vewesen, so scheinen die Volksvorstellungen, die sich an die Form 
der Wolken anknüpfen, fast ins Fabelhafte gegangen zu sein (eini- 
ges ist schon unter „Himmel“ erwähnt worden). Oft sind bei der 
Namengebung der Wolken die schon oben erwähnten Vorstellungen 
massgebend gewesen, oft liegen den Bezeichnungen gauz generelle, 
wohl überall in der Welt bekannte Vorstellungen zugrunde, aber 
ebenso oft bleibt man über die hierbei in Betracht kommenden ur- 
sprünglichen Gedanken völlig im Unklaren. 

Wie oben bereits erwähnt, hat man sich hie und da die Wol- 
ken schon ihrer Substanz nach wie Berge vorgestellt, das um so 
mehr, da ja ihre Form uns recht oft an hohe Berge, Felsen und 
Hügel eriunert. 

„Felsen“ rocs heissen die Cumuluswolken in Tarn, „parce qu’ils 
presentent souvent l’aspect de montagnes rocheuses aux cretes den- 
telees et munies de cols“ („Les nuages en Lauraguais“ in Rev. des 
trad. pop. XVIII, p. 425—426). Deren unterscheidet man mehrere 
Arten: den roc de Sant Estapi (Saint Stapin, Heiliger, in Tarn), der 
sich in der Richtung nach N.-O. erstreckt und Gewitter bedeutet, 
besonders wenn er drei Tage hintereinander sichtbar ist oder sich 
mit den folgenden Wolkengebilden vereinigt; den roc de Santoun)o, 
de Toulouse, de Paris etc. in nordwestlicher Richtung (ibd.). 

„Hügel“, „Erdhaufen“, lat. grumus, soll (nach Mstrl.) einem 
gasc. crum „nuage epais et noir“ (Moncaut) zugrundeliegen, wovon 
mehrere Zusammensetzungen in der Bed. „nuage* vorliegen, bald 
„nuage Epais“ wie cerumalero (Moncaut, Mstrl.. Piat, Azais), bald 
„nuage leger* wie crumero (ibd.), auch crumado: „La marescado 
ven de toumba de la erumado* (Mstrl., Piat). 

Die Vorstellungen von „Schlössern“ oder „Türmen“ liegen den 
in der Schweiz (Waadt) belegten tsate und toure (Mat. zu Gloss. 


BXII« Wolken. 63 


des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.) zugrunde. „Savoyische Schornsteine“ !), 
la bwärna Ei savoyd (bwärna „vaste cheminee en forme de pyra- 
mide tronqu6e“, Odin), heisst in Blonay eine Wolke, „qui se forme 
sur les monts de Savoie & l’appruche du ımauvais temps“. 

Sehr oft erweckt die Form der Wolken Vorstellungen von Tie- 
ren (Sebillot, Legendes, croyances et superstitions II, pp. 11 u. 13). 
Grössere Cumuluswolken rufen die Vorstellung von „Eseln“ 2) her- 
vor: so anon „nuages“ (Annemasse in Savoyen, Const.-Desorm.); 
dasselbe auch in Genf (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. 1. Suisse rom): 
oder sie erregen die Vorstellung von „Kamelen“: camiau (Berry), 
chamiau (Dep. Meuse) „cumulus, gros nuage qui annonce la pluie* 
(Labourasse), chameau (Goffart); dasselbe auch bei Tarbe; fümö in 
Meuse und Marne (Atl. ling... Von Wolkenbezeichnungen, denen Vor- 
stellungen von „Schafen“, „Lämmern“, „Kälbern“ u. dgl. zugrunde lie- 
gen, ist schon oben (vgl. unter „Himmel“) die Rede gewesen. 

Sogar Vögel und Fische dürfte sich das Volk vorgestellt ha- 
ben, wenn es ihm galt, Wolken, oder vielmehr stratusartige Wol- 
kengruppen zu benennen. So heissen eine Art Stratuswolken in der 
Schweiz (Waadtland und Genf) peson, (nyola ü peson), was für „pois- 
sons“ stehen muss (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.). In 
dem aus Saöne-et-Loire belegten Ausdruck cörniaus für „gros nuages 
noirs que l’on voit avant l’orage* (Fertiault) läge es, im Hinblick 
auf folgenden Satzusammenhang: .I ve faire un bigre de temps; 
v/la ben des cörniaus qui v’nont“ (ibd.), begrifflich nahe, an Krähen, 
cornieculos, zu denken; doch müsste sprachlich wohl ein cornellus 


') Obgleich ich die Richtigkeit dieser Vorstellung („la cheminee aux 
Savoyards“, Odin) gerade im Hinblick auf ähnlichgeartete von „Schlössern“ 
und „IDürmen“ nicht in Abrede stellen möchte, glaube ich doch, dass man 
unter einem bwärna nichts anderes zu verstehen hat als ein hola bwarna, 
d. h. eigentlich eine „blinde* oder „dunkle* Wolke (vgl. niola borna oder 
borgna für „brouillard Epais“ in den Materialien zu Gloss. des pat. d. ]. Suisse 


8 


rom., und v. Wartburg, Die Fehler des Gesichtsorgans, &. 21. und Nachtrag). 

2) „Esel“ heissen auch zwei kleine Nebulosen, die sich, sowie eine 
dritte mit dem Namen „Krippe“, im Sternbilde des Krebses befinden (Se- 
billot, Legendes, croyances etc. II, pp. 24—25). 


64 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. | BXIIL« 


aufzuweisen sein, was aus cornicem kaum möglich ist. Auf Vor- 
stellungen von Vögeln weist dagegen entschieden ein cel perdigalejo 
in folgendem Spruch aus Haute-Garonne: „Quand lo cel perdigalejo, 
Plau o ventejo“ („Les nuages en Lauraguais“ in Rev. des trad. pop. 
XVIHO, p. 425—426), wo lat. perdicalem „junges Rebhuhn“ zu- 
grunde liegt. Vogelfedern oder richtiger einen Federbusch sieht 
man in einer kleinen Wolke über den Bergen in Blonay, wo pleme 
de hola oder plemats& eine kleine, leichte Wolke überhaupt bedeutet, 
und wo man z. B. sagt: „n’ar& la plodze, la d& de borei l-a me sa 
plematse“,d. h. „wir bekommen Regen, die Bor6espitze hat ihren 
Federbusch aufgesetzt“ (Odin); ein plyamaltse im Waadtland „nuage“ 
(Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.). 

An die Vorstellung von einem lebenden, fliegenden Wesen (vgl. 
oben die Sitte, mit einer silbernen Kugel nach der Wolke zu schies- 
sen) knüpft auch folgendes Verschen aus Perigord an: „E lou dra- 
goün voulan, Ke copelo loy voilo, Enpadzo ke vedzian Lo luno e loys 
estelo“ ?) (Casse-Chaminade, Vieilles chansons patoises du Perigord 
in Rev. de phil. franc. et de litt, XVII, p. 194). 

Erweckten die hochgetürmten Cumuluswolken Vorstellungen 
von Bergen, Schlössern u. dgl., so riefen die langgestreckten niedri- 
gen Wolken, die in der Ferne gleich Mauern den Horizont ver- 
sperrten, Vorstellungen von Wällen, „Sperren“ hervor. So entstand 
die Bezeichnung banc, die so ziemlich über ganz Frankreich für 
„nuages tres bas et allonges qui se montrent aux limites de l’hori- 
zon“ (Haignere), „gros nuage noir“ (Verr.-On.), „amas de nuage a 
I’'horizon“: „i’ai ein gros banc ai soleil couche* (Baudouin) vorkommt; 
vgl. afrz. Dance in der Bed. „lit de pierres“: murailles traversantes 
appelees dancs“ (Gdfr. suppl.). Auch heissen sie barres: „nuage en 
torme de barre“ 2) (Ledieu), „ar, au plur. bandes nuageuses qui se 


') „Und der fliegende Drache, der die Segel verhüllt, verhindert uns, 
den Mond und die Sterne zu sehen.“ 

ı) Ein vürpan’ f. „nuage blanc qui, quand il est tourne au nord, an- 
nonce le beau temps, et ä l’est, la pluie‘ (Rolland, Pat. messin, Romania 
1876) wäre der Form nach vielleicht dasselbe Wort, wie ein wairpone, das 
als waire, vaire (=barre „accommod& & la fagon patoise*) und pone (= cou- 


BXIIIs Wolken. 65 


nn = —. es —_ ni ww — mn nn — | —n un = ee ii =; 


forment parfois & l’Oceident quand le soleil se couche* (Edmont); 
vgl. oben unter „Himmel“. Ein barrofito (b. ficta), also etwa 
„Grenzsperre“, auch in Haute-Garonne (Rev. des trad. pop. XVII, 
p. 425—426). Zu dieser Gruppe von Vorstellungen gehört wohl auch 
die von einem „Balken“: !r& „nuage* (<trabem) in Genf (Mat. 
zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.). 

Als ein „Gestell“, ein „Bett(gestell)*?, denkt man sich in AnjJou 
eine schwarze Wolke am Horizont, wo es heisst: „le soul& s’est cou-. 
ch& dans in soutre“ (Verr.-On.). Dieses soutre ist nach V.-O. eine 
Doppelform von sötre, sötret, soutret aus lat. substratum (vgl. 
soustre <*substrum, in der Bed. „litiere“, Mireio, 6d. Koschwitz, 
XI, 407). | 

Ein kleines „Bettchen“ liegt wohl auch einem ballin für „nuage 
leger“ in Zentralfrankreich (Jaubert) zugrunde. Vgl. afrz. ballın „pe- 
tit matelas, fait avec de la balle, servant surtout aux enfants“ 
(Gdfr.) und zentralfrz. ballasse „sac rempli de paille d’avoine ou de 
mais pour les lits d’enfants“ (Jaubert). 

Mit einer schwarzen „Kruste“ ist vielleicht ein „nuage &pais 
qui se montre & l’horizon“ in Doubs verglichen worden, wo der Name 
greubot s. f. (Tissot) dafür vorkommt; vgl. engreubai „encrasser“ 
(ibd.), eingreubä „etre enrhume&* und sav. greubä „croüte sur la 
peau“, 2grouba etc. bei Odin (Urtel, Autour du rhume, Bullet. du 
gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom. 1913, 1). Eine ähnliche Vorstellung 
liegt vielleicht dein in Südfrankreich belegten rauzo „nuage & l’hori- 
zon“* (Piat) zugrunde (vgl. Körting: ahd. rosä). 

Konnten die leichten Cirruswolken Vorstellungen von „Spinn- 
geweben* (s. oben unter „Himmel“) erwecken, so liegt es ebenso 
nahe, sie kurzum „Fäden“ zu benennen: filanne im Picard. „nuages 
blancs de forme allongee, precurseurs de l’orage: „i’n’o des filanne 


chant „ouest ponani* in Rev. des trad. pop. XVI, pp. 23, 24), also „barre du 
couchant“, erklärt wird, eine Erklärung, die doch etwas gewaltsam erscheint. 
Die Bedeutung dieses wairpone ist aber „bande noire de nuages qui se das- 
sine horizontalement au couchant“, was mit der des värpan' nicht gut über- 
einstimmt. 


66 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIL. 


& che soleil“ (Ledieu) und de tranme (des trames) „nuages l&gers“ 
(Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. I. Suisse rom.). 

Oder die Fäden werden mit „weissen Haaren“ verglichen, und 
so entstehen wieder neue Bilder: barbo-blanc in Haute-Garonne (Rev, 
des trad. pop. XVIII, p. 425--426) und barbes de chat in Haute- 
Bretagne (Sebillot, L&gendes, croyances et superstitions de la mer 
II, p. 12), darbo de cat in den Cevennen (Piat). 

Recht bezeichnend für die leichten, wolligen Wolken ist, dass 
sie wie ausgefranste „Hobelspäne“ aussehen. Dieser Vorstellung ist 
ein coiptiau „nuage orageux, effiloech& comme un copeau“ (Thibault) 
auf dem linken Loire-Ufer entsprnngen. 

(srosse Anhäufungen von derartigen Wolken erwecken auch 
leicht solche Vergleichungspunkte wie „Schaum“ oder „geronnene 
Buttermilch“; so heissen „les petits nuages moutonn6s qui laissent 
entre eux apercevoir le ciel* in Blonay bretse de sere (Odin), wo 
breise eigentlich „caillot* (Odin) oder „&cume grosse sur le petit lait 
bouilli* (Thevenin, brötse; brätsi „se transformer, cailler“) bedeutet. 

Von den leichten „Wetterblumen“, fler d’öräj, fleur d’hernu, 
die Gewitter voraussagen, ist schon oben unter „Himmel“ die Rede 
gewesen. Der rote Mohn ist eine der allergewöhnlichsten Blumen 
auf den Feldern in Frankreich. Hat man vielleicht in dem südfrz. 
papalıno „leger nuage“ (Piat) eine Ähnliche „Wetterblume“ [nebula 
papa(ve)rina?] zu erblicken? Vgl. hiermit fleur di tonoire im 
Norden für „coquelicot“*, „pavot rouge“ (Pirsoul, Grandgagnage). 

Als kleine „Platten“ überhaupt sind vielleicht die kleinen 
Wolken, die plakeryao in Bierne (Mayenne, n. Dottin) heissen (ein 
postverbales Subst. von plaquer?), zu verstehen. 

Eine ganz allgemeine Vorstellung, die die leichten Stratus- oder 
langgestreckten Cirruswolken besonders im Osten, aber auch an- 
derswo in Frankreich hervorrufen, ist die von einem grossen, weit- 
verzweigten „Baums“ (so auch im Deutschen „Wetterbaum“), der 
gewöhnlich, und besonders dann, wenn sein „Fuss im Wasser steht“, 
d. h. wenn sich die Wolke in der Richtung eines Flusses erstreckt, 
Regen bedeutet. Dieser Wolkenbaum heisst gewöhnlich „Makka- 
häerbaum“ (vgl. arbre des Macchabees bei HDT.), so in Meuse: äbhre 


BAXII. Wolken. 67 


de Machabee, äbre Macabre'!) „disposition des nuages en forme d’un 
eventail dont la partie &troite est & l’'horizon, dans la direction du 
vent“ (Labourasse), in den Vogesen: azrbe mäcabrai „leger nuage 
allonge vaguement en forme d’arbre horizontal“ (Vautherin), auch 
mequebe, eine Wolke, die in der Vorstellung der vogesischen Berg- 
leute einem riesigen Farnkraut gleicht (Sauve, Le Folk-Lore des 
Hautes-Vosges, p. 136—137), in der Champagne: dbre maucabre 
„trainee de nuages bross6s par un coup de vent dans le ciel — — 
et dessinant vaguement une espece d’arbre avec son füt, ses bran- 
ches et meme ses racines* (Baudouin) und in der franz. Schweiz: 
ebr d’Makahe im Berner Jura (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse 
rom.); bisweilen heisst die Wolkenbildung auch spez. „Birnbaum der 
Makkabäer“, so in Meuse: poeri Machabe (Rev. des trad. pop. XVI, 
p. 22; vgl. auch diese Vorstellung unter „Milchstrasse“). Auch in 
Anjou kommen ähnliche Vorstellungen vor, hier aber heisst ein sol- 
ches Wolkengebilde „Montsabrans(?) Eiche“: chene de Montsabran 
(Revue de l’Anjou, IX, p. 200); im Wallon.: arbre d’Alraham oder 
arbre Saint Barnabe (Monseur, Le Folk-Lore wall., p. 62), vgl. oben 
unter „Milchstrasse“. Auch ist ein arbre de saint Jacques (Me&lusine 
1886, 1887, p. 129) in der Bedeutung „nuage ramifie“ belegt und 
wird meist als Vorzeichen von schönem Wetter betrachtet. 

Zuletzt noch einige Wolkennamen, die mehr oder weniger 
dunkel sind: 

berge in Zentralir. „nuee flottante dans le ciel, amas de nuage* 
(de Chambure) könnte, so glaubt de Ch., auf ein barca, barge „bar- 
que“ zurückgeführt werden; er verweist dabei auf ein navas „Schiff“ 
in den Veden. Obgleich nun eine solche Vorstellung an und für 
sich ganz natürlich wäre, so scheint sie mir doch im Gebirge von 
Morvan etwas gesucht. Viel wahrscheinlicher halte ich die Vorstel- 
lung von einem Heuschober, da diese unzweifelhaft auch im Gebirge 
| ») Diese und ähnliche Formen sind wohl nur als ein durch Assimila- 
tion von be zu br unter Einwirkung von br in äbre volksetymologisch entstan- 
denes äbre Machabee zu erklären; so wohl auch ein äbreräbre für „groupe de 
nuages l&gers qui paraissent ä l’'horizon* in Blois (Thibault), wo aber diese 


Wolkengruppen nicht Regen, sondern nach Th.: „la continuation de beau 
temps“, bedeuten, und ein arbre de Mont-carre in Berry (Labourasse). 


68 W. O. Strena, Himmel u. Wetter. 


BAXIII. 


eine ganz gewöhnliche Erscheinung ist (afrz. barge „meule de foin“, 
Gdfr.); vgl. Vorstellungen von „Felsen“, „Hügeln“ etc. 

ban f. in Bas-Maine: „nuage noir que l’on voit au coucher du 
soleil* (Dottin) und bane „gros nuage noir, nimbus“ in Anjou (Verr.- 
On.); wohl zu benna (Meyer-Lübke)? 

estaraio „nuage errant“ (Piat); ob ursprünglich „fremd“ < (ne- 
bula) exterranea? Ein taranino (ibd.) gehört wohl hierher. 

masco „nuage d’orage* (Piat). Vielleicht mit „Hexe“, germ. 
maska, in Zusammenhang (vgl. oben S. 53). 

cäbrey’ f. „nuage qui annonce le beau temps“ (Rolland, Pat. 
messin, Romania 1876) dürfte wohl ein camerata (camerare 
„wölben“) voraussetzen. Eine „gewölbte“, „hohle* Wolke bedeutete 
dann dasselbe wie eine leere Wolke, d. h. eine ohne Regen oder 
Unwetter, oder anders ausgedrückt, eine Wolke, die schönes Wetter 
verkündet. 


Regenbogen. 


Als eine der prachtvollsten und zugleich verhältnismässig sel- 
teusten Himmelserscheinungen, hat der Regenbogen immer und über- 
all eine ganze Menge Vorstellungen in der Phantasie des Volkes 
wachgerufen. Wie er entsteht und woraus er besteht, darum scheint 
sich der Volksglaube in Frankreich weniger gekümmert zu haben. 
Nur ist er, wie alles Schöne, ein Werk Gottes; so in Baume-les- 
Dames, wenn man zwei übereinanderliegende Regenbogen sieht: „le 
plus lumineux, le mieux fait est celui du bon Dieu, l’autre est celui 
du diable* (Roussey). 

Nach einer sehr alten Vorstellung glaubt man in Frankreich, dass, 
wenn der Regenbogen mit seinem einen Ende aus dem Wasser zu stei- 
gen scheint, er dann trinkt !). Diese Vorstellung, die auch anderswo, 


5) Derselbe Glaube auch bei den Römern: „cras pluet, arcus bibit“, „bi- 
bit arcus, pluet hodie“* (Plautus), „purpureus pluvias cur bibit arcus aquas?* 
(Propertius; Vergil, Georgica). 


BXIII« Regenbogen. 69 
z. B. in Portugal und Spanien (Sebillot, Legendes, eroyances et su- 
perstitions de la mer, p. 65), und sogar bei uns in Finland bekannt 
ist, kommt besonders an der Westküste Frankreichs vor. In Haute- 
und Basse-Bretagne heisst es: „l’arc-en-ciel va boire a la mer“ (Se- 
billot, ibd.).. Die Seeleute an der Küste von la Manche meinen 
sogar, dass ein Schiff, das zu der Zeit, wo der Regenbogen „trinkt“, 
durch dessen Ende ginge, von ihm aufgesogen werden könnte. Diese 
Auffassung hängt vielleicht mit der Vorstellung von einer riesigen 
Schlange zusammen, womit man den Regenbogen in dieser Gegend 
vergleicht. Das Meer ist dann wie eine „grosse Tasse“, „la grande 
tasse“, wie es die Seeleute an der Nordküste nennen (Deseille, 
Gloss. du patois des matelots boulonnais). In Ille-et-Vilaine ist der 
Regenbogen ein sicheres Regenzeichen: „le ciel envoie l’arc-en-ciel 
pomper l’eau des rivieres — — — et l’eau bouillonne A l’endroit 
oü il l’aspire* (Rev. des trad. pop. XVIII, p. 505). 

Der Regenbogen spielt im Aberglauben des Volks eine grosse 
Rolle. Alt ist die Vorstellung, dass der Mensch sein Geschlecht 
wechsle, wenn er unter dem Regenbogen hindurchginge. Dieser 
Glaube lebt noch in Haute-Loire (Melusine II, Kol. 17); vgl. auch 
ähnliches aus Serbien (Grimm, D. M., S. 611). Auch die Vorstel- 
lung, dass man dort, wo der Regenbogen die Erde berührt, Gold 
und Schätze finden könnte, was ja auch anderswo!) geglaubt wird, 
findet sich noch hie und da in Frankreich, so in den Vogesen (Sauve, 
Le Folk-Lore des Hautes-Vosges, p. 140) und in Auvergne (Dauzat, 
Rev. des trad. pop. XV, p. 620). Grossen Schaden richtet der Re- 
genbogen an, wenn sein Ende im Walde steht, denn dann verküm- 
mern dort die Bäume (Rev. des trad. pop. IX, p. 215); ebenso zer- 
stört er die Ernte (Melusine II, Kol. 43). Diese Vorstellung von 
der schädlichen Einwirkung des Regenbogens auf die Gewächse 
dürfte so ziemlich über ganz Frankreich bekannt sein. Auch kennt 
das Volk besondere Formeln, womit es den Regenbogen beschwören 


!) Die deutsche Mythologie weiss an der Stelle, wo sich der Regen- 
bogen erhebt, von einer goldenen Schüssel oder von einem Schatze zu er- 


zählen. Auch können Goldmünzen aus dem Regenbogen niederfallen (Grimm, 
D. M. S, 611). 


70 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BX1l« 


a en, nn nn 
nn Inn u 


oder, wie es heisst, ihn „abschneiden“: „couper“ zu können meint. So 
sagt man z. B. in Anjou (in Fuilet):;: „Arc-en-ciel du matin, Si tu 
passes par mon jardin, jte coupe la queue: pan'!“, wobei man zu 
gleicher Zeit mit der rechten Hand den auf die flache linke Hand 
praktizierten Speichel auseinander schlägt (bildl. schneidet) (Verrier- 
On., Folk-Lore, II, p. 441) !). Vielleicht liegt auch dieser Beschwö- 
rung die obenerwähnte Vorstellung von einer Riesenschlange zugrunde, 
die durch diese Kreuzbewegung der Hand, wie durch eine Bekreuzung 
vor dem Bösen, verscheucht werden könnte. In der Nähe von Lüttich 
glaubt man, dass der Regenbogen über einem Hause den Tod des 
Eigentümers zu bedeuten habe (Rev. des trad. pop. XVII, p. 573). 

Als prognostisches Wahrzeichen ist der Regenbogen wichtig. 
Regenbogen am Morgen bedeutet gewöhnlich Regen, anı Abend hin- 
gegen trockenes Wetter: „l’arc-en-ciel du soir fait söcher la boue, 
celui du matin met de l’eau sur les moulins“ in Savoyen (Const.- 
Desorm.); „arc-en-ciel du matin fait aller les moulins, arc-en-ciel du 
soir fait &barouir les toits* in Baume-les-Dames (Roussey); „’arkow 
di matyi la plöya ös i tsami, „’arkow di söra, li bwö t6ä espöra“ 
in Haute-Loire (Guerlin de Guer); „tonnerre du matin engorge le 
moulin; arc-en-ciel du soir fait s&cher la mauvaise herbe dans les 
bles* in B6arn (Lespy-Raym.); „l’arc-en-ciel du matin met le bouvier 
en le chemin, l’arc-en-ciel du soir met le bouvier en le loisir“ in Lot 
(Rev. des pat. gallo-rom. I, 1887, Textes varies), was im Gegensatz 
zu den vorhergehenden Redensarten zu sagen scheint, dass Regen- 
bogen am Morgen trockenes und am Abend regnerisches Wetter 
bedeute. 

Befindet sich das Ende des Regenbogens nahe am Meere, so 
bedeutet das in Haute-Bretagne schlechtes Wetter (Sebillot, Legen- 
des, croyances et superstitions II, p. 66); vgl. hiermit den italieni- 
schen Spruch: „arco in mare, bon tempo ha da fare; arco in terra, 
piova e nevera“ (ibd.). 

Hat sich der Volksglaube nicht viel mit der Entstehung und 
der wahren Beschaffenheit des Regenbogens befasst, so ist die Phan- 


u nn er 


') Dieselbe Prozedur auch in Auvergne (Rev. des trad. pop. X, p. 553). 


BXIll« Regenbogen. 71 


tasie des Volkes um so reicher gewesen, wenn es sich um das äus- 
sere Wesen dieser Himmelserscheinung gehandelt hat. Von der 
Auffassung des Regenbogens als Riesenschlange war schon oben die 
Rede. Diese Vorstellung hat aber meines Wissens keinen einzigen 
Regenbogennamen hervorgebracht. 

Am gewöhnlichsten ist die Vorstellung von einem „Bogen“. Dabei 
hat man wohl kaum an den Bogen als Waffe gedacht, obwohl dies 
und jenes darauf hinzudeuten scheint’), sondern es ist wahrschein- 
lich nur die äussere Form massgebend gewesen. Das lat. arcus 
(coelestis, pluvius) liegt auch der Regenbogenbezeichnung zu- 
grunde, die die grösste Verbreitung über ganz Frankreich erlangt 
hat. Dabei kommt es aber selten als einfaches Wort vor. 

Hier mögen nur die deutlichsten Ableitungen Erwähnung fin- 
den: arc(us) + ata > ärcädo, ärket (Atl. ling.), arque (Hombr.- 
Charv.); arc(us) + ana > arcane (Jaubert, Centre) ärkıino, örkäno 
(Rev. des pat. gallo-rom. 1887, textes varies: Lot; Atl. ling.); 
arc(us) + ione > achon, owechen (Vautherin); arcul(us) + ana 


') Zwar spricht der Roman de la Rose von den personifizierten Wol- 
ken, die den himmlischen Bogen zur Hand nahmen, als sie auf die Jagd 
zogen: 

„Ausince cum por aler chacier, 

un arc en leur poing prendre seulent 
ou deux ou trois, quand eles veulent, 
qui sont apeles arc celestes — — —* 


(zit. in Rev. des trad. pop. XVJ, p. 566) und zwar wird der Regenbogen auch 
sonst in den neueren Mundarten bald mit diesem, bald mit jenem Gegen- 
stand (Krone, Sichel u. s. w.) verglichen. Doch scheint mir die Vorstellung 
von einem bogenförmigen Weg (vgl. unten Brücke und den Begriff „Milch- 
strasse“) am wahrscheinlichsten zu sein, eine Vorstellung, wie sie auch in 
den skandinavischen Ländern und Deutschland vorkommt und wonach, 
„Quand le dernier jour viendra, Alors les &toiles tomberont sur la terre. Le 
bon Dieu arrivera Sur son bel arc-en-ciel“ (Rev. des trad. pop. XVI, p. 385, 
386. Auch findet sich meines Wissens nirgends in neueren Traditionen die 
Vorstellung vom Regenbogen als Waffe, und übrigens wäre es ungereimt, all 
den Heiligen (s. u.), die in den mundartlichen Regenbogennamen auf arcs 
vorkommen, einen Bogen in die Hand zu geben. 


72 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. 


BXIIL: 


= ärkülan(o) (Atl. ling.), gasc. arcoulan (Azais), riklano, rökl&no 
(Atl. ling.), r&klenö (Fourgeaud, Patois de Puybarraud in Rev. des 
pat. gallo-rom. II, 1888), regliano (Granger) wohl dasselbe Wort; hier- 
her gehört vielleicht auch das bei Levy belegte alclan: „Pueys 
aparra lalclas el cel E si aura color de fel* (hier läge vielleicht 
eine Assimilation des r vor); arcul(us) + ata > arcoulet: „Toun- 
nerre del matii Qu’engourgue et moulii, Er arcowlet del brespe Que 
he seca ra jespe“ (Lespy-Raym., vgl. Übersetzung oben). 

Von den Zusammensetzungen aus arcus scheint das schrift- 
sprachl. arc-en-ciel !) die volkssprachlichen Benennungen überall zu 
verdrängen; es ist über ganz Frankreich verbreitet (vgl. Atl. ling.). 

Bei den Benennungen dieses Himmelsbogens spielen die Namen 
der Heiligen eine grosse Rolle. Dabei hat man wohl (wie schon 
oben angedeutet) an den himmlischen Weg gedacht, den die Heili- 
gen oder ihre Seelen zum Himmel genommen haben, eine Vorstel- 
lung, die auch den germanischen Völkern bekannt ist (Grimm, D.M. 
Il, S. 612). Ganz im Süden (Basses-Pyren. und Pyre&n.-Or.) heisst 
der Regenbogen des „heiligen Martin Bogen“: arc-de-Saint Martin 
(Azais, Atl. ling.), einfach Saint Martin auch im Jura (Atl. ling. 
938) und in der Schweiz (Atl. ling. 969; Waadt, Wallis, Genf und 
Freiburg n. Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d.1. Suisse rom.). Des „heiligen 
Michael Bogen“ nennt man ihn im Norden, in Pas-de-Calais: arc- 
de-Saint Michez (Haignere), ärk dd se mife (Edmont; nach ihm nur 
von den alten Leuten so benannt; Atl. ling.). Des „heiligen Johan- 
nes Bogen“ ist spez. picardisch: arc-de-Saint-Jean (Haignere, Cor- 
blet, Atl. ing. 279). „Bogen des heiligen Del (?)“ heisst der Regen- 
bogen in der Gegend von Belfort: gon-de, chonde, achonde (Vauthe- 
rin), o(ua)chon de Sen De in Doubs (Nedey), Formen, die auf 
arcione (vgl. oben) zurückgehen. Die drei erstgenannten könnten 
vielleicht auch auf arcione deu (vgl. unten arcum deu) zurück- 
geführt werden; doch scheint das letztere, das deutlich mit jenen 
zusammenhängt, dieses Etymon auszuschliessen. Poulet belegt das 
Wort auch, schreibt aber ochon-dais und leitet dazs von discus(!) ab. 


!) Ein arc du temps kommt im Picard. vor (Corblet), wo temps „Him- 
mel“ bedeutet (vgl. oben unter „Himmel*). 


BXII,. Regenbogen. 73 


Der Regenbogen ist vor allem „Gottes Bogen“. Diese Vor- 
stellung hat sich vielleicht direkt aus der des alten Testamentes 
entwickelt, wonach Gott nach der Sündflut den Menschen den Re- 
genbogen zum Zeichen seines Bundes gegeben hat. Diese Benennung 
hat der Regenbogen in einigen wallonischen Orten, wo eine Bezeich- 
nung 2Zrdye (Niederländer, Die Mundart von Namur, in Z. f. rom. 
Phil. 1900), erdye (Zeligzon. Gloss. über die Mundart von Malmedy. 
in Z. f. rom. Phil. 1894) (vgl. Atl.ling. Punkte 196, 197), die wohl 
alle auf ein arcum deu zurückgeführt werden müssen. Das airdiet, 
das von Rmel. mit „arc-en-ciel* erklärt wird, ist wohl nur als eine 
ungenaue Schreibart aufzufassen. 

Den Namen „Bogen aus Seide“: arc-de-sedo (Azais, Piat) ver- 
dankt der Regenbogen vielleicht seiner vielfältigen Farbenpracht, 
die man mit farbenschillernder Seide verglichen hat. „Der blitzende 
Bogen“: arch-balenn (Andrews), ärk bäld(n) (Atl. ling., Punkte 990, 
899), heisst er in den Alpes-Marit. an der Grenze Italiens als eine 
direkte Entlehnung aus dem ital. arcobaleno. 

Zuletzt einige Regenbogenbenennungen, wo der erste Teil wohl 
arcus ist, der zweite Teil aber problematisch: arlitton, erlitton, 
(Bridel), äradlitö (Atl. ling. 988), arliton, aliton, litron, lıton (Mat. 
zu Gloss. des pat. d. I. Suisse rom.). Bridel sieht in diesen Wör- 
tern neben arc ein &ith(?), das er mit „humidite“ erklärt. Viel wahr- 
scheinlicher erscheint mir auch nicht die Annahme, dass allen diesen 
Formen ein Er de leitron zugrunde läge, das neben den vier letzt- 
genannten in der erwähnten Materialiensammlung für „arc-en-ciel“ 
belegt wird. Was wäre näml. dies le’tron?® Schwerlich lässt sich 
wohl die Bezeichnung „Löwenzahnbogen“ (vgl. Odin l&trö „pissen- 
Iit*) für unsere Himmelserscheinung rechtfertigen. 

Eine zweite dunkle Zusammensetzung mit arc findet sich in 
Doubs, nämlich arbor: (Vautherin). airbor: (Nedey), was unzweifelhaft 
das gleiche Wort ist, wie das in der Schweiz belegte &rbowa (Mat. 
zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.), arbweit (Atl. ling. Punkt 978), 
arboe (Bridel; B. erklärt das Wort mit „l’are qui boit“). 

Ein är du bresp? (Atl. ling. Hautes-Pyren. 687) ist ohne Zwei- 
fel als Abendbogen (arc du vespre) aufzufassen. 


74 W. O. STREnG, Himmel u. Wetter. B X1Il« 


Eine zweite Vorstellung, die neben „Bogen“ ebenfalls weite 
Verbreitung bei der Namengebung des Regenbogens gefunden hat 
und womöglich noch enger mit dem Namen der Heiligen zusammen- 
bängt, ist die von einem „Heiligenschein“. Dabei kommen vor allem 
lat. corona, afırz. corone „tonsure* in betracht; so hauptsächlich 
auf lothringischem Gebiet und in Cöte-d’Or, wo der Regenbogen des 
„heiligen Bernhard Krone“ heisst: couroune de Saint Barnä oder 
Bernd (Labourasse), coronne de St. Bernä (Lorrain), vgl. Atl. ling. 
(Punkte 163, 170, 173, 17,24). Die etwas südlicher, in der Franche- 
Comt6, belegten coinote de St. Boinai, quönöte de St. Bouanä, coßnate de 
St. Boinai, couonote de St. Bouunä (Vautherin; vgl. Atl. ling., Punkte 
74, 75: kwenöt se bwene) sollen eine Verkürzung von coronate sein 
(Vautherin). Eine „Krone“ (statt einer „Säule“?) hat man vielleicht 
auch in dem gleichfalls aus der Franche-Comt& belegten coulöndte de 
Sen Bouona (Nedey), culöndt de Sö Byanä (Grammont) zu sehen ?) 
(vgl. Nedey: „couldöndte est sans doute pour courönöte“); die begriff- 
liche Seite spricht entschieden dafür; vgl. einen Konsonantenüber- 
gang in entgegengesetzter Richtung daselbst: für almanach ein 
drmound, für soleil ein souoroye etc. 

In der Gegend von Belfort heisst der Regenbogen auch des 
„heiligen Dionysius Krone“: cosronne de St.-Deni (Vautherin; vgl. 
Atl. ling. 65), in der frz. Schweiz „des heiligen Martinus Krone“: 
kürbn de s& marte (Atl. ling. und Mat. zu Gloss. des pat d.1. Suisse 
rom.), in den Vogesen die „Krone der heiligen Luna“: couronne de 
Saint Liud(n)a (Haillant) oder die des „heiligen Leonhard“: kurön de 
ge linä (Atl. ling. 78. 86, 87, 89), in Meuse die „Krone des heiligen 
Corcasse*: couroune de Saint-Corcasse (Labourasse) oder die des „hei- 
ligen Giracque“: coronne de St. Giracque (Lorrain), die des „heili- 
gen Girard“: küron d se jrä (Atl. ling. 140) und im Südwallonischen 
die des „heiligen ‚Johannes*: kürön se djyä (Atl. ling. 176, 183). 
Vereinzelt kommt auch couronne allein vor, so in Meurthe-et-Mos. 
(Atl. ling. 171). 


—— 


!) Ein kälönöt wird auch ohne den Heiligennamen für Regenbogen ver- 
wendet, so in Baume-les-Dames, wo es heisst: „kulönöt di mtti, fä ol& le 
mlı, kälönot dı swe fä egrili le twı“ (Roussey;;s. Übers. oben); vgl. Atl. ling., 
Punkt 55. 


BXI11ll« Regınbegen. 75 


Mit der Vorstellung vom „Heiligenschein“ hängt vielleicht die 
vom „Rad“ oder „Ring“ der Heiligen zusammen. Dieser Vorstel- 
lung ist wahrscheinlich das aus dem Lyon. belegte roa de Sant- 
Bernör (Puitspelu: „roue de St. B.“) entsprungen, rwü (rouet?) d se 
börnä, rwü d s& bärnäb& (Atl. ling.). 

Gleichfalls in engem Zusammenhang mit dem „Heiligenschein“ 
steht die Vorstellung von einem „Strahl“, (den der Heilige auf sei- 
nem Wege hinter sich zurückgelassen hat?). Sie liegt folgenden Re- 
genbogenbenennungen zugrunde: raissi de St. Bernard [vfr. rai(s) 
< radius] im Lyon. (Puitspelu), rösi (de) se börna(r) ı) in Dröme 
und Isere (Atl. ling.) rfya de s® Marte (rgya <radia) in Dompierre 
in der frz. Schweiz (Gauchat), (räys de) sin Martin in Freiburg in 
der Schweiz (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. 1. Suisse rom.), raye (raie) 
de St.-Matchin im Jura (Thevenin), r@ (rate)! de Sen Marten in 
Doubs (Nedey), ray de se märte in der Schweiz (Atl. ling. 60, 70) 
und röy di se djya im Wallonischen (Atl. ling. 192). 

Ebenso nahe wie die Vorstellung von einem „Strahl“, liegt die 
Vorstellung von einem „Lichtstreif*. Eine solche liegt dem lothringi- 
schen Ausdruck barre de Saint-Nicolas zugrunde (Labourasse). 

Zu den Regenbogennamen, bei denen ein mit einem Heiligen 
in Verbindung stehender Gegenstand die Benennung veranlasst hat, 
können, so gewagt der Vergleich auch scheint, auch die gerechnet 
werden, bei denen man an das „Kreuz“ eines Heiligen gedacht hat. 
Es sind das die Bezeichnungen krwe& d se lımär in Zentralfrankreich 
(Nievre, Saöne-et-Loire) und krwey se ja auf wallonischem Gebiet (Atl. 
ling.). Hierher das ganz sonderbare rüziver in Puy-de-Döme (Atl. ling.). 

Auch der „Gürtel“ 2) der Heiligen hat, obgleich in viel gerin- 
gerem Grade als der „Heiligenschein“, als Regenbogenbenennung ge- 


') Wenn der Regenbogen sich zeigt, sagt man in Saint-Maurice-de- 
l'Exil (Isere): „Resse, resse de Sint Bernor, Que verdeye per loü pro, Que 
rougeye per le vigne“ (Quelques dictons et proverbes in Rev. des langues 
rom. 1902). 

2?) Als Gürtel stellt man sich auch anderswo den Regenbogen vor, so in 
Litthauen, wo er mit dem Namen „Gürtel der Lauma (Laima)“, einer guten 
Fee, benannt worden ist (Grimm, D. M., S. 611). 


76 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIII« 


dient; so „des heiligen Martin Gürtel“ in der Normandie: cheinture 
S. Martin (Moisy) und in der Schweiz: chintur de chin martin (Ma- 
terialien zu (loss. d. pat. d. 1. Suisse rom.), der „Gürtel des heiligen 
Markus“ in Zentralfrankreich: couwreau (d. h. courroie) de S. Marc 
(de Chambure) und der „des heiligen Leonhard“ in den Vogesen: 
courroie de 5. Leonard (de Chambure) (corraite im Jura, Ne&dey). 
„Des guten Gottes Gürtel“ heisst der Regenbogen in Haute-Loire 
und Dröme: sentürö do bwö diü (Atl. ling. 847, 857, 813—815) 
und schliesslich einfach „Gürtel“: sent f. (Atl. ling., Punkt. 653), 
lat. cincta. 

Eine Vorstellungsgrappe für sich bilden die Vorstellungen von 
einem grossen „Ring“ oder von einer grossen „Brücke“, die das ganze 
Weltall umspannt. Diese Vorstellung findet sich z. B. in der alten 
skandinavischen Mythologie, wo von einem „himmlischen Ring“ !) 
oder von einer „Brücke“, der Asbro, gesprochen wird, auf der die 
Götter vom Himmel zur Erde niedersteigen und an der Himinbiörg 
liegt, wo Heimdallr, Odins Sohn, als Wächter der Brücke wohnt 
(Grimm, D. M., S. 610, 300). Ähnliche Vorstellungen müssen auch 
in Frankreich entstanden sein. Dafür sprechen auch folgende Re- 
genbogenbenennungen aus dem Süden des Landes, in denen sowohl 
„Ring, Kreis“ als „Brücke“ vertreten sind. In Basses-Pyren., Lan- 
des und Lot-et-Gar. kommt nach Atl. ling. ein serk, serk und s2rk 
dü seu vor, was wohl nichts anderes als „Kreis, Ring“ und „Him- 
melskreis“ dat. eireu m) sein kann; in Herault wieder ein säukl2 a2 
se märti, seükl& de se marti (Atl. ling.), ceukle de Sant Martin (Piat), 
d. i. eigentlich „Reif des heiligen Martinus“ (circulus, prov. cercle, 
celcle, ceucle, sciarcle in Bourb. [Choussy]); das letztere vielleicht 
doch besser in Verbindung zu setzen mit dem „Heiligenschein“ und 
dem „Rad“ (s. oben). 

„Brücke“ als Benennung des Regenbogens kommt nur ein paarmal 
vor; auch diese Belege stammen aus dem Süden. Einmal in Vau- 
eluse (Atl. ling., 874) als „Abendbrücke“: pwö, de serö (vgl. oben är 


ı) In Bayern nennt das Volk den Regenbogen „Himmelring“ oder 
„Sonnenring“. 


BAIII. 


Regenbogen. 77 


du brespe) und einmal in Ardeche (Atl. ling. 824) als „des heiligen 
Petrus Brücke“: pwö de sü pyere; auch „Brücke aus Seide“: pont de 
sedo (Piat). 

Der Rundbogen dieser Erscheinung hat wahrscheinlich solche 
Namen hervorgerufen, wie ey deb&f in Maine-et-Loire (Atl. ling. 435). 

Mit der Idee eines „trinkenden* Regenbogens hängt wohl die 
Vorstellung von einem „Wasserkrug“ zusammen, wie wahrscheinlich 
das von Edmont belegte kän @ !’yo„ zu erklären ist (vgl. Atl. line. 
284: fel kän ä l’yo.). 

Trotz der Farbenpracht des Regenbogens scheinen Vorstellun- 
gen, die eben dieser Eigenschaft ihren Ursprung verdankt hätten, 
verhältnismässig selten zu sein. Da, wo man wirklich bei der Na- 
mengebung des Regenbogens das Hauptgewicht auf das Farbige der 
Naturerscheinung gelegt hat, hat man einerseits über die verschie- 
denen Farben gar nicht reflektiert und das Ganze nur als etwas 
„Schönes“ aufgefasst. So entstand z. B. in Rouergue kurzum der 
Name bel für den Regenbogen (Piat). Anderseits erscheint das 
Schöne als etwas Buntgefärbtes und dieses findet seine Verkörperung 
in dem Gegenstand, der dem patriotisch gesinnten Bauern als der 
Inbegriff alles Schönen erscheinen muss, in der Standarte des Lan- 
des. So nennt man den Regenbogen in Zentralfrankreich, in Nievre, 
städür (Atl. ling.; etendart Jaubert), ein Name, der auch westlicher 
vorzukommen scheint, aber hier als „Gottes Standarte*: etendardt do 
Bon Diu (Favre; nach Labourasse heisst er etendard auch in Berry). 
Auch im Nordosten kennt man diesen Vergleich, so in Meuse, wo 
der Regenbogen bagnire heisst und wo man, wenn er am Himmel 
sichtbar ist. die Redensart hört: „La baynöre ost ton’due“ (eigentl. 
„la banniere est tenduc“, Labourasse). 

Dunkel erscheinen mir folgende Bezeichnungen: 

1. galanfer sm. „arc-en-ciel* in Savoyen (Const.-Desorn). und 
ärgälägi, ärgläfi, alafı etc. daselbst (Atl. ling.); arglianchı daselbst 
(Const.-Desorm.). Ein argalanchi (ibd.), welches wohl mit dem letzt- 
genannten identisch ist, hat man vielleicht mit den oben erwähnten 
ärkülan(o), regliano in Zusammenhang zu setzen; über ein chi für 
„ciel® vgl. chi, cheu, cil in dieser Bed. in der Schweiz, im Dep. 


78 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIII« 


Doubs etc. (Bridel, Tissot, Nedey). Demnach wäre arglianchi spez. 
der „Bogen am Himmel“. Eine Zusammenstellung von den im Atl. 
ling. belegten ärgälafı, ärg ft einerseits mit argalanchi uud argli- 
äncht und anderseits mit galanfer oben würde für die annahme 
eines „Höllenbogens* sprechen. Vgl. den Regenbogen als „Teufels- 
bogen“ (S. 62). 

2. kwizün a s& bärnäbe in Ain (Atl. ling.); wohl gleich kudzön 
(daselbst) eine Ableitung aus dem benachbarten krwä (s. oben). 

3. tfümbEls dö bo dy& (tsambäyd rüdze) in Puy-de-Döme 
(Atl. ling.). 

4. regösyäd (Atl. ling., Punkt 315). 


Donner, Blitz und Wetterleuchten. 


Richtige Vorstellungen vom Wesen dieser Himmelserscheinun- 
gen gehören einer neueren Zeit an, die sich mit der Elektrizi- 
tät vertraut gemacht hat. In früherer Zeit stellte man sich das 
sewitter als Spiel der Götter und geheimer Geister vor, und die- 
selben Vorstellungen kamen natürlich auch bei dem unwissenden 
Volke in Frankreich auf (vgl. oben S. 2... Der Donner, meinten 
(sriechen und Römer, entstehe durch das Rollen des Wagens, in 
dem der Göttervater über den Himmel fahre; vgl. bei Horaz die 
bekannte Strophe: „Tu gravi curru quaties Olympum* (Ode XI, 
Liber I). Diese Vorstellung von einem dahinrollenden Gotteswagen 
scheint sehr verbreitet zu sein (Grimm I., S. 138, II., S. 62) und lebt 
noch in Schweden und Finland fort (schwed. „gofar äker“, finn. 
„ukko ajaa vankkureillaan“). Auch denkt man sich gern den Don- 
ner durch Gottes Zorn hervorgerufen (vgl. folgende Redensarten: 
„use hergot kift“ in Westfalen. „draussen ist Gott, der zankt“ in 
Franken u. ähnl. bei Grimm I, S. 139). Bei den Esten setzt der 
zornige Gott dem Teufel nach, holt ihn ein und schmettert ihn nie- 
der, was den Donnerschlag erklärt (Aberglaube der Esten bei Grimm 
IIL, S. 490). In Frankreich sind diese Vorstellungen seltener, nur 
auf wallonischem Gebiete sagt man, der Zorn Gottes rufe den Don- 
ner hervor (Bulletin de folklore, II., p. 1). Gewöhnlicher sind hier 


BXILI, Donner, Blitz und Wetterleuchten. 79 


Vorstellungen ganz naiver, gemütlicher Art. So sagt man in Bigorre, 
wenn es donnert: „Gott schiebt Kegel“ !) (Rev. des trad. pop. XVIII, 
p. 373); in Bourgogne mutet man dasselbe den Engeln zu (ibd.). 
In Freiburg in der Schweiz heisst es: „Les apötres jouent aux quil- 
les“ (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. l. Suisse rom.). Auch die häus- 
lichen, wirtschaftlichen Beschäftigungen auf dem Lande werden 
bisweilen zum Vergleich herangezogen. So sagt man in Poitou: 
„Der liebe Gott rührt Erbsen um“ (Pineau, Le Folk-Lore du Poitou, 
p. 521),in Auvergne tut der Teufel dasselbe mit seinen Dekalitern 
Roggen (Rev. des trad. pop. V, p. 536) und schliesslich macht man 
die Kinder in Morvan mit den Worten aufmerksam: „Tiens, &coute 
ton grand-pere qui remue et te choisit des sabots!“ (Rev. des trad. 
pop. 1897, Superstitions et coutumes de l’Auxois). In den Alpes- 
Maritimes ist der Urheber des Donners keine höhere Macht, als ein 
gewisser „Baraban qui jette sa femme par la fenetre* (Rev. des 
trad. pop. 1894, p. 332), daher das Krachen. 

Auch der Blitz giebt zu ähnlichen phantastischen Vorstellun- 
gen Anlass, die sich, je nachlem man an das Einschlagen oder an 
das Aufleuchten denkt, verschieden gestalten. Wie z. B. die tela 
Jovis bei den Römern als Bezeichnungen der Blitze bekannt wa- 
ren, so hat das Volk überall in der Welt von „Pfeilen* (vgl. ital. 
sa)etta, saetta, sic. saitta, rum. gaet u. a. m, die auf sagıtta zurück- 
gehen, s. Göhri, S. 43), auch wohl von „Peitschen“, gesprochen, 
womit die himmlischen Mächte ihre Kämpfe geführt oder die Riesen 
verfolgt hätten 2). 

Betin Blitz, als rein optische Erscheinung betrachtet, dürfte 
im Volksglauben die Vorstellung von einem himmlischen Feuer, 
„Gottesfeuer* (vgl. Grimm III, S. 66), recht oft vorkommen, eine 
Vorstellung, die auch dem lat. ignes trisulci zugrunde liegt. 
009) Vgl. für „Donnern* auch folgende Redensarten aus Deutschland: 
„uns herr speelt kegeln“ und: „die Engel kegeln“ (Grimm III, S. 62). 

?) Vgl. bei den Esten die „glühende Eisenrute“, raudıits, womit der 
im Blitz erscheinende, strafende Gott züchtigt, in der preussischen Mytho- 
logie die Sage von „der blauen Peitsche“, womit der Teufel oder die Rie- 


sen im Himmel verfolgt werden, und den schwed. Thor, der die „Trolle 
schlägt“ (Grimm I, S. 148 und Ill, S. 65—63). 


BA1II« 


80 W.O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. 


Dieses Himmelsfeuer „feu du ciel“ oder „feu du temps“, wie 
es in Zentralfrankreich und einigen Gegenden der Schweiz !) (Jau- 
bert, de Chambure, Chabert und Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. 1. Suisse 
rom.) heisst, stellt sich das Volk verschieden vor. Es können Funken 
oder Flammen sein, die den Waffen der Götter entspringen (vgl. 
Grimm I, S. 149, UI, S. 66), oder, wie es im Wallonischen der Fall 
ist, Lichtstrahlen aus dem Paradiese, die beim Gewitter durch die 
Himmelsöffnung hindurchleuchten (Bullet. de Folk-Lore, III, p. 8). 
Auch sagt man scherzhaft in Hainaut: „Le bon dieu allume sa pipe“ 
(Rev. des trad. pop. VIII, p. 266). 

Wie aus den erwähnten Vorstellungen hervorgeht, wird der 
Donner vom Volke meist als eine ungefährliche Erscheinung ange- 
sehen. Der Blitz aber, mag er auch aus dem Paradiese kommen — 
in welchem Falle er unbedingt blendet (Bullet. de Folk-Lore t. III, 
ibd.) —, ist überall gefürchtet. 

Hieran knüpfen sich allerlei abergläubische Sitten, wobei die 
sogenannten Donnersteine eine wichtige Rolle spielen *. Diese Steine 
(Äxte, Hammer), mit denen Bräute und Leichen geweiht und Häu- 
ser vor dem Einschlagen geschützt wurden (vgl. Grimm I, S. 149 
—150), galten, auch in der Tasche getragen, als schützende Amu- 
lette (Mensignac, Superstition de la Gironde, p. 99), besonders wenn 
dazu noch Gebete gesprochen wurden (vgl. folgendes Gebet aus 
Plechätel in Ille-et Vilaine: „säte Bärb & söte Fler pär la krwa 
de mö Söveer kä le tüner tünera sete Bärb me gärderä“, Dottin- 
Langouät). Neben Sainte Barbe und Sainte Fleure wurden eine 
ganze Menge andere Heilige angebetet, so in Languedoc Santa He- 
lena und Santa Maria Madalena (Rev. des langues rom. t. IV, p. 
586). Ausser (sebeten kommen in einem katholischen Lande natür- 
lich auch Besprengungen mit Weihwasser und Bekreuzigungen bei 
jedem Blitz als bewährte Mittel gegen das Einschlagen vor (B£ronie). 


!) In der Schweiz auch „feu du tonnerre* (Mat. zu Gloss. des pat. d. |. 
Suisse rom.). 

2) Gefährlich ist es, einen solchen peiro de tron, wie der Donnerstein 
in der Provence heisst, in der Erde zu lassen; er kann sich nämlich wieder 
in die Wolken erheben und von neuem als Blitz herabzucken (Mstrl.). 


B XII, Donner, Blitz und Wetterleuchten. sl 


Abgesehen von der Gefahr, die mit dem Gewitter verbunden 
ist, gilt der Donner für die Landwirtschaft als bewährtes Wahrzei- 
chen. Da der Donner gewöhnlich nur in der warmen Jahreszeit 
vorzukommen pflegt, stimmt es nicht mit dem regelrechter. Gang 
der Natur überein, wenn man ihn auch in der kalten Jahreszeit 
wahrnimmt. Deshalb bedeutet Donner im Winter Kälte und schlechte 
Ernte für den Sommer: „Se toune su le boü nu, Vein de la nei su le 
boü follhu* (Bridel), d. h.: „Quand il tonne sur le bois nu, il neige sur 
le bois feuillu* (Odin), wie es in der Schweiz heisst. Ebenda: „Quand 
il tonne au mois de fevrier, il faut porter les tonneaux au grenier“ 
(Odin). Denselben Gedanken, hier aber mit speziellem Bezug auf 
das Öl. finden wir auch in folgendem Spruch aus dem Dep. Avey- 
ron: „Quond trouöno dins lou mes de febrie, Tout !’houöli claous 
dins un eulie“ (Vayssier), d. h. die ganze Ölernte schrumpft zu ei- 
nem Löffel zusammen. Noch im März will der Landmann nicht gern 
Donner hören: „Quand il tonne en mars, le fermier enrage“ heisst 
es deshalb in der Franche-Comte (Rev. des trad. pop. XIV, p. 179) 
und: „Quand il tonne au mois de mars, petits et grands doivent 
pleurer“* in der Schweiz (Odin, Bridel). Wohl etwas verächtlich 
drückt man es in Maine aus: Donner im März sei nur für Ochsen 
und Priester gut: „Quand il tonne en mars, Baufs et cures gras“ 
(Rev. des trad. pop. XXII, p. 111). In Ain (Commune Juyurieux) 
heisst es: „Kan & tonne du ma de Mä, on da kerä ela (doit. cerier 
belas); kan € tonne d’Avrı se fü rezoyi“. Auch aus Bearn habe ich 
einige Redensarten belegt, die nach derselben Richtung gehen: 
„Quand il tonne en Mars, le bonhomme dit: helas!“, denn der Don- 
ner im März ist besonders für die Weinlese verhängnisvoll. Man 
sagt nämlich daselbst: „@Quoand pele Marti, tremblatz tau bii“ 
(Lespy-Raynı.), was etwa bedeutet: „wenn März kracht, zittert für 
den Wein“ Vgl. pefar, peta „faire un pet, &clater avec bruit“ 
(Azais), bearn. pet de trou, gasc. pet de periyle „coup de tonnerre“ 
(lespy-Raym.), pelela „tonner“ (Granger) und jet nebst Zusammen- 
setzungen für „Donner“ bei Göhri, Blitz und Donner im Galloroman.. 
Ss. 52. (Auszug aus Revue de dialectologie romane IV.). Erst im 
April hört man den Donner gern: „Quand il toıne au mois d’avril, 


6 


» 


82 W. ©. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIIL« 


petits et grands doivent se rejouir“, sagt man gleich dem oben er- 
wähnten Beleg in Ain, auch in der Schweiz (Odin, Bridel), oder: 
„Quand il tonne en avril, le bonlionme se r&jouit“ in Bearn (Lespy- 
Raym.), und Gutes, besonders für die Weinlese, bedeutet Aprilgewit- 
ter auch in der Normandie: „Tonnerre en Avri Emplit le bari“ (Rev. 
des trad. pop. IV., p. 370—371). 

Wie aus diesen und ähnlichen Redensarten erhellt, ist die Rolle, 
die diese Naturerscheinungen im Volksglauben spielen, keineswegs ge- 
ring. Welche Vorstellungen sind es nun, die bei der Namengebung von 
Blitz und Donner massgebend gewesen sind? Die obenerwähnten Vor- 
stellungen von dem, was diese Erscheinungen eigentlich sind, beschäf- 
tigen zwar die Phantasie des Volkes, das über ihren (Grund nachzu- 
sinnen geneigt ist. Bei der Namengebung sind sie aber meistens, 
abgesehen von „Feuer“ als Blitz, allzu kompliziert, undeutlich und 
unbestimmt. Sind deshalb die Vorstellungen von dem, was diese 
Erscheinungen ihrem Wesen nach sind, für ihre Bezeichnung un- 
seeienet gewesen, so muss es näher liegen, die Vorstellungen von 
dem, wie sie erscheinen, bei ihrer Benennung heranzuziehen. 

Wie auch im Lat. dem fulgur, fulmen wahrscheinlich die 
Vorstellung von „flammen“, „strahlen“, „funkeln“ (vgl. bei Walde 
unter flagrare) zugrunde liegt, so ist auch im Gallo-Romanischen 
bei der Namengebung des Blitzes als optischer Erscheinung das 
„Leuchten“ desselben massgebend gewesen: daher bald ecla:r, bald 
Formen, die auf einen Stanım luc zurückgehen, bald solche, denen 
wahrscheinlich griech. Aaurd; zugrunde liegt, bald Ableituneen 
von allumer, bald schliesslich ein dunkler belet-Typus (vgl. näheres 
bei Göhri. Blitz und Donner im Gallorom.). Charakteristisch für die 
Erscheinung des Blitzes ist auch das plötzliche Hervorbrechen oder 
das Zerspalten der Wolken, worauf Bezeichnungen wie espart und 
eklit (ex-partir und afız. esclier > germ. slitan „spalten“*) hin- 
zuweisen scheinen (vgl. Göhri). 

Der Blitz als einschlagende Erscheinung ist im Gegensätze 
zum leuchtenden Blitz und krachenden Donner, wie Göhri richtig 
bemerkt, weniger sinnfällig. Man hört den Donner und sieht das 
Leuchten, das Einschlagen aber nimmt man erst an dem ange- 


BXIIL« Donner, Blitz und Wetterleuchiten. 33 


stifteten Schaden wahr. Kein Wunder deshalb, dass der einschla- 
vende Blitz keine selbständige Bezeichnungen hat, sondern mit Na- 
men benannt wird. denen bald Licht-, bald Krachvorstellungen zu- 
gerunde liegen. Der erstgenannten Vorstellung ist bekanntlich das 
über wanz Frankreich verbreitete foudre, afırz. fouldre (lat. fulgere 
pro fuleur) entsprungen, das mit dem lateinischen „hlitzen“ = 
„schimmern“, „leuchten“, in Verbindung steht. Die Krachvorstellun- 
gen wiederum haben Bezeichnungen hervorgerufen, wie frou, pet 
u. a. m. (vgl. näheres bei Göhri, S. +1), die sich eigentlich auf den 
Donner beziehen. Der einzige selbständige Ausdruck für spez. den 
„schlagenden“* Blitz ist vielleicht ein läaner, läaners bei Mstrl.. das 
auf ein Verbum lanceare zurückgeht (vel. oben tela Jovis). 

Der Donner erscheint „krachend“*, „brummend”, „klopfend” 
oder ähnlich und hat diesbezügliche Bezeichnungen hervorgerufen. 
Oder er wird mit „Gewitter“ identifiziert (vgl. den Typus harnu, 
hernu, dessen Ursprung jedoch dunkel bleibt). Des einschlagenden 
Blitzes wegen ist das Gewitter, wie wir oben sahen, auch sehr ge- 
fürchtet: der Donner kann demnach gleichbedeutend sein mit „Ge- 
fahr“ (vgl. oben pet de perigle). 

Über die Bezeichnungen von Blitz und Donner vel. sonst nä- 
heres bei Göhri; bier noch einiges über das Wetterleuchten. 

Die lat. Bezeichnungen dieser Lichterscheinung: fulgur, ful- 
gor, fulguratio und fulgetrum, denen wahrscheinlich, wie schon 
angedeutet. ein „Flammen“, „Schimmern“ zugrunde liegt, sind im 
(allo-Rom. nicht zu belegen. Vielleicht ist der Grund darin zu 
suchen, dass schon frühzeitig der Übergang von Lichterscheinung 
zu Schlagerscheinung stattgefunden hat, d. h. dass ein fuxldre 
foldre schon früh ausschliesslich für „Schlagblitz* angewandt wurde 
(vgl. schon im Rolandslied: „Chtedent ı fuildre et menut et suvent“, 
zit. von Göhri). Auch dürfte zu diesem Sachverhalt beigetragen ha- 
ben, dass das Verbum fulgere „schimmern“, „leuchten“ sich in den 
rom. Sprachen nicht beibehalten hat und somit die ursprüngliche 
Bedeutung nicht hat stützen können. 

Bei der Neuschöpfung von Bezeichnungen für diese Erschei- 
nung scheint das Volk in Frankreich sebr arm an charakteristischen 


84 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BXIII.« 


Vorstellungen gewesen zu sein!). Das Wetterleuchten ist ihm kurz- 
weg der (leuchtende) Blitz, was ja auch das deutsche, volksety- 
mologisch entstandene „Wetterleuchten“, mhd. weterleich (eig. „Wet- 
terspiel*) bedeutet. Einfach als „Blitz“ ist das in Saöne-et-Loire be- 
legte rlide („y eltde“, „i fait des &lides, mai i ne toune pas“), das so- 
wohl Fertiault als Guillemant mit „eclair de chaleur“ erklären, zu 
verstehen. Vgl. elid für „Blitz* in Saone-et-Loire, Cote-d’Or und 
Jura (Atl. ling... welches Göhri als eine Monophthongierung von 
elhöid aus *esluidier statt airz. eslordier „faire des Eclairs“ ableitet. 
und afrz. elider neben esloöder (Gdfr.). Kurzum „Blitz“ bedeutet es 
auch, wenn man (n. Azais) ein /ampa. lamperha anwendet für „faire 
des eclairs. pendant les nuits d’ete lorsqmil ne tonne pas” 
(Azais); vel. oben unter „Blitz“ griech. Aauras. 

Auf ein früheres afrz. espart, espairt für „eclair* (Gdfr.) aus 
espartir geht ein nfrz. epart „eclair de chaleur intermittent“ (HDT.) 
zurück. welches auch mundartlich an der Vendee-Küste anzutreffen 
ist (Atl. ling.). Ein epar „eelair sans tonnerre, &clair de chaleur* 
in Ille-et-Vilaine (lieeomte) ist wohl dasselbe Wort. 

kin ablet „eclair de chaleur dans les beaux jours de septem- 
bre“ in Marne“ (Tarbe) könnte vielleicht mit Formen wie ebelet, 
embelet. die im Süden „eclaiv® bedeuten (Azais, Mstrl.). in Zusam- 
menhane steben. 

Ausser diesen der Vorstellung vom Blitz als leuchtender Er- 
scheinung entlehnten Ausdrücken dürften die folgenden als mehr selb- 
ständige entstandene Bezeichnungen speziell des Wetterleuchtens anzu- 
sehen sein. Dieselbe Vorstellung von „erhellen*. die dem eclaır und 
den obenerwähnten Benennungen mit Ausnahme von Epart zugrunde 
liegt, findet sich auch hier als Grundvorstellune. Sagt man doch 
auch hie und da: „der Himmel erhellt sich“: „Litemps eclaire*, 
wenn „il se produit des &clairs sans bruit“ (l,abourasse). Auf eine 
Ableitung von exclariare, etwa ein *exelariciare, geht das im 


') „Einen prägnanten \usdruck für das „Wetterleuchten“ besitzt das 
frz. Vokabular nicht“ (Göhri, S. 4, Anm. 11). Über das Wetterleuchten als 


„Blüten“ auf dem Himmel vol. oben S. 12. 


BXIll« Donner, Blitz und Wetterleuchten. 85 


Süden belegte esclarsiado, escelarziado, „jet de lumiere a travers les 
nuages, &chappee de soleil; eclair de chaleur pendant la nuit* (Mstrl.), 
„eclat de lumiere subit et frequent qui se montre assez souvent en 
ete, la nuit pendant les grandes chaleurs“ (Avril), zurück. 

Vielleicht ein „brennen. anzünden“, mhd. lünden, hat man in 
dem in Meuse belegten elunde „eclair tres eloigne, non suivi de 
bruit a raison de la distance“ (Lahourasse) und dem V. elunder (*es- 
lundare gleich es-elariare, es-partir, es-lucidare) zu sehen; 
vgl. berner „Lichtblitz* in la Poutroi vom deutschen „Brenner“, 
welches W. nach dem Schweiz. Idiotikon V, 634 in der Bedeutung 
„Wetterleuchten“ in der Schweiz bekannt sein soll (Göhrl, SS. 35 
—36, Anm.). 

Das Wetterleuchten ist gewöhnlich nur bei grosser Hitze sicht- 
bar, was ja auch in dem schrittspr. eclair de chaleur und ital. „lampo 
di ealore* seinen Ausdruck gefunden hat !). Diese Vorstellung von 
erosser Wärme liegt unzweifelhaft folgender Bezeichnung des Wetter- 
leuchtens zugrunde, die sowohl auf spez. frz. als auch auf franko-prov. 
(rebiete weite Verbreitung gefunden zu haben scheint. Im Norden (Nor- 
mandie) calın „eclair de chaleur* (Joret). „se dit particulierement des 
eclairs qui en temps d’orage, se suceedent a V’horizon, sans ton- 
nerre“* (Moisy), „eelairs sans tonnerre qui se produisent apres une 
journee tres chande* (Verger), und das Verbum caliner „Taire des 
eelairs de chaleur* (Moisy, Verger). Nach Gdfr. in Bessin und Au- 
nis chalın auch „eclairs sans tonnerre*, bei Favre „eclair annoncant 
Porage*“. In der Vendee chalen „eclair phosphorescent* (Simonneau). 
In der Schweiz: /sal® „eclair non accomparne de tonnerre* und 
tsulena „faire des eEclairs sans tonnerre* (Odin), Zsalin, etsalın, tsa- 
lon. tsalonaya „eclair de chaleur* und Zsalona, etsalona (Mat. zu 
(loss. des pat. d. |. Suisse rom.). 

Diese Formen gehen wohl auf lat. ealigine (fsalon, tsalunuy,g 
vielleicht unter Einwirkung von lumen) zurück (s. oben S. 60), 
welches afrz. chalin, calm *obsewite* ergeben hat. Schon früh muss 


!) Kurzum mit „Hitz* bezeichnet man «das Wetterleuchten in der Ost- 
schweiz (Schweiz. Id. II, n. Göhri, S. 30., Anm. 3.). 


86 W. O. STRENG, Himmel u. Wetter. BALL. 


jedoch, wie oben angedeutet worden. zwischen diesem W. und afız. 
chaline, caline „chaleur* eine Kontamination stattgefunden haben. 
was um so leichter geschehen konnte, da ja einerseits Dunkel und 
Schwüle beim Gewitter zusammen aufzutreten pflegen; vgl. auch 
folgenden afız. Beleg für chalin: „Le tenps d’estee est chaud et les 
fyms sont chauldz et le sabloun est chaud, et qant les III chalyns 
vignent ensemble, pur le grant chalour. si enflestrent les hleez apres 
la Saint .Johan“ (XIII se. bei Gdir.).. Anderseits kommt chaline 
(< calina, dessen Zusammenhang mit calere klar liegt) auch für 
„Wetterleuchten* vor, — der älteste Beleg stammt nach Gdir. vom 
Jahre 1588; nach Favre chalines in Zentralfr. „eclairs que l’on voit 
a P’horizon. sans quwil y ait apparence d’orage* — und beide. «haline 
wie chalin, werden auch für „tonnerre“ gebraucht (vgl. Göhri. S. 30, 
Anm. 2), alles Umstände, die darauf hindeuten, dass beide Formen 
einander beeinflusst haben müssen, und zwar fiel bei der Namenge- 
bung des Wetterleuchtens das Übergewicht auf chaline, dessen 
Grundbedeutung „chaleur* dem Wetterleuchten doch näher stand 
als „brouillard“ und „obscurite“. Dass auf die obenerwähnten For- 
men tsalin, tsalona aus der Schweiz die Vorstellung „Hitze“ be- 
deutend hat einwirken nıüssen, wäre man geneigt, auch daraus zu 
schliessen. dass für „heisses Wetter“ Ausdrücke zu belegen sind, 
die der Form nach den ebengenannten gleichkommen (Mat. zu Gloss. 
des pat. d. I. Suisse rom.). 

Dunkel erscheinen mir splaner „faire des &elairs sans quil 
tonne“ in Malmedy (Grgg.) und 3 nioaydzo „il fait des Eclairs de cha- 
leur“ in C'häble (Göhri, S. 13.. Anm. 1.). Eine Redensart „eul temps 
aroute* (ai-oute) für „der Himmel wetterleuchtet“ „dans les soirees 
de juillet et. surtout d’aont“ in Foret-de-Clairvaux (Baudouin) ist 
vielleicht einfach als „le temps s’aoüte* etwa „der Himmel reift“, 
(vgl. oben „der Himmel blüht“) zu verstehen. 


QUELLENVERZEICHNIS. 


Folkloristisches.') 


1. Allgemeines: 


_ Revue des traditions populaires. — Melusine. Reeneil de myt- 
hologie, litterature populaire, traditions et usages. — Bulletin de Folk- 
Lore. — Grimm: Deutsche Mythologie. — „Am Ur-Quell.“ Monats- 
schrift für Volkskunde. — P. Scbillot: Legendes, erovences et su- 


perstitions «de Ja mer, 11. 1886. — G. Paris: Le petit poueet et la 


vrande Ourse, 1875. 


II. Örtlich beschränktes: 


Bulletin de la societe hiegeoise de litterature wallonne, Die serie. 
— Monseur: Le Folk-Lore wallon. — Meyrae: Traditions, contu- 
nes, Iegendes et contes des Ardennes. Charleville 1890. — Bonnier: 


Proverbes de Templeuve (Forschungen zur rom. Phil., Festgabe für 


H. Suchier). — Sauve: Le Folk-Lore des Hantes-Vores. — Prover- 
bes de Blonay (Odin, Glossaire du pat. de Blonay). — Cornu: Chants 
et contes populaires de Ja Gruyere (Romania 1875). — Quelques die- 


tons. et proverbes de Saint-Maurice-de-VExil (Rev. des langues ronm. 
1902). — Casse-Chaminade: Vieilles chansons patoises du Peri- 
gord (Rev. de phil. fr. et de litt. 1903). — Roux: Prouverbes bas- 
lemouzis (Z. f. rom. Phil. 1882). — Lespy: Proverbes de Be&arn. — 


Blade: Proverbes et devinettes populaires recemeillies dans l’Armagnac 


*) Ganz gelegentliche, im Laule der Arbeit ausführlich angeführte 
Werke sind bier nicht verzeichnet. 


88 


et "’Agenais, 18579. — Saint-Mare: Traditions, proverbes et dietons 
poitevins (Bulletin de la soc. de statistique, sciences, lettres et arts du 
dep. des Deux-Sevres, oet.—dee. 1890). — Pineau: Le Folk-Lure 


du Poitou. 


Linguistisches. 
I. Allgemeines: 


Passow: Griechisch-deutsches Wörterbuch. Leipzir 1828. — 


Georges: Ausführliches lateinisches Handwörterbuch. Leipzig 1879. 


— Walde: Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch.  Heidelberz 
1906. — Du Cangre: Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis. Niort 


1883 (DC.). — Körting: Lateinisch-Romanisches Wörterbuch. Parder- 
born 1901. — Meyer-Lübke: Roman. etymol. Wörterbuch. Heidelberz 
1911 — 1913. -—- Nyrop: Grammaire historiqne de la langue francaise. 
I— IV. Copenhague 1899-—1913. — Godefrogy: Dietionnaire «de lan- 
eienne langue francaise et de tous ses dialeetes du IX" au XV° sieele. 
Paris 1880—1902 (Gdfr.). — Hatzfeld-Darmesteter-Thomas: 
Dietionnaire general de Ja langue francaise,. I—Il. (HDT.). - - Littr+: 


14. 


Dietionnaire de la lanwue franeaise. Parıs 1873 


II. Mundartliche Quellen. 


Revue des patois gallo-romans. -— Romanische Forschungen. — 
Romania. — Zeitschrift für rom. Philologie. — Revue de philologie 
francaise et prov. — Revue de dialeetologie romane. - - Revue (les 
langues romanes. — Revue (des parlers populaires. — Bulletin (le la 
societ® des parlers de France. - - Zeitschr. für französ. Sprache und 


Mıstral: 


Litteratur. — Atlas lingnistique de Ja France. (Atl. linge.). 
Lou tresor don Felibrige, 1 II. (Mstrl). — Levy: Provenzalisches 
Supplementwörterbuch, Leipzig 1894. -— Raynouard: Lexique roman. 
1838 — 1844. — Creseini: Manualetto provenzale. 1905. — Honnorat: 
Dietionnaire provenval-francais, Digene 1846—1848. — Piat: Diction- 
naire francais-oceitanien. Montpellier 1893. — Azais: Dietionnaire des 


idiomes romans du midi de la France. Montpellier 1877--1881. 


39 


A. Provenzalische Mundarten: 
l. Gascogne: 


Moncaut(?): Glossaire des mots (des divers dialeetes gascons, bear- 
nais, bordelais ete. Bordeaux 1873. — Genac-Moncaut: Dietionnaire 
gascon-francais. Paris 1863. — Lespy-Raymond: Dictionnaire becar- 
nais ancien et moderne. Montpellier 1887. — Mitteilungen aus Perigord, 


von Prof. E. Granzer (Paris. L.ve@ee Montaiene). 
> & . ku) 4 


2. Languedoc: 


D'’Hombres-Charvet: Dietion. langruedocien-francais. Alais 
1884. — Vavssier: Dietion. patois-francais «lu departement de l’Avey- 
ron. Rodez 1879. 


3. Provence: 


James Andrews: Vocabulaire francais-mentonais. Nice 1877. 
— Andrews: Phonctique mentonaise (Romania, 1887). — And- 
rews: Essai de wrammaire du dial. mentonais avec quelques contes, 
chansons et musique du pays. Nice 1875. — T. Avril: Dictionnaire 
provencal-franeais. Apt 1839. — Garnier: Deux patois des Alpes- 
Maritimes italiennes. — J. Eynandi: Lon dialete nicard. Niva 1903. — 
Calvino: Nouveau dietionnaire nieois-francals. Nice 1905. — L. Süt- 
terlin: Die hentire Mundart von Nizza. (Roman. Forschungen, 


Bd. IX). 


4. Dauphine: 


A. Devaux: Essai sur Ja laugue vulgaire du Dauphine scpten- 
trional au moyen üge. Paris, Lyon 1892. — F. N. Nieollet: Ori- 
gine des noms geographiques Je notre region (Bulletin de la societe 
d’etudes des Haute3-Alpes, XIV). — P. Meyer: Remarques sur le 
patois de la vallee de VÜbaye. — A. Dumas: Le provencal et le 
Haut-Alpin. Des eonsonnes intervocaliqnes (Bulletin d. 1. societe d’etu- 
des des Hautes-Alpes, XI. 1892). — D. Martin: Le patois de Lalle 
en Bas-Champsaur (Bulletin «(le la Socicte d’etudes des Hautes-Alpes, 
1907-—-1909). — Chabrand-de Rochas: Patois (es Alpes Cottien- 


nes et en particulier du Queyras. 1877. 


“© 


5. Auvergne: 


Ch. Gucrlin de Guer: Materiaux pour un lexique du parler 
populaire de Mons-la-Tour (Haute-Loire) in Rev. de phı. fr. et. de litt. 
25. 1911. — Albert Dauzat: Ftudes linguistiques sur la Basse- 
Auvergne; Phonrtique historique «du patois de Vinzelles (Puy-de-Döme). 


Paris 1897. 
6. Limousin: 


Beronie: Diction. du patois du Bas-Limousin (Correze) et plus 


partieulierement des environs de Tulle. 


B. Franko: prorenzalische Mundarten: 


1. Isere: 
Champollion-Figeae: Nouvelles recherches sur les patois ou 


idiomes vulgaires de la France et en partieulier sur ceux du dep de 


l’Isere. 

2. Lyon: 

N. Puitspelu: Un conte en patois Iyonnais «lu commencement 
du siecle. (Rev. des patois, 1. 1887). — N. Puitspelu: Dictionnaire 
etymologique du patois Jvonnais. Lyon 1887—90. — Saincan: Ety- 
mologies Iyonnaises (Rev. de phil. fr. et de htt. 22. 1908). — A. 


Vachet: Glossaire des Gones de Lyon. Lyon 1907. — J. M. Ville- 
franche: Essai de grammaire du pat. Iyonnais. Bourg 1891. — 
Chabert: Patois «de la Commune de Letra (Rev. des patois, 1883). 
Edouard Philipon: Patois de Ja commune de Jujurieux (departe- 
ment de l’Ain). Paris 1892. — Philipon: Le patois de Saint-Genis- 
Les-Ollieres et le dial. Iyonnais (Rev. des pat., 1-1). — A. Deresse: 
Dictionnaire etymologique «du patois Beaujolais (Bullet. de la Societe 
des Sciences et Arts du Beaujolais. WVillefranche 1907. — A. De- 
resse: Vocabulaire du patois de Villefranche-sur-Saöne (Rev. de phil. 


fr. et de Hitt., XAV). 


3. Savoie: 

A. Constantin — J. Desormaux: Dietionnaire savoyard. Paris, 
Annecy 1902. --- P. Brachet: Diction. du patois savoyard tel qu'il 
est parl® dans le canton d’Albertville. 1889. 


91 


4. Franche-Comte: 


F. Richenet: Le patois de petit-Noir, canton de Chemin (Jura). 
Döle 1896. — Grosjean-Briot: Glossaire du patois (le Chaussin. 
Lons-le-Saunier 1901. — Cledat: Le patois de Coligny et de S:t Amour 
(Revue des patois, 1. 1887). — F. Boillot: Le patois de la commune 
de Ja Grand’Combe (Doubs). Paris 1910. — Perron: Broye-les-Pesmes. 
Histoire, statistique, Jangasre (Mem. de la societe d’Emulation du Doubs, 
1888). — J. Tissot: Le patois des Fonrgs (Arrondissement de Pon- 
tarher, Departement du Doubs). Paris 1869. — Ch. Contejean: 
Glossaire du patois de Mentbeliard. Montbeliard 1876. -— Ch. Rous- 
sey: Glossaire «u parler hbournois (Canton d’Isle-sur-le-Doubs, arrond. 
de Baume-les-Dames) Paris 1894. — A. Gucrinot: WVocahulaire 
phonetique des principaux termes «du patois en usare aux environs de 
Baume-les-Dames. 1901? — Neüdey: Patois de Sancey (Rev. de phil. 
franeaise et de Jitterature, XL, XII, XIV). — F. V. Poulet: Essai 


d'un vocabulaire etymologique du patois de Plancher-les-Mines (Haute- 


Saöne). Paris 1878. — Grammont: Le patois de la Franche-Mon- 
taene et en partieulier de Damprichard. Paris 1892. — J. Theve- 


nin: Monographie An patois de Vaudioux. Lons-le-Saunier 1898. 


3. Französische Schweiz: 


Bridel: Glossaire du patois de la Suisse romande. Lausanne 
1866. (Memoires et «documents publies par la Soc. d’histoire de la Suisse 
romande. Tome XX]). - L. Gauchat: Le patois de Dompierre (Z. 
f. rom. Phil. 1890). — Fankhauser: Das Patois von d’Dliez (Rev. 
de «dialeetolowie romane, 1910). — Bulletin du glossaire des patois de 
la Suisse romande. - - Materialien zu „Glossaire des patois Je la Suisse 
romande®. — J. Humbert: Nouveau glossaire genevois, Gencve 1852. 


— J. Gillieron: Patois de la commune de WVionnaz (Bas-Valais). 


Paris 1880. — L. Odin: Glossaire du patois de Blonay. Lausanne 
1910. — A. Byland: Das Patois der „Mölanges Vandois* Lonis 


Favrat's (Z. f. frz. Spr. u. Litt. 25. 1903). 


6. Italien: 


J. B. Cerlogne: Dictionnaire du patois valdotain precede de 


la petite erammaire. Aoste 190%. 


92 


CU. Französische Mundarten. 


l. Südosten: 

Mixnard: Vovrabulaire raisonne et compare du dialeete et Au 
patois de Ja provinee de Bourgogne. Paris & Dijon 1870. — Cunis- 
set-Carnot: Vocables dijonnais. Paris-Dijon 1889. — F. Fertiault: 
Dietionnaire du lanzage populaire verduno-chalonnais (Saone-et-Loire). 
Paris 1896. — De Chambure: Glossaire du Morvan. Paris-Autun 
1878. — Choussy: Le patois bourbonnais. Moulins 1908. — L. 
(Guillemaut: Dietionnaire patois de la Bresse louhannaise. Louhans 
1894— 1902. -- Rabiet: Le patois de Bonrberain (Rev. «es pat. 


vallo-rom. 1, I). 


2. Orleans und Berry: 
Jaubert: (rlossaire du centre de la Franee. I—-1l. 1855. — 
Adrien Thibault: Glossaire «lm pavs blaisois, Blois et Orleans 


1892. 


% 


3. Südwesten: 

Lalanne: Glossaire du patois poitevin (Memoires de Ja Societe 
des antiqnaires de NV’Ouest. Tome XXXI. — L. Favre: Glossaire 
du Poitou. de la Saintonge et de l’Aunis. Niort 1867. — P. Jonain: 
Dietionnaire du patois saintongeais (Samtonge centrale: Gemozar, Cozes. 
Pons, Jonzaec). 1869. — Fourgeaud: Patois de Puybarraud (C'ha- 


rente) (Rev. «es pat. gallo-rom. 2, 9). 


4. Westen: 
A. Brachet: Vocabulaire Touranzeau (Romania I. 1872). — Dot- 
tin: Glossaire du Bas-Maine. Paris 1899. - - Simonneau: Üossaire 


du patois de L’De d’Elle (Rev. d. Ph. fr. et prov., I—IID. — CR. de 
Montesson: Vorabulaire du Haut-Maine. 1859. — Verrier-Onillon: 
Glossaire etymologique et historiqgue du patois de V’Anjou, Angers 1908. 
— Dottin-Langouet: Glossaire du parler de Plechätel.  Reunes- 


Paris 1901. 


». Normandie: 
H. Moisy: Dictionnaire du patois normand (region eentrale de la 


Normandie). Caen 1887. -— Moisv: Glossaire comparatit anglonor- 


93 


mand. Caen 1889. — Robin, Prevost, Passy etc: Dietiounaire 
du pat. normand. 1882. — Verger: Supplement au „dietionnaire du 
patois normand en usage dans le d@p. de V’Eure* de Robin, Prevost ete., 
Rouen 1901. — A. Delbonlle: Glossaire de la Vallce d’Yeres pour 
servir Aa lintelligenee du dialeete haut-normand. Havre 1876. — 


Joret: Essai sur Je patois normand du Bessin. arı == 
J t: E S le pat lIdu B Paris 1881 


Joret: Melanges Je phonctique normande. Paris 1884. — Le- 
eomte: Le parler Dolois. Paris 1910. —- Jean Fleury: Essai sur 
le patois normand de Ja Hamue. Paris 1886. — Guerlin de Guer: 


Rustica vocabula qua ratione in qninquazinta normanniae inferioris vicos 


distribuantur. Paris 1902. 


b. LDle-de-France: 


C. Puichaud: Dietionnaire du patois du Bas-Gätinais (Rev. de 


phil. fr. et prov. VII). 


=] 


Champagne: 


P. Tarbe: Rechercehes sur l'histoire du langage et des patois 
de Champagne. I—-II. Reims 1851. — N. Goffart: Glossaire du 
Mouzonnais (Revuc de Champagne et de Brie, 2:e serie, VII—XI) — 
A. Baudouin: Glossaire du patois de la Fort de Clairvaux. Troyes 
1886. — Guerinot: Notes sur le parler de Messon (Rev. de phil. fr. 
et de Jitt. NATIIT—AATV). 


8. Lorraine: 


Labourasse: Glossaire abrege du patois de la Meuse notam- 


ment de celui des Vouthons. 1887. — Vautherin: Glossaire du parler 
du Chätenois, Belfort 1896. — A. Dion: Patois de Lachaussce (Mouse) 
(Rev. des patois gallo-rom. IV). — J. Hingre: Vocabulaire complet 


du patois Jde Ja Bresse (Bulletin de la societe philomatique vosgienne, 
28—35 annces. 1902 —1911). — E. Rolland: Vocabulaire «lu patois 


du pays messin, tel qu'il est actuellement parle a Remilly. (Romania, 


II. 1873, V. 1876). — Lorrain: Glossaire du patois messin. Nancy 
1876. — Horning: Die Mundart von Tannois (Zeitschr. f. rom. Phil. 


16. 1892). — Horning: Zur Kunde der roman. Dialekte der Vogesen 


94 


und Lothringens (Zeitschr. f. ron. Phil. 9). — M. Haillant: Essai 
sur un patois vosgien, Dietionnaire phonetique et etyvmolorique. Epinal 


1886. 


9. Weallonie: 
Ch. Grandgagnazxe: Dietionnaire de la lJanwue wall. 1845. 
(Greg.) -- Remacle: Dietionnaire wallon-francais., Il el. (Rmel.), 


— Niederländer: Die Mundart von Namur (Zeitschr. f. rom. Phil. 


24). — A. Horning: Zur Kunde des Neuwäallonischen (Zeitschr. f. 
rom. Phil. 1885). — Horniny: Zur wallonischen Lautlehre (2. f. 
rom. Phil. 1888). — Zeligzon: Aus Jder Wallonie; Glossar über (die 


Mundart von Malmedy (Zeitschr. f. rom. Phil. 18). — Zeliyzon: Di« 
frz. Mundart in der preussischen Wallonie (Z. f. rom. Phil. 1893). — 
Pirsoul: Dietionnaire wallon-francais (Dial. Namurois). Malines 1902 
— 1903. — P. Marchot: Phonologie detaillee d'un patois wallon 
(Saint-Hubert dans la province de Luxembourg, dans larrondissement 
de Neufehäteau). Paris 1892. — Marchot: Patois de Saint-Hubert 
(Revuc de phil. fr. et prov. IV). — Boclinville, Bovy, Doutre- 


pont, Haust etc.: Melanges wallons, Titge 1892, 


10. Picardie: 

Haignere: Le patois boulonnais compare avec les patois du 
Nord de la France, Boulogne-sur-Mer 1903. — E. Deseille: Glos- 
saire du patois des matelots boulonnais, Paris 1884. -— J. Corblet: 


Glossaire &tymologique et comparatif du patois picard, ancien et mo- 


derne, Paris 1851. — Louis Vermesse: Dictionnaire du patois Je 
la Flandere francaise, Douai 186%. — Ed. Edmont: Lexique saint- 
polois. Saint-Pol, Macon 1897. — A. Liedieu: Monographie d’un 


bonrg pieard. Paris 1893. — 


Ortschaft unbekannt: 


Camelat: Le patois d’Arreos (Rev. Jes pat. gallo-rom. IV). 


Inhalt. 


Vorwort ne ie ar ee te 
Himmel. Wettervoraussage. Religiöse Vorstellungen. Farbe 


Sonne. 


Mond. 


Sterne. 


und Form (5--6). Namengebung (7—9). Der 
Himmel klärt sich auf (10). Bewölkter Hinmel, 
Verschiedenartiges Gewölk ( 11-—13). Personifizie- 
rung des Himmels (13 —14). Ep 
Entstehung. Personifizierung und Form (15—17). 
Wettervoraussage (18—20). Sonnenschein in Ver- 
bindung mit Regen; Sonnenfinsternis (21—23). 
Namengebung (23 —24). Auf- und Untergang der 
Sonne und Tagesanbruch (25—26). . 
Ursprung und Wesen, Personifizierung, Mann im 
Monde (27-29). Einfluss auf Menschen- und Na- 
turleben (29—33). Namengebung (33 —35).. 
Einfluss der Sterne aufs Menschenleben, ihr Ur- 
sprung und Wesen (36—37). Sterne im allgemei- 
nen, Namengebung (38). Einzelne Sterne: Polar- 
stern und Venus (38—39). Sterngruppen: grosser 
Bär (39—42), Orion (42—43), Plejaden (43 —45). 


Milchstrasse. Verschiedene Vorstellungen: „Kreis“, „Weg“ 


(45 —48), „Netz“ (48), „Baum“ (49—50), „Wind- 
fuss“, „Bach“ (50) u. dgl. und entsprechende Be- 
zeichnungen . 


Seite. 
1—4. 
5—14. 
15 —26. 
27—35. 
36—45. 
45—50. 


Dyos 


Wolken. Wettervoraussage auf (Grund von Farbe, Rich- 
tung, Form und Schnelligkeit der Wolken (51—52). 
Substanz der Wolken und Namengebung (52—61). 
Farbe der Wolken (61); Form der Wolken und 
diesbezügliche Namengebung (61--69). 

Regenbogen. Aberglauben (65—70). Wettervoraussage (70). 
Form und Glanz des Regenbogens und Bezeichnun- 
gen danach (71—77). Farbenpracht und diesbe- 
züeliche Namengebung (77). Dunkle Benennun- 
gen (78). a u ee 

Donner, Blitz und Wetterleuchten. Donner und Blitz in der 
Volksvorstellung (78—80). Abergläubische Sitten 
(SV). Gewitter als Wahrzeichen (SI). Namenge- 
bung (82—83). Wetterleuchten und seine Bezeich- 
nuneen (83—86). 


Quellenverzeichnis 


Seite. 


51—68. 
68— 78. 
78— 86. 
87- 94. 


Endergebnisse. Nachträge und Wörterverzeicbnis hoffe ich 


später. iin Anschluss an II. Wettererscheinungen, geben zu können. 


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